\l 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


AMERICAN    HISTORY 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NKW  YORK   •    BOSTON   •    CHICAGO  •    DALLAS 
ATLANTA  •    SAN    FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LIMITED 

LONDON   •    BOMBAY  •    CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  LTD. 

TORONTO 


GEOROE  WASHINGTON 


AMERICAN  HISTORY 

For  Use  in  Secondary  Schools 


BY 


ROSCOE    LEWISrASHLEY 

AUTHOR    OK   "THE  AMERICAN    FEDERAL    STATE," 
"AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT,"   ETC. 


REVISED  EDITION 


fforfe 
THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

LONDON  :    MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 

1918 
All  rights  reserved 


COHYRIGHT,    1907, 

BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


COPYRIGHT,  1914, 
Bv  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  uo  and  electrotype^      Published  June,  1507.     Reprinted 
Sept-mber,  1907;   November   1908;  October,  1909;  May, 
October,  1910:  July,  1911;  January,  August,  1912. 

Revised  Ediiion,  May,  1914,  January,  1915;  January, 
December,  iyi6;  January,  September,  1917. 


XortoooB 

J.  8.  Cushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


77*. 


PREFACE 

IN  this  volume  the  author  has  treated  the  topics  and 

££  suggested  the  methods  that  he  has  found  most  satisfactory 

£2  with  his  own  classes.     As  the  development  of  the  nation 

>-  has  been  the  main  theme,  many  subjects  often  treated  in 

j<  high  school  texts  have  been  discarded  as  non-essential. 

£2  Many   others    not    connected    closely   with   our   national 

development  have  been  of  sufficient  interest  or  importance 

to  receive  attention  in   separate  chapters.      In  order  to 

make  as  clear  as  possible  the  general  course  of  American 

development  and  to  explain  the  character  of  the  principal 

movement  within  each  short  period  of  the  nation's  life, 

the  subjects  have  been  grouped  under  topical  heads.     The 

author  has  hoped  to  indicate  by  this  means  the  relation 

of  each  historical  change  to  the  movement  of  the  times 

Sand  the  relation  of  this  smaller  movement  to  the  larger 

^phases  of  our  development  which  are  given  in  the  chapters. 

The  author  regrets  that  in  the  preparation  of  this  book 

Ohe  has  not  been  able  to  consult  the  later  volumes  of  The 

^American   Nation  and   cannot  give   references   to  these 

volumes.     He  wishes  to  express  to  Messrs.  Harper  and 

Brothers  his  appreciation  for  the  opportunity  to  examine 

proofs  of  two  of  these  volumes,  and  to  Messrs.  Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Company  for  the  use  of  two  maps  from  Winsor's 

Narrative  and   Critical  History   of  America.      He  takes 

pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  many  helpful  suggestions 

cr»  and  criticisms  offered  by  President  Kendric  C.  Babcock 

=jj  of  the  University  of  Arizona,  Mr.  Haven  W.  Edwards  of 

£g  the   Redlands  High  School,  and  Miss  Anna  V.  McNair 

c  of  the  Pasadena  High  School. 


PASADENA,  CALIFORNI 
April,  1907. 


£88577 


PREFACE   FOR   REVISED    EDITION 

IN  this  revision  minor  changes  have  been  made  in  various 
parts  of  the  book,  and  the  treatment  of  the  last  quarter 
century  has  been  entirely  rewritten.  A  consecutive  account 
is  given  of  the  most  important  events  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, and  full  recognition  is  given  to  important  recent  move- 
ments, political,  economic,  and  social. 

PASADENA,  CALIFORNIA, 
February,  1914. 


SUGGESTIONS 

ON  account  of  the  limited  time  at  the  disposal  of  high 
school  pupils,  the  marginal  refe'rences  have  been  selected 
with  care.  Most  of  them  will  be  found  in  the  average 
public  library,  and  a  fair  proportion  in  the  ordinary  high 
school  library.  Many  of  the  groups  of  marginal  refer- 
ences can  be  used  for  topics  to  supplement  the  lists  given 
at  the  ends  of  the  chapters. 

The  following  lists  of  books  will  probably  be  found  most 
useful  in  connection  with  this  text.  As  duplicates  are 
always  more  useful  for  class  use  than  even  a  large  number 
of  titles,  a  large  high  school  library  would  probably  con- 
tain a  much  larger  number  of  books  from  the  first  and 
second  lists  than  from  the  third. 

I.    A   SMALL  LIBRARY 

One  or  more  copies  of  each  of  the  following :  — 
Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  VII. 
COMAN,  Industrial  History  of  the  United  States, 

MACDONALD,  Select  Documents  of  United  States  History  (1776-1861). 
BURGESS,  Middle  Period. 
DODGE,  Bird's  Eye  View  of  the  Civil  War. 
HART  (ed.),  American  History  told  by  Contemporaries,  Vol.  IV. 
American  History  Leaflets,  Nos.  4,  5,  23,  30. 

II.    A   MEDIUM-SIZED   LIBRARY 

Selected  from  the  books  given  above  and  the  following:  -— 
Epochs  of  American  History,  3  volumes. 
CHANNING  AND  HART,  Guide  to  American  History. 
MACDONALD,  Select  Charters  Illustrative  of  American  History. 
MACDONALD,  Select  Statutes  of  United  States  History. 
THE  AMERICAN  NATION  :  — 

BOURNE,  Spain  in  America. 

ANDREWS,  Colonial  Self- Government. 


viii  Suggestions 

HOWARD,  Preliminaries  of  the  Revolution. 

VAN  TYNE,  The  American  Revolution. 

MCLAUGHLIN,  Confederation  and  the  Constitution. 

TURNER,  Rise  of  the  New  West. 

HART,  Abolition  and  Slavery. 
CHANNING,  History  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  I. 
PARKMAN,  Struggle  for  a  Continent. 
FJSKE,  Critical  Period  of  American  History. 
ASHLEY,  American  Federal  Stale. 
HART,  Actual  Government. 

HART  (ed.),  American  History  told  by  Contemporaries,  4  volumes. 
American  History  Leaflets. 
Old  South  Leaflets. 

DEWEY,  Financial  History  of  the  United  States. 
FOSTER,  A  Century  of  American  Diplomacy. 
JOHNSTON,  American  Political  History,  2  volumes. 
BURGESS,  Middle  Period. 

BURGESS,  Civil  War  and  the  Constitution,  Vol.  I. 
STANWOOD,  History  of  the  Presidency. 
ANDREWS,  The  United  States  in  our  Chun  Time. 
LARNED  (ed.),  History  for  Ready  Reference,  Vol.  VL 
ELSON,  History  of  the  United  States. 

III.    A  LARGE  LIBRARY 

Selected  from  the  books  given  above  and  the  following :  — 

WlNSOR,  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  8  volumes. 
*The  American  Nation,  rest  of  the  27  volumes. 
*FlSKE,  13  volumes  on  American  history. 
*SEMPLE,  American  History  and  its  Geographic  Conditions. 

BRIGHAM,  Geographic  Influences  in  American  History. 

OGG,  Opening  of  the  Alississippi. 

EGGLESTON,  Beginners  of  a  Nation. 

FROTHINGHAM,  Rise  of  the  Republic. 

LODGE,  Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies. 

DOYLE,  English  Colonies,  5  volumes. 

JOHNSTON  ( WOODBURN)  (eds.),  American  Eloquence,  4  volumes. 

ROOSEVELT,  Winning  of  the  West,  4  volumes. 
*TAUSSIG,  Tariff  History  of  the  United  States. 

SCHOULER,  History  of  the  United  States  (1783-1865),  6  volumes. 
•McMASTER,  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States  (1783-1860) 
7  volumes  published. 

WHITE,  Money  and  Banking. 

*RHODES,  History  of  the  United  States  since  the  Compromise  o 
7  volumes. 


Suggestions  ix 

American  Statesmen  Series;  especially  volumes  on  Franklin,  *Wash- 

ington,    *Hamilton,    *Webster,    *Clay,    *Calhoun,    Lincoln, 

Benton,  Chase,  Seward,  and  Elaine. 
American    Commonwealth   Series;    especially  volumes  on  Virginia, 

Maryland,  Connecticut,  Missouri,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Texas, 

Louisiana,  and  Kansas. 

LARNED,  History  for  Ready  Reference,  6  volumes. 
*SPARKS,  Expansion  of  the  United  States. 
ELAINE,  Twenty  Years  of  Congress. 
Cox,  Three  Decades  of  Federal  Legislation. 
BURGESS,  Civil  War  and  the  Constitution,  Vol.  II. 
JOHNSON,  War  of  Secession. 

WOOD-EDMUNDS,  Civil  War  in  the  United  States. 
Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War,  4  volumes. 
BURGESS,  Reconstruction  and  the  Constitution. 
FOSTER,  American  Diplomacy  in  the  Orient. 
JOHNSON,  American  Railway  Transportation. 

Those  starred  in  this  list  should  be  included  in  list  II  if  possible. 


CONTENTS 
PART  I 

THE   COLONIAL  PERIOD  (1492-1763) 

CHAPTER   I 

CONDITIONS  AFFECTING  COLONIZATION   IN 
AMERICA.    1-23 

SECTION  PAGB 

1.  Introduction I 

Geographical  Conditions : 

2.  Geography  and  Amjrican  colonization       ....  2 

3.  Climate  and  rainfall   .         .......  3 

4.  Natural  resources       ...         .         .         .         .         .  5 

5.  Geographical  divisions  of  the  United  States       ...  7 

6.  Influence  of  geography  on  English  colonization          .         .  8 

7.  Geographical  advantages  of  the  French  colonies         .         .  IO 

The  North  American  Indian  : 

8.  The  Indian  tribes       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .II 

9.  Life  and  character  of  the  Indians       .....       13 

10.  General  relations  of  Indians  and  Whites    ....       14 

11.  Help  given  to  the  English  by  the  Indians .         ...       15 

12.  Results  of  Indian  wars .16 

Europe  during  the  Fifteenth  Century: 

13.  Connection  between  the  history  of  Europe  and  America  .  17 

14.  Political  Europe  after  1450 18 

15.  Trade  with  the  East  before  1475 19 

1 6.  Search  for  new  sea  routes  to  India  .         .         .  20 

17.  Summary    .        ....        ."       .        .        .        .21 

CHAPTER  II 

THE  FIRST  CENTURY    (1492-1600).    24-39 

The  Discovery  of  a  New  World : 

1 8.  Preparation  of  Columbus   .        .         .        ,         •   -    •        °      24 

19.  Columbus's  first  voyage  „        ,        ,        .        •        c      25 


xii  Contents 

SECTION  MGB 

20.  The  Pope's  division  of  the  earth        .        .        .        .         .26 

21.  Later  voyages  of  Columbus        ......  27 

22.  The  Cabots 28 

23.  Vespucius  and  the  naming  of  America       ....  29 

24.  The  Pacific  Ocean .         .  30 

Explorations  in  the  United  States  (1513-1543)  : 

25.  Florida  (i 513-1536) 30 

26.  The  Southwest  (1539-1543) 31 

27.  De  Soto 32 

28.  Verrazano  and  Cartier 32 

The  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century : 

29.  The  situation  in  Europe 33 

30.  The  French  in  Florida  (1562-1565) 34 

31.  The  English  in  the  New  World  (1562-1583)     ...  35 

32.  The  Ralegh  colonies  (1584-1590) 36 

33.  The  results  of  the  first  century    .        .        .        .        -37 

CHAPTER   III 
EARLY  ENGLISH  COLONIZATION    (1600-1660).    40-62 

Virginia  (1606-1625)  : 

34.  The  charter  of  1606 40 

35.  The  settlement  at  Jamestown     .         .         .         .         ,  41 

36.  The  influence  of  tobacco  culture         .....  42 

37.  The  first  Virginia  assembly  (1619)    .         .         .         .         .  43 

38.  Virginia  becomes  a  royal  province  (1624)  .         ...  43 

New  England  before  1628  : 

39.  The  Plymouth  Company  and  the  Council  for  New  England  44 

40.  The  English  Puritans         .......  46 

41.  The  Puritans  and  the  English  monarchs    ....  47 

42.  The  Pilgrim  migrations 48 

43.  Early  history  of  New  Plymouth  ......  48 

Beginnings  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (1628-1636)  : 

44.  The  Massachusetts  Bay  Company 49 

45.  King  Charles  and  the  Puritans 50 

46.  Character  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  colony        .         .         .51 

47.  Political  problems  and  dangers 52 

48.  Religious  difficulties  ........  53 

Expansion  in  New  England  (1635-1645)  : 

49.  Providence  plantations  and  Rhode  Island          c         .         .  54 

50.  The  Connecticut  Valley     ,        ,        .        .        e        .        .  55 


Contents  xiii 

SECTION  PAGE 

51.  New  Haven 56 

52.  Northern  New  England     .         .         .         .         .         .         •  57 

53.  The  New  England  confederation  (1643)  •        «        .        .  57 

Maryland : 

54.  The  charter  of  Maryland  (1632) 59 

55.  The  proprietor  and  the  freeman         .....  60 

56.  Religious  toleration 60 

57.  Summary 6l 

CHAPTER  IV 

LATER  ENGLISH  COLONIZATION  (1660-1700).   63-85 

58.  Commercial  situation  of  England  about  1660      .         .  63 

59.  England  and  the  Colonies  (1660-1685)      ...  64 

New  York  (1609-1685) : 

60.  The  founding  of  New  Netherland 65 

61.  The  province  of  New  Netherland 65 

62.  New  Netherland  and  its  neighbors 67 

63.  Conquest  of  New  Netherland  (1664)          ....  67 

64.  The  English  in  New  York  (1664-1685)     ....  68 

The  Quaker  Colonies : 

65.  New  Jersey  and  the  Quakers 69 

66.  Penn  and  his  colony  ........  70 

67.  The  government  of  Pennsylvania 71 

68.  Boundaries  of  Pennsylvania        ......  72 

The  South  after  the  Restoration  (1660-1730)  : 

69.  Misgovernment  in  Virginia  (1660-1676)                     '.         .  73 

70.  Bacon's  rebellion  (1676) 74 

71.  The  Carolina  charters  (1663-1665) 75 

72.  Proprietary  government  in  Carolina  (1667-1729)      .         .  75 

New  England  (1655-1685)  : 

73.  Problems  of  New  England  (1655-1675)    ....  76 

74.  King  Philip's  war  (1675-1676) 77 

75.  Massachusetts  and  the  Crown  (1675-1684)        .        .         .  78 

The  Great  Revolution  ( 1 685-1 700)  : 

76.  The  Dominion  of  New  England          .....  79 
77«       The  revolution  of  1689  in  England  and  New  England        .  80 
78.       Revolutionary  movements  in   the  Middle  and   Southern 

Colonies  .........  82 

79-        Results  of  the  revolution  in  America          ....  83 

80.              The  colonies  in  1700 84 


xiv  Contents 


CHAPTER   V 

RIVALRY  OF  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH   (1689-1763) 
86-103 

SECTION  PAGE 

Si.               Introduction     ........  86 

French  Exploration  and  Settlement : 

82.  Founding  of  New  France         .        .        ....  86 

83.  Exploration  of  the  West 88 

84.  Louisiana  (1699-1720) 89 

French  and  English  Colonies  (1689-1754): 

85.  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713)  .        .       >        .        .89 

86.  Georgia 91 

87.  The  English  colonists  and  their  governors        ...  92 

88.  Government  of  the  French  colonies          ;         .         .         .  93 

89.  Preparation  for  the  final  conflict 94 

Expulsion  of  the  French  (1754-1763): 

90.  The  struggle  for  the  upper  Ohio  valley    .         •         «         «  95 

91.  The  situation  in  America  and  in  Europe           ...  95 

92.  The  first  period  of  the  war  (1754-1757)  .         .        .        .  97 

93.  The  second  period  of  the  war  (1758-1760)      ...  98 

94.  The  Peace  of  Paris  ( 1 763) 99 

95.  Summary 101 

CHAPTER   Vi 

COLONIAL  CONDITIONS  (1750).     104-126 

Population  and  Society : 

96.  Number  of  the  people 104 

97.  Classes  of  society     . 105 

98.  Indented  servants 106 

99.  Slavery 106 

100.  Colonial  life 108 

Occupations : 

101.  Agriculture HO 

102.  Commerce  and  shipping Ill 

103.  Industry  and  labor 112- 

104.  Colonial  currency 113 

105.  The  professions .        .114. 

Miscellaneous  Conditions: 

106.  Colonial  churches 115 

107.  Superstition     .        .        .        ..        ..        .        .116 


Contents  xv 


SECTION 

108 

PAGE 

IOQ. 

I  IO 

III 

112. 

in. 

PART   II 
THE   FORMATION   OF  A   UNION   (1763-1789) 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE  BEGINNINGS  OF   REVOLUTION    (1763-1775) 
127-153 

114.  Colonial  self-government  and  English  control  before 

1763 127 

The  Old  Colonial  Policy  of  England : 

115.  General  methods  of  colonial  control         .         .         .         .128 

116.  England's  interference  with  colonial  government     .         .  128 

117.  England's  control  through  colonial  officials       .         .         .129 

118.  Control  of  colonial  legislation 130 

119.  Early  acts  of  trade  (1660-1696) 131 

120.  Later  Restrictive  Legislation  (1696-1760)       .         .         .  132 

121.  General  effect  of  the  commercial  system  .        .        .        -133 

122.  The  writs  of  assistance 134 

The  New  British  Colonial  Policy  (1763-1767)  : 

123.  The  conditions  in  1763 135 

124.  George  III  and  his  ministers  (1760-1782)        .        .        .  136 

125.  The  establishment  of  a  colonial  army  (1763)   .         .         .  137 

126.  The  Sugar  Act  of  1764 138 

127.  The  Stamp  Act 139 

128.  Reception  of  the  Stamp  Act 14° 

129.  The  Stamp  Act  congress 141 

130.  The  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act    .         .         .         .         .         .142 

131.  English  and  American  ideas  of  representation .         .         .  143 

132.  TheTownshend  Acts  (1767) 144 

Disorder  and  Organized  Opposition  (1767-1775)  : 

133.  The  reception  of  the  Townshend  Acts      ....  145 

134.  Growing  disorder  (1768-1770) 146 

135.  The  committees  of  correspondence  (1772-1773)      .         .  147 

136.  The  tea  tax 147 


xvi  Contents 

SBCT1ON  FAGB 

137.  The  repressive  acts  (1774)       .      ,.     v.        .        .        .     148 

138.  The  First  Continental  Congress  (1774)    ....     149 

139.  The  inevitableness  of  war         .        .        .        .        .        .150 

140.  Summary 151 

CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR   (1775-1783).    154-188 


Revolt  and  Independence  : 

142.       The  war  on  the  northern  border  (1775-1776)  .         . 
143.       Change  in  the  theater  of  war  (1776)        ,       •.        .  • 
144.       The  Second  Continental  Congress  (1775-1776)       . 
145.       The  movement  toward  independence      "i  ~'i  ' 

•  »55 
.  156 

•  157 

•  '57 

.  160 

Conditions  Affecting  American  Success  : 
148.       The  theater  of  war  .  •  •  •«  ••-•  ':'  •  4  s'1  i*i"v-JoJ  i*.  ^••. 
149.        British  military  organization  and  policy   .    •"•'^^  .r^.O 

.  161 
.  162 
.  162 

151.       The  loyalists     .•-"•'•'  .'   :;';:  r'V  ''H-0--  •%  '*>  '"•  v^'e.'"4 
152.       The  finances  of  the  revolution.  ••'•'  V"JV  '£'J  '  «'  '•*  ~}4' 
153.       Continental  currency        .     ""'.•*•''  .~"n,     '  ,    '•<'£'•* 

The  Campaigns  of  1776  and  1777  : 
154.       The  movement  against  New  York  (1776)       •«-,,.    »•-, 

.  164 
.  164 
.  .65 

.  167 
.  168 

156.       The  plan  of  campaign  (1777),  Philadelphia    .     *  '','  ' 
157.       Burgoyne's  advance  (1777)      .         .         .    ,.  «n  "  V,^ 
158.       The  surrender  of  Burgoyne  (1777)  .     '  «.:      !.""^:  '•'_' 

Changed  Conditions  (1778-1779): 
,159.       French  aid  before  1778    .        .     (  ,     j,^  .    ».-;*••• 
.160.       The  French  alliance  (1778)      .       -.   v  •»,',,,,-.,-«•- 
161.       Attempted  conciliation  by  the  British  (1778)  .        . 
162.        Intrigue  and  neglect  (1778)     .         .         .         .         .; 
^163.       The  naval  war  (1776-1782)      .         .    .  .  ;.  '-.'     .     \» 
164.       The  war  in  the  North  and  West  (1778-1779)  .      ^ 

The  Close  of  the  War  (1780-1781)  : 
165.       British  success  in  the  South  (1780)      M/X.:.'    *    :    *.(' 
166.       The  treason  of  Arnold  (  1  780)      M  ')•?»;«'•        •  f-  .VJ 
167.        Campaigns  in  the  South  (1780-1781)  ?  v        «        rf, 
168.       Yorktown  (1781)     , 

.  169 
.  171 
.  172 

•  173 

•  »75 
.  176 
.  ;?T6 

•,r.W 

I 

.  178 

.  179 
.  180 
.  182 

Contents  xvii 

SECTION  PACK 

The  Treaty  of  Peace  (1782-1783)  : 

169.  Conditions  affecting  the  Treaty  of  Peace .         ...  183 

170.  Claims  and  negotiations  (1782) 184 

171.  Provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  (1783)         ...  185 

172.  Summary 186 

CHAPTER  IX 

CREATION  OF  A  GENERAL  GOVERNMENT  (1781- 
1789) .     189-217 

The  Articles  of  Confederation  : 

173.  Formation  of  the  Confederation 

174.  Provisions  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation 

175.  The  league  of  states 

176.  The  amendment  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation     . 

The  Critical  Period  (1781-1787)  : 

177.  Critical  conditions    .*»••.•••  192 

178.  The  old  soldiers 192 

179.  Land  claims  of  the  states          ......  193 

180.  Land  cessions  (1781-1802) 194 

181.  Ordinances  for  the  government  of  western  territory          .  195 

182.  The  West  and  foreign  affairs 196 

183.  Relations  with  Great  Britain    ......  197 

184.  Internal  disorder 198 

Formation  of  the  Constitution  (1787-1788)  : 

185.  The  Annapolis  conference        .         .         .         .         .         .  200 

1 86.  The  Connecticut  compromise    ......  201 

187.  Later  history  of  the  convention         .         <,         .         .         .  202 

1 88.  Feeling  of  the  people       ...„„..  203 

189.  Ratification  of  the  Constitution  by  the  states   .        .        .  204 

Character  of  the  Constitution : 

190.  Dispute  over  the  nature  of  the  Constitution      .         .         .  204 

191.  The  nation  and  the  states         ......  205 

192.  Congress  ..........  206 

193.  The  president  .        .        .        .    .    .        .        .        .        .  206 

194.  The  courts        .         .         .    • 207 

195.  Amendment  of  the  Constitution        .....  207 

196.  The  sources  of  the  Constitution 208 

The  Organization  of  the  New  Government  (1789): 

197.  The  presidency 209 

198.  Beginnings  of  the  new  congress        .         .         .         .        .  2IO 

199.  The  executive  departments                .         ,         •         .         •  212 


xviii  Contents 

SECTION  fAGB 

200.  The  national  judiciary    .        .        .        .        .        .        .214 

201.  Summary 214 

CHAPTER  X 

THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  XVIII   CENTURY.     218-230 

Social  Conditions  : 

202.  The  people 218 

203.  The  frontier 219 

204.  The  admission  of  new  states 220 

205.  The  movement  toward  emancipation        ....  221 

206.  The  cotton  gin  and  slavery       ......  222 

Political  and  Religious  Changes  : 

207.  Voters  and  officeholders 223 

208.  Tendencies  toward  democracy 223 

209.  Religious  freedom 224 

Economic  Conditions  : 

210.  Commerce 225 

211.  Industry 226 

212.  Currency ..........  227 

213.  Improved  means  of  communication .....  228 

PART  III 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE   NATION   (1789-1843) 

CHAPTER   XI 

I/  FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  PROBLEMS  (1789-1811).    231-268 

214.  Problems  confronting  the  new  government  (1789)    .  231 

Financial  Policy  and  Political  Parties  (1790-1793) 

215.  The  national  debt    .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  233 

216.  Assumption  of  state  debts 234 

217.  New  national  taxes  .        .   .     .        .        .        .        .        .  235 

218.  The  United  States  bank  ,        ...        .         .         .236 

219.  The  formation  of  political  parties 237 

\      Foreign  Affairs  (1793-1798)  : 

220.  Difficulties  with  France  ( 1 793) 238 

221.  Grievances  against  England  ( 1 794)          ....  239 

222.  Jay's  treaty  (1794) 240 

223.  The  close  of  Washington's  administration        .        .        .  242 


Contents  xix 

SECTION  PACK 

224.  Trouble  with  France  (1796-1800) 243 

-    Federalists  and  Republicans  (1798-1802)  : 

225.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  laws  (1798)         ....  244 

226.  The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  (1798-1799)       .  245 

227.  The  election  of  1800 246 

228.  Jefferson  and  his  party 247 

229.  Reversal  of  Federalist  practices 249 

230.  The  national  courts 250 

;    Western  Problems  (1800-1806)  : 

231.  Disputes  over  the  lower  Mississippi  River        .        .        .  252 

232.  The  purchase  of  Louisiana 253 

233.  Extent  and  importance  of  Louisiana         ....  255 

234.  The  Burr  conspiracy  (1805-1806) 256 

Commercial  Warfare  (1805-1811)  : 

235.  European  war  and  American  commerce  before  1806        .  257 

236.  The  impressment  of  American  seamen      ....  259 

237.  Orders  and  decrees  (1806-1807) 260 

238.  The  Embargo  (1807) 260 

239.  Indirect  results  of  the  Embargo 262 

240.  The  Non-Intercourse  Act  (1809) 263 

241.  The  Macon  bill  No.  2  (1810)  .        .        .        .        .        .  264 

242.  Summary 265 

CHAPTER  XII 
V/A  NEW  NATIONAL  SPIRIT  (1811-1824).     269-294 

The  Second  War  of  Independence : 

243.  Events  leading  to  war  (1811-1812)          ....  269 

244.  Declaration  of  war  (1812) 269 

245.  War  in  the  North  (1812-1813) 270 

246.  The  war  on  the  ocean  (1812-1814)          ....  272 

247.  The  last  year  of  the  war 273 

248.  The  Treaty  of  Ghent  (1814) 274 

Changed  Conditions  after  the  War  of  1812: 

249.  The  new  nationality 275 

250.  Our  altered  international  standing 276 

251.  Downfall  of  the  Federalist  party 277 

252.  The  tariff  of  1816 278 

253.  The  second  national  bank 279 

254.  The  Supreme  Court 280 

255.  The  development  of  the  West 281 


x%V<  Contents 

z 

SEcnpu  ».  ^  PAGE 

Internal  improvements     .......  282 

Importance  of  the  westward  movement    ....  283 

.very  and  Foreign  Affairs  (1819-1824)  : 

The  Missouri  BUI  (1818-1819) 284 

The  Missouri  problem 285 

The  Missouri  Compromises  (1820-1821)           .         .        .  286 

Florida 288 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  (1823) 289 

Summary  .........  291 

CHAPTER  XIII 

I/ NATIONAL  DEMOCRACY   (1824-1843).     295-316 

The  Triumph  of  Democracy  (1824-1829)  : 

264.  The  presidential  election  of  1824 295 

265.  New  political  parties         .......  297 

266.  The  election  of  Jackson  (1828)        .  .        .         .298 

267.  The  importance  of  Jackson's  election       ....  298 

268.  New  political  methods      .......  300 

269.  The  spoils  system 301 

National    Sovereignty   versus    State    Sovereignty    (1826- 

1833): 

270.  Controversies  over  Indian  lands 302 

271.  The  Webster-Hayne  debate  (1830)          ....  303 

272.  Changes  in  the  tariff  (1824-1832)    .....  304 

273.  The  South  and  the  tariff, 305 

274.  Nullification  and  the  compromise  tariff    ....  306 

Finance  and  Politics  (1829-1843)  : 

275.  First  attack  on  the  United  States  bank    .         .        .      . .  307 

276.  Overthrow  of  the  bank "«.."•  308 

277.  Government  revenues  and  the  panic  of  1837    .         .         .  310 

278.  Administration  of  Van  Buren  (1837-1841)       .         .         .  311 

279.  The  election  of  Harrison  (1840) 311 

280.  Tyler  and  Whigs  (1841-1842) 313 

281.  Summary 314 

CHAPTER  XIV 

A  HALF  CENTURY  OF  CHANGES.     317-338 

Transportation  and  Business  (1815-1860)  : 

282.  The  steamboat 317 

283.  The  era  of  canals 318 


Contents 


xxi 


SECTION                                                                                                                                  .  PAGE 

284.  Railways 319 

285.  Significance  of  improved  means  of  transportation    .        .  320 

286.  The  telegraph  and  other  inventions          .         .         .         .  322 

287.  Industrial  changes  after  1810 323 

288.  The  era  of  "free  trade"  (1846-1857)      .        .        .        .324 

Political  and  Social  Changes: 

289.  Opening  of  the  government  lands 325 

290.  Development  of  Democracy 326 

291.  Changes  in  the  states 328 

292.  Social  legislation 329 

293.  Newspapers  and  education       ......  329 

294.  American  cities 331 

Free  and  Slave  States: 

295.  Growth  of  the  United  States 331 

296.  Foreign  immigration         .     "    ; 333 

297.  The  admission  of  new  states     ......  334 

298.  Early  abolitionists 335 

299.  Abolition  and  petition  (1835-1840)         .        .        .        .  336 


PART   IV 
THE  STRUGGLE   OVER   SLAVERY    (1843-1877) 

CHAPTER  XV 

SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORIES  (1843-1857).     339-365 

300.               Introduction      .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  339 

;    Territorial  Expansion  (1843-1848)  : 

3or.       Texas  before  1843    .         •         •         •         •         •        •         •  34* 

362.  The  annexation  of  Texas  (1843-1845)     ...         .  341 

363.  Oregon  territory  to  1846.         .         .         ...         .  343 

304.  War  with  Mexico  (1846-1847)         .....  344 

305.  Conquest  of  California.     Peace 34& 

Slavery  in  New  Territory  (1848-1853)  : 

306.  The  Wilmot  proviso 347 

307.  Oregon  Territory  ;   election  of  1848          •. "  •    .        .         .  348 

308.  California         .         .         '.        V'--  V  '    ."  ;;  •'"'  ":.  '       .  349 

309.  The  elements  of  a  compromise  (1850)      .         .        .         •  35° 

310.  Discussion  of  the  compromise  .         .         .         .         •         •  351 
3U-       Completion  of  the  compromise  of  1850    ....  352 


xxii  Contents 

SECTION  FACE 

312.  The  fugitive  slave  law      .......  353 

313.  Attempts  to  gain  more  slave  territory      ....  354 

Slavery  in  Old  Territory  (1854-1857)  : 

314.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  (1854) 355 

315.  Passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  (1854)    .         .        •.  356 

316.  Reorganization  of  political  parties 358 

317.  The  struggle  for  Kansas  (1855-1861)       ....  359 

318.  The  case  of  Dred  Scott  (1857) 360 

319.  Summary 361 

CHAPTER  XVI 

DISUNION  AND  CIVIL  WAR   (1857-1861).    366-398 

Approaching  a  Crisis  (1857-1860)  : 

320.  The  situation  in  1857 366 

321.  Political  factions  and  parties 367 

322.  The  Lincoln-Douglas  debates  (1858)        ....  368 

323.  Union  and  slavery 369 

324.  Influence  of  John  Brown's  raid  (1859)     ....  370 

325.  The  election  of  1860 371 

The  Secession  Movement  (1860-1861)  : 

326.  Secession  in  South  Carolina  (December,  1860)        .        .  373 

327.  Attempted  conciliation  (December- January)    .         .         .  374 

328.  The  Confederate  States  of  America 375 

329.  Close  of  Buchanan's  term          ......  377 

330.  Fundamental  causes  of  secession 378 

331.  Slavery  and  state  sovereignty  versus  nationality       .         .  379 

Lincoln;  "The  Three  Months'  War": 

332.  Lincoln's  policy 380 

333.  Sumter    .        .        . 381 

334.  Preparation  for  war 382 

335.  The  border  states 383 

336.  Bull  Run . 384 

Conditions  Affecting  Union  Success : 

337.  Resources  of  North  and  South 386 

338.  The  southern  armies         .......  387 

339.  The  northern  armies 387 

340.  The  navies;  the  blockade 389 

341.  Foreign  relations  (1861-1865)           '.        .        .  390 

342.  Bonds  and  a  national  banking  system       .        .        .        -391 

343.  Greenbacks  and  taxes       ,        , 392 


Contents  xxiii 

SECTION  PAGB 

344.  Southern  finances  and  government 393 

345.  Critical  situation  at  the  North 394 

346.  Summary 395 

CHAPTER  XVII 

PROSECUTION  OF  THE  WAR   (1862-1865).    399~43O 

Spring  and  Summer  of  1862: 

347.  Theater  of  war  in  the  West 399 

348.  Grant's  campaign  in  the  West  (to  February,  1862)  .         .  401 

349.  Completion  of  the  Western  Tennessee  campaign      .         .  403 

350.  New  Orleans  (1862) 404 

351.  The  theater  of  war  in  Virginia 405 

352.  Monitor  and  Merrimac   .......  407 

353.  McClellan's  peninsular  campaign 407 

The  Middle  Period  of  the  War  (August,  i862-June,  1863)  : 

354.  The  fall  of  1862 410 

355.  Events  leading  to  emancipation 411 

356.  Emancipation  .........  412 

357.  Chancellorsville ;   Lee's  second  invasion  ....  414 

Union  Advance  (July,  1863- July,  1864): 

358.  Gettysburg 415 

359.  Vicksburg 416 

360.  Operations  around  Chattanooga  (1863)  ....  418 

361.  Naval  operations  (1864) 419 

362.  The  advance  on  Atlanta  (1864) 421 

363.  Grant  in  Virginia  (May-July,  1864)          ....  423 

The  Close  of  the  War  (July,  1864- April,  1865)  : 

364.  The  Shenandoah  valley;  Hood  in  Tennessee  .         .         .  423 

365.  Sherman  in  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas     ....  424 

366.  The  end  of  the  war 424 

367.  The  people  and  Lincoln's  government     ....  426 

368.  Summary  of  the  campaigns 427 

369.  Conclusion         .         .         .                  .         •         .         •  428 

CHAPTER   XVIII 

POLITICAL  RECONSTRUCTION    (1865-1877) 
431-452 

370.  Lincoln,  Johnson,  and  Reconstruction      .        .        .  431 

Reconstruction  (1865-1870)  : 

371.  The  problem  of  reconstruction         .....  432 


xxiv  Contents 

SECTION  rAGK 

372.  Status  of  seceding  states  .......  433 

373.  Restoration  under  Johnson  (1865) 434 

374.  Freedmen  legislation 436 

375.  Civil  rights  bill  and  amendment  XIV  (1866)  .         .         .  437 

376.  Military  reconstruction  (1867-1870)        ....  438 

Incidents  of  the  Reconstruction  Period  (1867-1877)  : 

377.  The  impeachment  of  Johnson 439 

378.  Carpetbag  government  in  the  South          ....  441 

379.  City  government  and  corruption       .....  442 

380.  The  administrations  of  Grant  (1869-1877)       .         .         .  443 

381.  National  political  scandals        ......  ^\\ 

382.  The  disputed  election  of  1876 445 

National  Changes  (1861-1877)  : 

383.  National  development      .         .         .         .         .         .         .  447 

384.  Changes  in  the  written  Constitution         ....  448 

385.  Changes  in  the  unwritten  constitution      ....  449 

386.  The  national  government          .         .         .         . '       .         .  449 

387.  New  national  industrial  conditions  .        ,        .        .        .  450 


PART  V 
THE  NEW  NATION    (1865-1907) 

CHAPTER   XIX 
INTERNAL  DEVELOPMENT  (1865-1886).     453-473 

388.  Changes  following  the  war        .        .        ...    453 

Financial  and  Industrial  Readjustment  (1865-1879)  : 

389.  Bonds  and  taxes  after  the  war          .      .  .  ~.  •    ,  '  *.  .        .    454 

390.  The  greenbacks -455 

391.  Laws  relating  to  silver 456 

392.  Business  after  the  war      .         .         .         .         .         .         .457 

393.  Agriculture  and  the  West 458 

Transportation  Problems  (1865-1887)  : 

394.  Development  of  the  West  by  means  of  the  railways          .  460 

395.  Railway  abuses 461 

396.  The  granger  movement  and  railway  legislation         .         .  462 

397.  The  interstate  commerce  commission  (1887)   .         .         .  463 

Political  Changes  and  Reforms  (1877-1886)  : 

398.  Garfield  and  Arthur 464 


Contents  xxv 

SECTION  PAGB 

399.  The  election  of  Cleveland  (1884)    .        .        .        .        .  465 

400.  The  spoils  system  and  reform  ......  467 

401.  Progress  of  civil  service  reform  since  1883        .        .        .  468 

402.  Reform  of  elections 469 

403.  Changes  affecting  the  presidency      .         .        .         .        .  470 

404.  Summary  .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  471 

CHAPTER  XX 

THE   END   OF  AN   ERA    (1886-1897).    405-422 

SECTION  PAGE 

The  Tariff:      . 

405.  Proposed  reform  of  the  tariff  (1882-1888)      .         .         .  474 

406.  The  election  of  1888 475 

407.  The  McKinley  tariff  (1890) 476 

408.  The  Gorman- Wilson  tariff;   the  income  tax  (1894)          .  477 

409.  Recent  tariffs 478 

The  Silver  Controversy  (1893—1897)  : 

410.  The  Sherman  silver  act  (1890)  and  the  treasury       .         .  478 

411.  The  free  silver  movement  in  the  West      ....  480 

412.  Election  of  1896      ...        r        ....  481 

413.  Republican  policies           .......  482 

Foreigh  Affairs  (1865-1895)  : 

414.  Disputes  with  England     .        .        .        .        .        .        .  483 

415.  Samoa 485 

416.  Hawaii 486 

417.  Pan-American  Congresses         ......  487 

418.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  and  Mexico  after  the  Civil  War     .  488 

419.  The  dispute  over  the  boundary  of  Venezuela  (1895)         •  4^8 

420.  The  settlement  of  the  Venezuela  controversy           .         .  489 

421.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  since  1895 49° 

422.  Summary 491 

CHAPTER   XXI 

EXPANSION    (1898-1902).    423-448 

423.  Fundamental  changes  in  the  United  States  after  1897      •  493 

The  Spanish-American  Wai : 

424.  Our  relations  with  Cuba  before  1895         ....  494 

425.  The  United  States  and  Cuban  Insurrection  (1895-1896)  495 

426.  Dangers  to  American  interests  in  Cuba  (1897-1898)         .  496 


xxvi  Contents 


SECTION 

PACK 

427. 

The  spring  of  1898  

•    497 

428. 

•    498 

429. 

.     5°° 

43°- 

43i- 

•    5°3 

The  Care  of  Wider  American  Interests  : 

432. 

The  problem  of  the  Pacific      .        .        .        .       •  , 

•     5°4 

433- 

The  treaty  of  Paris  (1898-1899)      .... 

•    5°5 

434- 

Philippine  insurrection  and  election  of  1900    . 

•    506 

435- 

The  development  of  a  colonial  policy      .         .         . 

•     5°7 

436. 

The  Philippines  since  1900       

•     5°8 

437- 

Alaska      ......... 

•     5°9 

438. 

Attempts  to  secure  an  Isthmian  Canal  before  1902  . 

•     51° 

439- 

Securing  a  satisfactory  route  for  the  canal 

•    5" 

440. 

Construction  of  the  canal          

.    512 

441. 

Importance  of  the  canal           

•    5M 

The  United  States  as  a  World  Power  : 

442. 

The  United  States  as  a  world  power 

•    5'5 

443- 

American  influence  on  world  peace 

•    515 

444. 

Relations  with  Cuba  since  1898        .... 

•     Si6 

445- 

Relations  with  Mexico      

•     5'7 

446. 

•    5'9 

447- 

Relations  with  Japan        ...... 

.    520 

448. 

.    5*2 

CHAPTER  XXII 

RECENT  CHANGES   (1901-1914).    449-466 

The  Roosevelt  Policies  (1901-1909)  : 

449.  McKinley  and  Roosevelt 526 

450.  Roosevelt's  "  first  term  " 527 

451.  Foreign  affairs  under  Roosevelt 528 

452.  Internal  policies  of  Roosevelt's  "second  term"       .         .  528 

453.  Panic.     Election  of  1908 530 

The  Rule  of  the  People  (1906-1913)  : 

454.  The  war  against  political  misrule 530 

455.  The  insurgent  movement          ......  531 

456.  Reform  of  political  party  methods 532 

457.  The  initiative,  the  referendum,  and  the  recall          .        .  533 


Contents  xxvii 

SECTION  PAGB 

The  Movement  toward  Economic  Reform  (1909-1914)  : 

458.  The  beginning  of  the  Taft  administration         .         .         .  534 

459.  Reform  legislation 537 

460.  The  election  of  1912 538 

461.  Constitutional  changes 540 

462.  The  beginning  of  the  Wilson  administration  .         .         „  541 

463.  The  Payne-Aldrich  tariff 542 

464.  Democratic  tariff  measures 544 

465.  Other  financial  reform  measures       .....  545 

466.  Summary 547 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

PROGRESS   AND   PROBLEMS.    467-486 

Commerce  and  Industry : 

467.  Industrial  progress  since  1880 550 

468.  Anti-trust  legislation  in  the  states 551 

469.  The  Sherman  anti-trust  law  of  1890         ....  552 

470.  Recent  anti-trust  activity          ......  554 

471.  Railway  rate  regulation 555 

472.  Commerce  and  shipping 556 

Business  and  Labor : 

473.  Prosperity  and  panics  since  1865      .....  558 

474.  Labor  unions  and  strikes  (1877-1894)      ....  559 

475.  Recent  labor  problems 560 

476.  Labor  legislation 562 

Political  and  Social  Changes : 

477.  Population  and  race  problems 563 

478.  Foreign  immigration         .......  564 

479.  Growth  of  cities 566 

480.  City  problems 569 

481.  Legal  rights  of  women 571 

482.  The  distribution  of  wealth 573 

483.  The  past  and  the  future 574 

The  Nation  and  its  Government  —  A  Comparison : 

484.  Changes  of  a  century  and  a  third 575 

485.  Characteristics  of  American  political  development  .         .  576 

486.  The  people,  the  nation,  and  the  government    .         .         .  577 


xviii  Contents 

SECTION  FAGB 

200.  The  national  judiciary    .        .        .        .        .        .        .214 

201.  Summary .  214 

CHAPTER  X 
THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  XVIII  CENTURY.     218-230 

Social  Conditions  : 

202.  The  people       . 218 

203.  The  frontier 219 

204.  The  admission  of  new  states 220 

205.  The  movement  toward  emancipation       ....  221 

206.  The  cotton  gin  and  slavery 222 

Political  and  Religious  Changes  : 

207.  Voters  and  officeholders 223 

208.  Tendencies  toward  democracy          .....  223 

209.  Religious  freedom 224 

Economic  Conditions  : 

210.  Commerce 225 

211.  Industry 226 

212.  Currency 227 

213.  Improved  means  of  communication .....  228 

PART  III 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  NATION   (1789-1843) 

CHAPTER  XI 

V/  FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  PROBLEMS  (1789-1811).    231-268 

214.  Problems  confronting  the  new  government  ( 1 789)    .  231 

Financial  Policy  and  Political  Parties  (1790-1793) 

215.  The  national  debt 233 

216.  Assumption  of  state  debts 234 

217.  New  national  taxes 235 

218.  The  United  States  bank 236 

219.  The  formation  of  political  parties 237 

\      Foreign  Affairs  (1793-1798)  : 

220.  Difficulties  with  France  ( 1 793) 238 

221.  Grievances  against  England  ( 1 794)          ....  239 

222.  Jay's  treaty  (1794) 240 

223.  The  close  of  Washington's  administration        .        .        .  242 


Contents  xix 

SECTION  PACK 

224.  Trouble  with  France  (1796-1800) 243 

-  Federalists  and  Republicans  (1798-1802)  : 

225.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  laws  (1798)         ....  244 

226.  The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  (1798-1799)       .  245 

227.  The  election  of  1800 246 

228.  Jefferson  and  his  party 247 

229.  Reversal  of  Federalist  practices 249 

230.  The  national  courts ........  250 

•  Western  Problems  (1800-1806): 

231.  Disputes  over  the  lower  Mississippi  River        .         .         .  252 

232.  The  purchase  of  Louisiana 253 

233.  Extent  and  importance  of  Louisiana         ....  255 

234.  The  Burr  conspiracy  (1805-1806) 256 

H  Commercial  Warfare  (1805-1811): 

235.  European  war  and  American  commerce  before  1806        .  257 

236.  The  impressment  of  American  seamen      ....  259 

237.  Orders  and  decrees  (1806-1807) 260 

238.  The  Embargo  (1807) 260 

239.  Indirect  results  of  the  Embargo 262 

240.  The  Non-Intercourse  Act  (1809) 263 

241.  The  Macon  bill  No.  2  (1810) 264 

242.  Summary 265 

CHAPTER  XII 
\/A  NEW  NATIONAL  SPIRIT   (1811-1824).     269-294 

The  Second  War  of  Independence : 

243.  Events  leading  to  war  (1811-1812)          ....  269 

244.  Declaration  of  war  (1812) 269 

245.  War  in  the  North  (1812-1813) 270 

246.  The  war  on  the  ocean  (1812-1814)          ....  272 

247.  The  last  year  of  the  war 273 

248.  The  Treaty  of  Ghent  (1814) 274 

Changed  Conditions  after  the  War  of  1812: 

249.  The  new  nationality 275 

250.  Our  altered  international  standing 276 

251.  Downfall  of  the  Federalist  party 277 

252.  The  tariff  of  1816 278 

253.  The  second  national  bank 279 

254.  The  Supreme  Court 280 

255.  The  development  of  the  West 281 


xxx  Illustrations 

PAGB 

John  Adams 242 

Thomas  Jefferson 249 

Albert  Gallatin 250 

John  Marshall 251 

The  Capitol  at  Washington 273 

James  Monroe 290 

John  Quincy  Adams 296 

Andrew  Jackson  .........  299 

Martin  Van  Buren 311 

A  log  cabin  of  1840 312 

Railway  train  in  an  early  day  (The  DeWitt  Clinton  engine)        .  319 

Samuel  F.  B.  Morse  and  his  instrument 322 

Howe's  original  sewing  machine  .......  323 

William  Lloyd  Garrison        ........  335 

James  K.  Polk      . 346 

Calhoun,  Webster,  and  Clay.     By  Brady 351 

Stephen  A.  Douglas      .........  356 

Charles  Sumner 359 

William  H.  Seward 370 

The  rail  candidate  (cartoon  of  1860) 372 

Jefferson  Davis 376 

Abraham  Lincoln  (the  famous  Brady  photograph)       .         .         .  381 

Joseph  E.  Johnston       .........  385 

Salmon  P.  Chase 392 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  ..........  402 

Robert  E.  Lee 409 

George  B.  McClellan 410 

Antietam  bridge 410 

Emancipation  proclamation  (last  page) 413 

Thomas  J.  Jackson       .........  414 

Gettysburg  Battlefield  (from  Little  Round  Top)  .         .         .         .  415 

"William  T.  Sherman 421 

Libby  Prison 425 

Andrew  Johnson  ..........  432 

Thaddeus  Stevens 434 

The  Supreme  Court  (during  the  Reconstruction  period)       .         .  435 

Edwin  M.  Stanton        .........  440 

"  Who  stole  the  people's  money?  "     (Nast's Tweed  ring  cartoon)  443 

Samuel  J.  Tilden 445 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes 446 

John  Sherman 456 

James  A.  Garfield 464 

Chester  A.  Arthur 465 

James  G.  Blaine 466 


Illustrations  xxxi 


PACK 

Grover  Cleveland 467 

Benjamin  Harrison        .........  475 

Inauguration  of  Cleveland  (1893) 479 

William  J.  Bryan           .         .    • 481 

William  McKinley        .........  483 

Richard  Olney 489 

The  Maine  entering  Havana  harbor 496 

Cartoon :  "  Be  careful " 497 

William  T.  Sampson     .         .         .         .         .                  .         .         .  498 

The  Oregon •                 .         .  499 

George  Dewey      ..........  500 

Signing  the  peace  protocol  at  Washington 501 

Elihu  Root 503 

A  Republican  appeal  to  voters  (cartoon  of  1900)         .         .         .  506 

Culebra  Cut,  Panama,  before  1902 512 

John  Hay     ...........  520 

Theodore  Roosevelt 526 

Water  power  at  Niagara  Falls      .......  529 

William  H.  Taft  .        .        . .535 

Supreme  Court  in  1910         ........  536 

Woodrow  Wilson 540 

President  Wilson  reading  his  first  message  to  Congress         .         .  543 

Lower  New  York,  sky  line,  1914 566-567 

Thomas  A.  Edison .         .568 

Main  Building,  Centennial  Exposition,  1876          ....  568 

Court  of  Honor,  Chicago,  1893 569 

Grand  Basin,  St.  Louis,  1904 570 

General  View,  San  Francisco,  1915 571 


MAPS   AND    DIAGRAMS 

PACK 

Relief  Map  of  the  United  States.     By  Howell     .         .      opposite  I 

Isothermal  Lines  (United  States  and  Europe)     ....  4 

Average  Rainfall  in  the  United  States 5 

Navigable  Rivers  and  Portages  of  the  United  States    .         .  n 

Location  of  the  Principal  Indian  Families  and  Tribes  ...  12 

Europe  A.D.  1490 18 

Trade  Routes  from  Europe  to  the  East 20 

Toscanelli's  Map  of  the  Occident          .                  ....  24 

Line  of  Demarcation  (1494) 27 

America  (1515)  (Schoener).  Simplified  from  Winsor's  "Narrative 

>  and  Critical  History  of  America."          .....  29 

America  (1541)  (Mercator) .   Simplified  from  Winsor's  "  America  "  29 

Exploration  and  Settlements  before  1600 37 

Land  Grants  under  Charter  of  1 606     .         .         .         .         .         .40 

Eastern  North  America  (1621).  From  Dutch  map  in  O'Callaghan 

collection 45 

New  England  Settlements 58 

Boundaries  of  Pennsylvania          .         .         .         .         .         .         -73 

North  Atlantic  Coast  (1650-1695)        .         .      (Colored}  opposite  82 

Treaty  of  Utrecht ;  Territorial  Changes  (1713)  (Colored}      "  90 

Scene  of  the  French  and  Indian  War  (1754-1759)      ...  97 

Treaty  of  Paris  ;  Territorial  Changes  (1763)      (Colored}  opposite  loo 

Density  of  Population  in  English  Colonies  (1750)        .         .         .  104 

Boundaries  of  Quebec  (1774)       .......  149 

Boston  and  Vicinity  (1775)           .......  154 

Vicinity  of  New  York  (1776) 167 

Revolution  in  the  North  (1775-1780) 170 

Campaigns  of  1777  in  northern  New  York    .                 ...  172 

Revolution  in  the  South  (1778-1781) 180 

Boundaries  of  the  United  States  (1779-1783)    (Colored}  opposite  185 

Western  Land  Claims  .        .        .        .        .      (Colored}       "  185 

Density  of  Population  (1800) 218 

Election  of  1 800           246 

The  United  States  (1800)     ....      {Colored}  opposite  2$2 

Louisiana  (1803) 255 

Exports  and  Imports  of  the  United  States  (1789-1811)        .         .  258 


xxxiv  Maps  and  Diagrams 

PACK 

Scene  of  War  in  the  North  (1812-1814) 271 

British  Campaign  against  Washington  (1814)      ....  272 

New  Orleans  and  Vicinity 274 

Territory  affected  by  Missouri  Compromise  (1820)       .         .         .  287 

Election  of  1824 295 

The  United  States  (1825)    ....      {Colored}  opposite  297 

Disputed  Boundary  of  Maine 314 

Railroad  Construction  from  1830  to  1860.   From  Coman's  "  Indus- 
trial History  of  the  United  States"        .      {Colored)  opposite  320 

Adoption  of  Manhood  Suffrage 327 

Density  of  Population  (1850) 332 

Election  of  1844 342 

Boundaries  of  Texas 344 

Scene  of  the  Mexican  War  .        .''.•• 345 

The  United  States  (1850)    .         .         .        .      {Colored}  opposite  549 

Territory  affected  by  the  Compromise  of  1850      ....  352 

Territory  affected  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  (1854)         .         .  357 

Expansion  of  the  Slave  Territory  (1844-1857),  two  maps    .         .  362 

Election  of  1860 373 

The  United  States  (1861),  showing  first  and  second  secessions  of 

slave  states ( Colored}  opposite  376 

Railways  and  Rivers  of  the  South  ( 1 86l) 400 

Routes  of  Invading  Armies  (1862-1865) 4O1 

Western  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  (1862) 403 

Theater  of  War  in  Virginia 406 

The  York- James  Peninsula  (1862)        .         .         .         .     .    .         .  408 

Gettysburg  Battlefield  .(1863) 416 

Country  around  Vicksburg  (1863)        ......  .417 

Country  around  Chattanooga  (1863) 418 

Restriction  of  Confederate  Territory  (1861-1865) 

{Colored)  opposite  428 

The  United  States  (1875)    .       \        .        .     {Colored)        "  445 

Election  of  1876           . 446 

Development  of  United  States  (1870-1905)         ....  458 

Decrease  in  Railway  Rates  (1867-1900)      .         .         .         .         .  462 

Election  of  1896           .        .        .        ...        .        .        .  484 

The  Hawaiian  Islands           .        >;       .        »        .  .      .         .         .  486 

Operations  around  Santiago  de  Cuba  (1898)        ....  500 

Territorial  Growth  of  the  United  States  (double  page) 

{Colored)  between  508  and  509 

Route  of  the  Panama  Canal 513 

Profile  of  the  Panama  Canal        .         ..-.         .         .         .513 

Railways  of  the  United  States     .         .         .      (Colored)  opposite  556 

Election  of  1912 539 


Maps  and  Diagrams  xxxv 

FACE 

Wages  and  Prices,  1840-1913,  in  Gold 561 

The  United  States  (1914)     •        •        •        •     (Colored)  opposttt     564 

Immigration  (1864-1913) 5  * 

Total  and  Urban  Population  (1790-1910)    .... 

Density  of  Population  (1900) 57 


PART    I 
THE    COLONIAL    PERIOD    (1492-1763) 

CHAPTER  I 

CONDITIONS  AFFECTING   COLONIZATION  IN 
AMERICA 

i.  Introduction.  —  Not  many  years  ago  the  common  What  is 
opinion  about  history  was  expressed  in  the  words,  "happy  history? 
is  that  people  who  have  no  history."  To  persons  holding 
such  a  view,  history  was  a  record  of  wars  and  intrigues,  of 
cruelty,  misfortune,  and  destruction.  This  opinion  of  his- 
tory, common  enough  a  generation  ago,  is  held  by  few  to-day, 
for  we  are  beginning  to  realize  that  history  is  less  a  narrative 
of  events  than  a  record  of  progress  —  that  it  should  not 
record  the  horrors  of  a  nation's  life  but  its  achievements.  It 
is  hardly  necessary  to  state  that  this  must  be  quite  as  much  a 
study  of  the  means  used  to  produce  certain  results,  of  the 
conditions  which  made  possible  and  necessary  certain 
achievements,  as  a  description  of  the  results  themselves; 
for,  after  all,  the  purpose  of  studying  history  is  not  to  learn 
facts,  but  to  understand  the  causes  and  results  of  the  great 
movements  in  the  life  of  a  people. 

This  task  is  one  of  great  interest  and  importance,  but  it  Choice  of 
presents  many  difficulties.     We  cannot,  in  a  short  time  and  toPics  in 
within  a  brief  text,  examine  very  much  of  the  material  to  be  histoly 
found  on  this  broad  subject.     We  must  therefore  decide 
what  phase  or  phases  of  history  should  receive  special  con- 
sideration, and  then  seek  to  concentrate  our  attention  on  those 
topics  which  mark  most  clearly  the  path  we  wish  to  follow. 
Since  we  cannot  study  all  the  phases  of  American  develop- 
ment, we  shall  devote  ourselves  particularly  to  the  develop- 


American  History 


Two  things  to 
be  noted. 


ment  of  the  American  nation  —  a  subject  that  is  political 
rather  than  social  —  and  seek  to  discover  how  the  American 
nation  became  what  it  is  to-day.  Many  military  events  will 
be  examined  in  the  course  of  this  study,  for  our  wars  have 
greatly  influenced  our  national  development.  Commercial 
activities  and  social  life  will  be  considered  to  some  extent, 
because  without  some  knowledge  of  them  we  cannot  under- 
stand certain  changes  in  our  country. 

In  connection  with  each  subject  studied  we  should  note 
two  things :  (i)  what  are  the  facts  regarding  the  topic  under 
consideration?  (2)  how  is  this  event  connected  with  other 
events  we  have  studied  ?  The  first  involves  not  only  an  act 
of  memory  but  discrimination  between  the  details  that  are 
more  important  and  those  that  are  insignificant ;  the  second 
compels  us  to  use  the  knowledge  that  we  have  gained  in 
reasoning  out  the  causes  and  results  of  the  different  move- 
ments. 

Before  taking  up  in  a  systematic  way  the  record  of  Ameri- 
tions  affecting  can  development,  we  must  consider  first  three  things  that 
have  influenced  our  progress  greatly,  especially  during  our 
early  years.  One  of  these  is  the  geography  of  the  United 
States,  which  has  influenced  our  history  from  the  beginning 
and  is  now  a  factor  of  the  first  importance  in  determining 
the  character  of  our  life  and  occupations.  The  second  deals 
with  the  original  inhabitants,  the  Indians,  whose  influence 
during  colonial  times  was  very  great,  and  the  third  with  the 
situation  in  Europe  at  the  time  the  continent  was  discovered. 


Three  condi- 


American 
history. 


Four  important 

geographical 

influences. 


Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
IV,  x-xv. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  CONDITIONS 

2.  Geography  and  American  Colonization.  —  In  all  ages 
the  geography  of  different  countries  has  exerted  a  very 
great  influence  on  their  history.  In  the  development  of 
the  United  States  we  can  study  the  influence  of  physical 
conditions  as,  step  by  step,  the  territory  was  explored  and 
opened  to  settlement.  The  effect  of  topography,  soil,  and 
climate  can  be  measured,  because  we  have  fairly  full  and 
exact  information  of  every  early  attempt  to  gain  a  foothold, 


Geographical  Conditions  3 

on  this  continent.  During  the  colonial  period,  the  geograph- 
ical characteristics  which  affected  our  history  most  were 
four  in  number:  (i)  The  accessibility  of  the  new  continent.  Accessibility. 
Its  position  with  reference  to  Europe,  the  character  of  its 
coast  line,  the  extent  of  its  water  systems,  and  the  navigabil- 
ity of  its  rivers  aided  exploration  and  settlement.  (2)  The 
possibility  of  a  food  supply.  As  no  colony  could  continue  Food  supply, 
to  exist  if  dependent  on  Europe  or  on  other  colonies  for  its 
food,  it  was  necessary  that  grains  and  vegetables  should 
be  raised  easily  within  the  colony.  Climate,  rainfall,  the 
character  of  the  soil,  and  many  other  physiographical  con- 
ditions affected  this  problem.  (3)  Its  defensibility.  The  Defensibility. 
dangers  to  which  a  colony  was  exposed  and  the  ease  with 
which  it  might  be  defended  were  matters  of  the  first  impor- 
tance. If  located  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  scattered  settle- 
ments were  out  of  the  question.  The  neighborhood  of  un- 
friendly European  colonies  was  also  to  be  avoided,  and 
especial  care  was  necessary  to  prevent  the  destruction  of  a 
colony  through  disease  caused  by  extreme  heat  or  cold  or 
by  the  fevers  all  too  common  in  the  low  marshy  coastal 
belt.  (4)  Its  general  resources.  Permanency  depended  on  General 
the  development  of  certain  industries,  which  would  not  only  resources- 
help  the  colonists  to  sustain  life,  but  would  produce  articles 
which  they  could  exchange  for  the  necessaries  that  must  be 
procured  in  Europe.  The  precious  metals  of  Mexico  and 
South  America,  the  sugar  and  tobacco  of  Cuba,  and  the 
furs  of  New  France  explain  the  success  of  Spanish  and 
French  colonies.  Topography  and  occupations  account  to 
a  large  extent  also  for  the  character  of  a  colony.  The  com- 
pact little  hamlets  of  New  England  could  never  have  been 
developed  in  the  broad  fertile  valleys  of  the  South'  any 
more  than  the  system  of  French  trading  posts  could  have  been 
established  in  the  narrow  valleys  of  Massachusetts.  After 
considering  some  of  these  physical  conditions  and  the  geo- 
graphical divisions  of  the  United  States,  we  shall  note  briefly 
how  English  and  French  colonization  was  affected  by  them. 
3.  Climate  and  Rainfall. — The  climate  of  the  United 


American  History 


Temperature 
of  the  coast 
and  interior. 

Wftisor  fed.), 
America, 
IV,  ii,  vi. 

Farrand, 
Basis  of 
Amer.  History, 
17-21. 


States,  while  on  the  whole  temperate,  presents  many  varia- 
tions. Two  things  that  had  a  very  great  influence  on  our 
early  history  should  be  noted  carefully,  (i)  The  tempera- 
ture of  the  Atlantic  slope  and  of  the  Mississippi  basin  is 
much  lower  than  that  of  Europe  in  the  same  latitude,  be- 
cause the  warm  waters  of  the  Gulf  Stream  wash  the  shores 
of  western  Europe.  (2)  The  winters  in  the  northern  half  of 
the  United  States  are  very  severe,  especially  in  the  interior 
which  possesses  to  a  marked  degree  the  characteristics  of  a 
continental  climate.  The  earliest  American  colonies  were 


ISOTHERMAL  LINES 

established  below  the  latitude  of  Rome  and  the  extreme 
cold  was  thus  avoided,  but  most  of  the  English  colonists  of 
the  seventeenth  century  settled  farther  north  and  found 
themselves  face  to  face  with  all  the  hardships  and  privations 
that  a  long  winter  would  be  likely  to  cause.  In  several 
cases  the  intense  suffering  led  to  the  complete  abandonment 
of  the  settlement.  This  very  struggle  for  existence,  however, 
seems  to  have  benefited  those  who  were  courageous  enough 
to  attempt  or  hardy  enough  to  endure  the  life  north  of  the 
fortieth  parallel. 


Geographical  Conditions 


5 


The  rainfall  throughout  the  eastern  half  of  the  United   Variations 
States  is  sufficiently  abundant  to  insure  good  crops  without  in  rainfa11- 
being  so  excessive  as  to  prevent  cultivation.     It  is  heaviest 
on  the  Gulf  slope,  but  almost  as  great  along  the  Atlantic    uni"d  states. 
border.     West  of  the  Mississippi  River  the  rainfall  is  less   1, 15-20. 
abundant  and  beyond  the  one  hundred  and  fifth  meridian 
is  too  light  for  the  production  of  most  crops.     However,  the 
great  semi-arid  plains  of  the  West  form  one  of  the  finest 
grazing  regions  in  the  world. 


AVERAGE  RAINFALL 

4.  Natural  Resources. — These  climatic  conditions  have 
made  it  possible  for  Europeans  to  live  within  the  United 
States.  They  contributed  very  largely  to  the  success  of  the 
early  settlements,  because  of  the  ease  with  which  a  supply 
of  food  could  be  raised.  Without  maize  or  Indian  corn 
many  of  the  early  colonies  would  have  been  complete  failures. 
Being  a  native  product  of  this  continent,  maize  was  found 
growing  wild  to  some  extent.  From  the  Indians  who  cul- 
tivated it  in  a  crude  way,  all  early  settlers  secured  supplies 


Agricultural 
food  supplies. 

Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
IV,  xiii-xv. 

Shaler, 
United  States, 


American  History 


Non  agricul- 
tural foods. 


Commercial 
value  of  nat- 
ural resources. 


Influence  of 
natural  re- 
sources in  re- 
cent history, 


by  purchase  or  force,  and  it  remained  the  chief  food  of  the 
immigrants  during  the  colonial  period.  This  was  largely 
due  to  the  ease  with  which  it  was  grown  in  half-cleared 
forests  where  wheat. could  not  be  raised,  and  to  the  abun- 
dance of  the  crop.  As  it  is  sensitive  to  the  cold,  it  cannot  be 
raised  in  the  North,  much  to  the  loss  of  the  colonists  in  that 
part  of  the  continent.  The  early  settlers  depended  a  great 
deal  on  the  pumpkins  and  squashes  grown  with  the  maize 
in  the  clearings.  In  the  Great  Lake  basin  wild  rice  was  one 
of  the  chief  foods  for  a  large  part  of  the  population. 

Besides  the  agricultural  productions  on  which  the  colonists 
depended,  they  used  as  food  the  immense  supplies  of  fish 
and  game.  Colonization  would  have  been  very  difficult, 
perhaps  impossible,  in  New  England  and  around  the  St. 
Lawrence,  but  for  the  fisheries,  the  cod  particularly  being 
a  source  of  considerable  wealth  because  exported  in  large 
quantities.  Frontiersmen  found  it  possible  to  sustain  life 
on  the  flesh  of  the  animals  killed. 

Far  more  valuable  to  the  early  settlers  was  the  vasf  trade 
in  peltries  which  engaged  the  attention  of  a  large  percentage 
of  the  population  in  New  France  and  New  Netherland. 
This  fur  trade  determined  the  location  of  almost  all  of  the 
frontier  towns,  which  were  at  the  beginning  little  more  than 
trading  posts.  In  the  South  the  greater  productivity  of  the 
soil  and  the  mildness  of  the  climate  made  the  question  of 
food  supply  a  less  serious  one,  but  the  growth  of  tobacco 
in  Virginia  especially  and  the  exportation  of  rice  from  the 
coast  plantations  aided  greatly  in  the  development  of  colonies 
in  that  section.  The  abundance  of  excellent  timber  along 
the  coast  furnished  material  for  the  construction  of  homes 
and  stimulated  industries  like  ship  building.  Although  the 
dense  forests  interfered  somewhat  with  agriculture,  they 
were  a  valuable  aid  to  the  colonists  in  other  ways,  lumber 
being  one  of  the  chief  exports  of  the  English  provinces. 

From  this  fragmentary  account  we  can  appreciate  perhaps 
the  influence  of  natural  conditions  on  colonial  development. 
We  fan  understand  also  how  the  favorable  agricultural 


Geographical  Conditions  7 

conditions  in  this  country,   coupled   with  its  unexcelled  Farrand, 
supply  of  coal,  iron,  copper,  and  other  minerals,  its  numerous 


rivers  and  excellent  harbors,  have  made  it  possible  for  the   vvhisor  /^T 
United  States  to  develop  with  amazing  rapidity  since  the  America, 
colonial  period.  IV,  viii-x. 

5.  Geographical  Divisions  of  the  United  States.  —  The  General. 
topography  of  the  United  States  is  very  interesting.  On  the  winsor  (ed.), 
east  and  the  west  are  two  great  oceans,  the  narrower  America, 
separating  us  from  those  European  countries  from  which  1V-1U-V- 
almost  all  American  settlers  came.  One  half  of  the  southern  Farrand, 
border  is  a  great  arm  of  the  sea,  and  nearly  one  third  of  the  Ba3ls°fAmer' 

History,  7-14. 

northern  boundary  is  a  system  of  lakes  penetrating  nearly 
one  half  of  the  distance  to  the  Pacific.  Two  great  systems  of 
mountains  divide  the  country  into  several  distinct  geograph- 
ical divisions.  One,  the  Appalachian,  running  northeast 
and  southwest,  parallel  with  the  Atlantic  coast  line,  is  low 
and  comparatively  narrow,  with  passes  connecting  the  East 
with  the  West  along  the  Mohawk,  in  Pennsylvania  and  at 
Cumberland  Gap.1  The  second,  the  Cordilleran  system, 
averages  one  thousand  miles  across  and  is  really  a  high  table 
land  fringed  for  the  most  part  by  high  ranges  on  its  eastern 
and  western  edges. 

East  of  the  Appalachian  system  is  the  Atlantic  slope,  nar-  Atlantic 
row  and  consequently  rather  steep  at  the  north,  giving  that  sl°Pe- 

section  short,  rapid  rivers,  with  narrow  valleys,  and  often 

Shaler, 
with  numerous  water  falls;  broader  at  the  south,  so  that  the    jjnned  states^ 

country  is  more  nearly  level,  the  valleys  therefore  wider,   1,53-S8.  6l- 
and  the  rivers  slower  and  navigable  for  a  longer  distance.  ^'  69~74- 
Along  the  coast  there  are  numerous  bays  and  harbors,  some 
of  which  are  particularly  fine.    On  the  south  Atlantic  slope 
and  on  the  eastern  Gulf  slope  the  coast  is  often  marshy  for 
a  considerable  distance  inland. 

Between  the  great  mountain  systems  lies  the  magnificent  Mississippi 
Mississippi  basin,  the  river  and  its  tributaries  comprising  basin* 

1  The  highest  peaks  are  but  little  over  six  thousand  feet.  There  are 
two  ranges  separated  from  Pennsylvania  and  North  Carolina  by  a  broad, 
fertile  valley. 


8 


American  History 


Shaler,  United 
States,  I,  102- 
107,  127-130. 


Gre;  t  Lake 
basil  . 

Brigham, 
Geog-t  iphis 
Influences, 
105-114. 
Shaler 

United  States, 
I,  119-117. 


The  Atlantic 
slope. 

Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
IV,  xxiii-xxx. 


nine  thousand  miles  of  navigable  streams  more  than  three 
feet  in  depth,  draining  an  area  of  about  a  million  and  a 
quarter  square  miles  of  the  finest  land  on  the  globe.  With  a 
fertile  soil  and  abundant  rainfall,  except  in  the  West,  a  climate 
that  is  marked  by  short,  hot  summers,  and  in  the  North  by 
long  severe  winters,  the  Mississippi  basin  is  to-day  the  great- 
est agricultural  region  in  the  world.  In  colonial  times 
comparatively  little  use  could  be  made  of  these  characteristics 
because  it  was  not  easily  accessible  before  the  days  of  steam. 
Mountain  ranges  shut  it  off  from  the  Atlantic  coast.  Falls 
and  rapids  in  the  St.  Lawrence  basin  practically  closed  that 
avenue  of  approach.  Access  by  way  of  the  lower  Mississippi 
was  precluded  because  of  the  river  current  and  the  swamps 
on  either  side  which  made  the  banks  uninhabitable  except 
in  places  for  a  long  distance  from  the  Gulf.  Since  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  however,  the  Mississippi 
valley  has  been  the  scene  of  many  of  the  most  important 
conflicts  in  our  history,  and  it  has  furnished  the  issues  for 
numerous  great  national  contests. 

North  of  the  eastern  Mississippi  basin  and  the  Atlantic 
slope  is  the  basin  of  the  Great  Lakes,  covering  a  compara- 
tively small  territory  aside  from  the  water  area.  Since  it 
was  closed  to  the  outside  world  for  one  half  the  year,  when 
the  St.  Lawrence  was  frozen  over,  and  was  inaccessible 
directly  because  of  the  rapids  in  the  St.  Lawrence  River 
and  Niagara  Falls,  the  upper  St.  Lawrence  basin  was  prac- 
tically unoccupied  during  the  colonial  period.  The  lower 
St.  Lawrence  basin,  which  is  open  to  sea-going  ships  as 
far  as  Montreal,  was  the  seat  of  a  thriving  colony,  supported 
in  large  part  by  the  fur  trade  with  the  interior. 

6.  Influence  of  Geography  on  English  Colonization. — 
All  of  the  English  colonies  proper  were  confined  to  the 
Atlantic  slope,  which  offered  many  advantages  to  the  settler. 
It  was  the  most  accessible  part  of  the  continent,  being  almost 
directly  across  from  Europe  l  and  offering  shelter  to  the 


1  On  account  of  the  prevailing  west  winds  in  the  north  temperate  zone 
and  eastward  direction  of  the  north  Atlantic  currents,  however,  most  of  the 


Geographical  Conditions  9 

pioneers  because  of  its  many  harbors.  As  far  inland  as  the 
mountains  the  sloping  character  of  the  country,  with  the 
numerous  short  but  navigable  rivers,  gave  easy  access  to  a 
region  which  was  attractive  and  usually  fertile.  In  the  South 
the  Atlantic  slope  was  much  broader  than  in  the  North. 
The  valleys  of  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  are  broad  and 
fertile.  As  the  climate  favored  the  growing  of  tobacco, 
rice,  and  cotton  which  can  be  raised  most  profitably  on 
large  plantations,  a  scattered  agricultural  population  was  in- 
evitable. In  New  England  the  stony  clay  soil  of  the  narrow 
valleys  was  not  well  adapted  for  agriculture,  while  the 
abundance  of  small  but  sheltered  harbors  made  it  desirable 
for  the  people  to  keep  near  the  coast  and  give  their  attention 
to  commerce.  The  middle  section,  in  this  as  in  most  other 
respects,  was  a  mean  between  the  North  and  the  South  and 
partook  of  the  characteristics  of  each.  The  magnificent  har- 
bor of  New  York,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River  and  at 
the  eastern  extremity  of  the  only  low  pass  from  the  coast  to 
the  West,  gave  that  location  advantages  over  every  other, 
and  made  it  the  natural  commercial  metropolis  of  the  East. 

During  the  colonial  period,  however,  there  was  little  com-  Communica- 
munication  between  New  York  and  the  interior  because  the  non  with  the 
Iroquois  controlled  the  Mohawk  route  and  the  French  oc- 
cupied that  part  of  the  Great  Lake  basin  beyond.     Farther  Farrand 
south  several  passes  permitted  entrance  to  the  Ohio  valley,  Basis  ofAmer. 
the  key  to  the  whole  of  that  basin,  the  junction  of  the  Al-  History.  27-35 
legheny  and  Monongahela,  lying  but  a  step  beyond  the  last 
range  of  hills.     Still  farther  south  the  great  valley  between 
the  parallel  ranges  of  the  Appalachian  mountains,  and  the 
gaps  from  that  valley  to  the  fertile  region  south  of  the  Ohio 
River,  made  emigration  to  the  West  possible  though  not 
easy. 

The  mountains  were  of  special  value  to  the  colonies  be-  The  Appaia- 
cause  they  could  be  crossed  only  with  difficulty.  They  chian  moun' 
afforded  protection  from  attack  from  the  interior  and  allowed 

early  voyagers  came  by  way  of  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies,  the  trade 
wmds  blowing  regularly  from  the  east  in  that  latitude. 


10 


American  History 


Brigham, 

Geographic 

Influences, 

76-89. 

Semple,  Anter. 

Hist,  and  Us 

Geographic 

Conditions, 

36-5I' 

The  great 
interior  basins. 

Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
IV,  xx-xxiii. 


Hold  of  the 
French  on  the 
interior. 

Farrand, 
Basis  of  Anter. 
History,  23-27. 


the  English  colonies  to  thrive  in  comparative  peace,  expand- 
ing with  a  natural  and  healthy  growth  into  the  foothills 
without  danger  of  attack  from  their  European  rivals.  The 
strength  of  the  English  colonies  was  to  a  great  extent  the 
result  of  compactness  due  partly  to  their  agricultural  and 
commercial  pursuits,  and  in  part  also  to  the  mountain 
barrier  which  confined  them  to  the  narrow  sea  border. 

7.  Geographical  Advantages  of  the  French  Colonies. — 
The  territory  occupied  by  the  French  presented  marked 
contrast  to  that  of  the  English.  France  was  fortunate 
enough  to  gain  possession  of  the  two  great  basins  —  those 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  —  which  apparently 
were  the  gateways  to  the  interior  of  the  continent.  Ap- 
parently, for  it  was  by  no  means  easy,  as  we  have  noticed, 
to  pass  from  the  lower  St.  Lawrence  to  the  four  great  lakes 
beyond  Niagara  Falls,  or  to  ascend  the  Mississippi  as  far  as 
either  of  its  important  branches.  Had  the  French  been  in 
search  of  homes,  they  could  not  easily  have  established  them- 
selves in  the  lower  St.  Lawrence  on  account  of  the  cold  and 
the  sterility  of  the  soil,  or  have  founded  extensive  colonies  in 
the  lower  Mississippi  valley  because  of  the  swampy,malarial 
condition  of  the  country.  Neither  could  they  have  pene- 
trated to  the  interior  by  either  route  readily  had  they  been 
accompanied  by  their  families  and  encumbered  with  house- 
hold necessities. 

With  the  French,  however,  actual  colonization  was  always 
subordinate  to  their  real  work  of  exploring,  trading,  and 
occupying  the  country.  For  this  task  their  geographical 
position  was  of  the  highest  value.  From  Montreal,  a  trader, 
with  comparatively  little  difficulty,  might  reach  the  vauey 
of  the  Ohio,  the  basin  of  the  upper  Great  Lakes,  the  Missis- 
sippi and  its  many  branches,  and  the  entire  system  of  water- 
ways northwest  of  Lake  Superior,  because  short  portages 
over  comparatively  level  spaces  connected  the  waters  of  the 
three  great  interior  basins  of  the  continent,  which  two  cen- 
turies ago  formed  probably  the  richest  fur-bearing  region  on 
the  globe.  Where  the  trader  might  go,  the  soldier  could 


Geographical  Conditions 


II 


follow.  In  time,  for  both  commercial  and  military  reasons, 
posts  were  established  at  the  points  where  important  water- 
ways or  paths  joined,  giving  the  French  control  of  the  region 
to  which  these  ways  penetrated.  The  skill  shown  in  the 
selection  of  these  points  is  apparent  from  a  glance  at  the  map. 
Notice  the  position  of  Montreal,  Fort  Frontenac,  Fort 
Duquesne,  Detroit,  Fort  St.  Marie,  Fort  St.  Joseph,  Fort 


UIYK.KS  AM)  POUTAOES  OF  THE    UNITED  JsIAlES 

Heary  lingle  lines  show  deptL  of  «  feet  or  more  Double  lines  show  portages 

Chartres,  and  New  Orleans,  and  we  cease  to  wonder  why 
the  French  maintained  a  hold,  slight  to  be  sure,  on  the  best 
part  of  the  North  American  continent. 

THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  INDIAN 

8.   The  Indian  Tribes.  —  A  second  Influence  during  colo-  Numbers, 
nial  times,  less  important  than  physiography,  but  consider-  customs,  and 

.  ,  ,     .  .  *  .  organization. 

able  nevertheless,  was  that  exerted  by  the  native  races. 

There  were  no  early  settlers  that  did  not  come  into  contact  Farrand, 

with  the  red  man,  to  be  helped  by  him  or  hindered  because  Basis  of  Amer 


of  his  hostility.  These  savage  hunters  were  especially 
numerous  along  the  heavily  timbered  Atlantic  slope,  within 
easy  reach  of  the  great  supply  of  fish  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  animals  of  the  forest  on  the  other.  Although  they  had 


History,    148- 
175- 


12 


American  History 


Three  great 

families. 


not  reached  a  high  degree  of  civilization,  each  tribe  occupied 
a  fairly  definite  territory  which  was  rather  extended  because 

of  the  need  of  broad 
hunting  grounds. 
WTithin  the  present  limits 
of  the  United  States, 
they  numbered,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  probably 
not  more  than  a  quarter 
million. 

Of  the  families  en- 
countered by  the  French 
or  English  only  three 
were  particularly  numer- 
ous or  important,  (i) 
Of  these  the  Algonquins 
occupied  much  the 
largest  territory,  includ- 
ing most  of  the  seacoast 

and  the  larger  part  of  the 
INDIANS 

upper  basins  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  the  Great  Lakes.  The  tribes  differed  greatly  from 
one  another,  those  of  the  North  and  West  being,  as  a  rule, 
fiercer  and  more  no- 
madic than  their  kins- 
men of  the  southeast, 
the  Delawares  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  the  Pow- 
hatans  of  Virginia,  for 
example.  (2)  The 
Iroquois  family  oc- 
cupied the  basins  of 
Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario 
and  theMohawk  valley, 
as  well  as  a  large  dis- 
trict in  the  southern 


IXDIAK  FAMILIES 

>.  M>  TRIKF.S 
(COLONIAL  PERIOD) 


The  North  American  Indian  13 

Appalachian  region.  It  included  the  "Five  Nations"  of 
New  York  whose  political  organization,  the  most  per- 
fect of  any  north  of  Mexico,  enabled  them  to  conquer  all 
their  neighbors,  either  Iroquois  or  Algonquins,  so  that  they 
often  controlled  the  territory  as  far  south  as  the  Kenawha 
and  as  far  west  as  the  Wabash.  Of  great  ability  and  cour- 
age unusual  even  among  Indians,  the  Iroquois  have  left 
an  impress  on  our  history  that  is  out  of  all  proportion  to 
their  number.  (3)  From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi, 
and  from  the  Tennessee  River  south  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
dwelt  the  Muskhogean  family,  of  which  the  most  numerous, 
ablest,  and  most  civilized  tribe  was  that  called  Creek. 

9.   Life  and  Character  of  the  Indians.  —  It  is  no  part  of  Social 
our  purpose  to  study  the  life  and  occupations  of  the  Indian  organization- 
except  to  appreciate  his  attitude  toward  the  whites  and  un- 
derstand his  influence  on  the  colonization  of  America  by  Parkman> 

*     Struggle  for 

Europeans.    Living  in  villages  that  were  often  little  more  a  continent, 

than  headquarters  for  hunting  expeditions  and  raids,  the  46o-464- 
Indians  were  not  attached  to  the  soil  and  removed  their 

wigwams  with  ease.    They  found  it  difficult  to  fight  success-  Farrand, 

...         .,1  i  Basis  of  Amer 

fully  with  the  colonists,  not  alone  because  bows  and  arrows  a-l3toryt 
were  no  match  for  muskets,  but  because  they  were  seldom  215-218, 
united.     Each  tribe  had  its  own  village  and  lived  its  own  life  24°~247- 
under  chiefs  who  recognized  no  higher  authority.    This 
separateness  prevented  concerted  movements,  except  when 
some  great  common  danger  united  the  tribes  for  a  brief 
period. 

The  character  of  the  Indians  has  never  been  portrayed  Stern 
better  than  by  the  master  hand  of  Francis  Parkman.     He  <luallties- 
gives  us  this  picture.     "Nature  has  stamped  the  Indian 
with  a  hard  and  stern  physiognomy.    Ambition,  revenge, 
envy,  jealousy,  are  his  ruling  passions,  and  his  cold  tempera- 
ment is  little  exposed  to  those  effeminate  vices  which  are  the 
bane  of  milder  races.     With  him  revenge  is  an  overpower- 
ing instinct;  nay,  more,  it  is  a  point  of  honor  and  a  duty. 
His  pride  sets  all  language  at  defiance.     He  loathes  the 
thought  of  coercion,  and  few  of  his  race  have  ever  stooped 


American  History 


Indian 
trickiness. 


The  race  and 
civilization. 


Differences 
in  Indian 
policy  of  the 
Spanish, 
French,  and 
English. 


to  discharge  a  menial  office.  A  wild  love  of  liberty,  an  utter 
intolerance  of  control,  lie  at  the  basis  of  his  character,  and 
fire  his  whole  existence.  .  .  .  With  him  the  love  of  glory 
kindles  into  a  burning  passion,  and  to  allay  its  cravings, 
he  will  dare  cold  and  famine,  fire,  tempest,  torture,  and 
death  itself. 

"These  generous  traits  are  overcast  by  much  that  is  dark, 
cold,  and  sinister,  by  sleepless  distrust  and  rankling  jealousy. 
Treacherous  himself,  he  is  always  suspicious  of  treachery 
in  others.  Brave  as  he  is,  —  and  few  of  mankind  are  braver, 
—  he  will  vent  his  passion  by  a  secret  stab  rather  than  an 
open  blow.  His  warfare  is  full  of  ambuscade  and  stratagem." 

"Some  races  of  men  seem  molded  in  wax,  soft  and  melt- 
ing, at  once  plastic  and  feeble.  Some  races,  like  some 
metals,  combine  the  greatest  flexibility  with  the  greatest 
strength.  But  the  Indian  is  hewn  out  of  a  rock.  You  can 
rarely  change  the  form  without  destruction  of  the  substance. 
Races  of  inferior  energy  have  possessed  the  power  of  expan- 
sion and  assimilation  to  which  he  is  a  stranger,  and  it  is 
this  fixed  and  rigid  quality  which  has  proved  his  ruin.  He 
will  not  learn  the  arts  of  civilization  and  he  and  his  forest 
must  perish  together." 

10.  General  Relations  of  Indians  and  Whites.  —  It  was 
perhaps  fortunate  for  the  English  that  the  Indian  was  inca- 
pable of  civilization,  for  it  prevented  the  mixing  of  the  races. 
The  Frenchmen  tried  intermarrying  with  the  natives,  adapt- 
ing themselves  to  the  standards  of  the  Indians;  but  the 
English,  a  colonizing  race,  failing  to  raise  the  Indian  to  a 
level  somewhere  near  their  own,  treated  them  always  as  in- 
feriors. It  was  as  impossible  for  the  Englishman  to  make 
a  boon  companion  of  the  Indian  as  it  was  for  the  Spaniard 
to  respect  his  rights,  so  that  both  were  obliged  to  suffer  the 
loss  of  his  help,  which  the  Frenchman  enjoyed.  Yet  in 
spite  of  the  difference  between  the  attitude  of  these  three 
European  races  toward  the  red  men,  it  was  found  that  as  a 
rule  the  Indians  responded  to  the  treatment  they  received. 
The  old  saying  that  an  Indian  never  forgets  and  never. 


The  North  American  Indian  15 

forgives  is  full  of  meaning  in  our  early  history.  The  Span- 
iard found  to  his  cost  that  his  cruelty  was  repaid  with 
usury.  He  dared  not  venture  into  the  interior  unless  his 
errand  was  purely  one  of  peace  and  good  wiU  toward  men, 
and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  he  maintained  on  the  coast  a 
hold  whose  military  character  showed  how  feeble  it  really 
was.  The  English  experienced  the  result  of  both  kindness 
and  folly.  Without  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  some 
settlements  must  have  perished,  and  without  their  hatred 
others  would  have  expanded  with  much  greater  rapidity. 

ii.  Help  given  to  the  English  by  the  Indians. — The  General  help 
dependence  of   the  whites  on    the  Indians  was  especially  g'ventoallof 

,      ,   .       ,  .      _      ..  ,  the  settlement! 

marked  in  the  early  English  settlements.  T.'me  after  time, 
the  settlers  would  have  died  of  hunger  but  for  the  tood 
furnished  by  the  natives.  The  first  successful  efforts  oi  the 
colonists  to  raise  a  supply  for  themselves  were  but  imitations 
of  the  crude  Indian  methods  of  agriculture.  The  Indians 
showed  them  how  to  plant  maize  in  the  half-cleared  forests, 
how  to  fish  through  the  ice,  and  how  to  trap  game.  They 
taught  them  to  navigate  the  streams  in  birch-bark  canoes. 
Clothing  was  made  from  skins  after  the  Indian  fashion. 
From  the  beginning  the  Indians  exchanged  valuable  furs 
for  trinkets,  and  the  great  development  of  the  fur  trade,  which 
was  a  chief  source  of  wealth  in  more  than  one  American  pos- 
session, was  possible  because  the  Indians  brought  so  many 
pelts  to  the  traders.  Exploration  of  the  interior  would 
have  been  a  very  much  slower  process  but  for  the  use  made 
of  the  numerous  Indian  trails  and  the  help  given  by  the 
Indian  guides  who  led  the  way  to  the  easiest  portages. 

The  Five  Nations,  or  Six  Nations  as  they  became  in  1715,  Aid  given  by 
exerted    an    exceptional    influence    on    American    history,  the  Six 
This  was  due  to  their  location,  their  character,  and  their  * 
political  organization.    Occupying,  as  they  did,  the  Mohawk 
valley  and  the  territory  south  of  Lake  Ontario,  they  con-  Basis  0fAmer 
trolled  the  southern  route  from  the  St.  Lawrence  River  to  history, 
the  Great  Lake  basin  and  the  Ohio  valley,  and  the  best  route  lS3~l62' 
from  the  Atlantic  coast  into  the  interior.    They  became  the 


i6 


American  History 


Failure  of 
uprisings 
against  the 
colonists. 

Eggleston, 
in  Century, 
XXVI  (1883), 
697-704. 


Contests  in 
the  West  after 
I750- 


persistent  enemies  of  the  French,  because  the  French  leaders 
in  the  St.  Lawrence  valley  found  it  necessary  to  ally  them- 
selves with  the  Indians  of  their  section,  who  were  traditional 
foes  of  the  Five  Nations.  This  made  it  easy  for  the  Dutch, 
and  later  the  English,  in  New  York,  to  gain  and  retain  the 
friendship  of  this  powerful  confederacy.  This  friendship 
was  exceedingly  valuable  to  the  English,  because  the  Iro- 
quois  prevented  the  French  from  gaining  possession  of  the 
Mohawk  and  Ontario  valleys  and  from  making  inroads  on 
the  English  settlements  during  the  colonial  wars.  It  also 
gave  the  English  their  first  real  claim  to  the  land  beyond 
the  mountains,  for  the  Iroquois  by  treaty  transferred  to  the 
colonists  the  rights  which  they  enjoyed  as  conquerors  of  the 
territory  a  long  distance  to  the  south  and  west. 

12.  Results  of  Indian  Wars.  — Many  of  the  other  Indian 
tribes  played  an  important  part  in  the  history  of  several 
colonies,  although  none  of  them  exerted  an  influence  equal 
to  that  of  the  "Six  Nations"  on  the  great  struggle  of  Euro- 
peans for  the  possession  of  the  continent.  All  of  the  Eng- 
lish colonies  were  undoubtedly  more  compact  than  they 
would  have  been  without  the  danger  of  Indian  attacks.  Yet 
there  was  never  an  important  contest  between  the  settlers 
and  the  natives  that  was  not  won  by  the  colonists.  In  every 
case  the  Indians  were  pushed  back  from  the  coast  without 
great  loss  to  the  whites,  and,  in  the  case  of  one  colony, 
Connecticut,  the  only  tribe  worthy  of  consideration  was 
practically  exterminated  during  the  first  five  years  of  the 
colony.  Later  Indian  uprisings  like  that  of  King  Philip 
(§  74)  were  just  as  disastrous  to  the  natives. 

The  Indians  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Mississippi  pre- 
vented the  rapid  settlement  of  that  region.  From  the  time 
when  the  French  surrendered  to  the  English  their  claim  to 
the  Ohio  valley  and  the  basin  of  the  Great  Lakes  (1763), 
it  was  necessary  to  establish  boundary  lines  between  the 
territory  belonging  to  the  Indians  and  that  opened  to  settle- 
ment. In  the  terrible  war  known  in  history  as  the  conspiracy 
of  Pontiac  (1763),  during  which  the  frontier  suffered  terri- 


The  North  American  Indian  17 

bly  from  Maryland  to  Lake  Huron,  the  Indians  were  united 
against  the  immigrants.  During  Washington's  adminis- 
tration as  president,  several  armies  were  defeated  until 
General  Anthony  Wayne  won  a  decisive  victory  and  left  the 
northwest  frontier  safe  once  more.  The  final  contests  with 
the  Indian  tribes  came  about  the  time  of  the  second  war 
with  Great  Britain,  when  in  1811  General  W.  H.  Harrison 
quelled  the  uprising  of  all  the  northern  Indians  under 
Tecumseh,  and  in  1814  General  Andrew  Jackson  destroyed 
the  encampment  of  the  Creeks  in  the  South.  With  the  re- 
moval of  the  Indians  to  the  Indian  Territory  soon  after  1830 
and  the  occupation  of  Indian  lands  in  the  North  (§  271), 
the  red  man  ceased  to  influence  the  history  of  the  eastern 
United  States.  The  Sioux  and  Apaches  gave  considerable 
trouble  in  the  settlements  of  the  West,  but  during  the  nine- 
teenth century  Indian  troubles  were  relatively  insignificant. 

EUROPE   DURING   THE   FIFTEENTH    CENTURY 

13.  Connection  between  the  History  of  Europe  and  Dependence 
America.  —  It  is  scarcely  too  much  to  say  that,  during  the  of  America  on 
three  centuries  which  followed  the  discovery  of  America  by  " 
Columbus,  the  history  of  America  was  but  a  phase  of  Euro- 
pean history.  If  we  wish  to  know  why  Columbus  set  out  on 
his  great  voyage  into  unknown  waters,  why  there  was  so 
much  interest  in  exploring  America,  or  why  certain  nations 
took  part  in  colonizing  movements,  we  must  seek  our  answer 
in  the  history  of  the  old  world.  The  differences  between  the 
colonies  of  England  and  France,  the  final  success  of  England 
in  the  struggle  for  possession  of  eastern  North  America,  even 
the  causes  and  results  of  both  our  wars  with  England,  can 
be  understood  only  when  we  know  the  situation  in  Europe 
during  those  years.  It  is  not  our  desire  to  treat  in  this 
book  the  history  of  Europe  during  those  formative  centuries. 
Attention  will  be  called  at  the  proper  places  to  the  European 
events  which  exerted  a  direct  influence  on  the  development 
of  this  country.  In  these  sections  we  shall  consider  briefly 
the  situation  in  Europe  during  the  fifteenth  century,  so  that 
c 


18 


American  History 


The  separate 
nations 


we  may  appreciate  what  Europe  was  like  four  or  five  hun- 
dred years  ago,  and  know  why  America  was  discovered  and 
settled  in  the  way  that  it  was. 

14.  Political  Europe  after  1450. — The  Europe  of  the 
fifteenth  century  was  essentially  a  modern  Europe  in  its 
awakening  tastes  and  desires,  but  a  mediaeval  Europe  in 
the  degree  of  its  progress  and  development.  The  intellectual 
revival  which  became  prominent  after  1450,  the  renewed 


EUROPE  A.D.  1490 

interest  in  religious  matters  that  followed  in  its  wake,  and 
the  attempts  to  unite  the  little  feudal  dukedoms  into  which 
Europe  was  divided  before  1400  were  epoch-making  move- 
ments that  could  not  be  completed  in  a  few  years.  In 
the  half  century  preceding  the  discovery  of  America,  France 
had  succeeded  in  unifying  her  different  feudal  provinces 
under  comparatively  powerful  kings,  and  all  of  the  little 
kingdoms  of  the  Spanish  peninsula,  except  Portugal,  had 
been  united  under  the  joint  rulers,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 
But  Spain  was  too  much  absorbed  in  subduing  the  nobility 


Europe  during  the  Fifteenth  Century  19 

and  driving  the  Moors  from  Granada  to  devote  much  at- 
tention to  outside  interests,  and  France  was  more  interested 
in  showy  conquest  than  in  solid  development.  The  rest  of 
the  European  countries  were  still  much  as  they  had  been. 
Little  Portugal  and  the  cities  of  Italy  were  the  most  enter- 
prising and  successful  states  at  that  time.  Germany  was 
divided  into  so  many  petty  states  that  she  frittered  away 
her  power  and  failed  to  exercise  the  influence  which  her  geo- 
graphical position  and  natural  resources  might  have  given 
her.  England  was  still  a  second-rate  power  even  among 
the  undeveloped  nations  of  that  day.  Her  agriculture  was 
crude,  her  manufactures  and  commerce  undeveloped,  and 
her  kingdom  rent  by  the  feuds  of  nobles  until  the  strong 
rule  of  the  Tudors  established  a  monarchy  worthy  of  the 
name.  In  Italy  the  pope  still  claimed  the  right  to  exercise 
temporal  power,  and  his  spiritual  power  was  as  yet  recognized 
throughout  western  Europe,  although  soon  to  be  denied  by 
all  of  the  northern  nations. 

15.   Trade  with  the  East  before  1475. — The  intellectual  Development 
sluggishness  and  commercial  inactivity  which  were  character-  of  trade  after 

.  ,.        -    .,  .j  ,,  .    .  ,          .      ,,       f.f.         ,,     the  crusades. 

istic  of  the  middle  ages  were  giving  place  in  the  fifteenth 
century  to  a  renewed  interest  in  learning,  in  industry,  and 
in  international  commerce.  The  spirit  of  enterprise  thus  !.s.e'  "c" 

of  America, 

aroused  expressed  itself  in  no  way  more  emphatically  than  i,  274-292. 
by  a  desire  to  trade  with  the  East,  for  the  crusades  had  given 
the  first  insight  into  the  wealth  that  lay  beyond  Constanti- 
nople and  Jerusalem.  Marco  Polo  and  other  travelers  had 
brought  back  such  glowing  accounts  of  China  and  India 
that  even  the  mysteries  which  seemed  to  pervade  that  distant 
portion  of  the  globe  were  no  longer  sufficient  to  "frighten 
away  the  timid  travelers  and  merchants.  Venice  and 
Genoa,  which  had  created  a  merchant  marine  by  building 
ships  to  carry  soldiers  to  the  Holy  Land,  built  up  a  trade  of 
considerable  proportions  during  the  following  centuries. 

Three  routes  were  used  most  in  carrying  on  with  Asia  a  The  three 
large  and  flourishing  business  in  spices,  silks,  precious  metals,  trade  rou 
and  gems.  One  of  these  followed  the  Black  and  Caspian 


The  route 
around  Africa. 


Fiske,  Disc, 
of  America, 
I.  3i6~334- 


•American  History 

•a"  second  crossed  Syria  to  the  Euphrates,  and  the  third 
the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea,  connecting  them  by  caravan. 
•  With  the  capture  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  (1453)  and 
^invasions  of  those  fierce  warriors  into  Syria  and  Egypt 
a  little  later,  these  routes  were  closed  or  made  too  dangerous 
for  traveling,  and  trade  disappeared;  but  neither  the  mer- 
chants who  carried  these  precious  articles  nor  the  people 
of  wealth  who  used  them  were  willing  to  forego  the  desir- 

a  b  1  e  and  lucrative 
commerce  with  Asia. 
Effort  was  redoubled 
to  find  a  new  route  to 
India.  In  this  work 
the  navigators  trained 
by  Genoa  and  Venice 
rendered  valuable  ser- 
vice in  the  employ  of 
other  countries,  since 
the  location  of  Venice 
and  Genoa  made  it 

impossible  for  them  to  compete  with  the  nations  bordering 
on  the  Atlantic. 

16.  Search  for  New  Sea  Routes  to  India.  —  Two  ways 
seemed  possible  to  the  school  of  navigators  of  that  time: 
the  one  around  Africa,  the  other  directly  west  across  the 
Atlantic.  Under  the  rule  of  the  able  Prince  Henry  of  Portu- 
gal, the  coast  of  Africa  and  the  islands  to  the  west  had  been 
explored  by  the  Portuguese,  the  belief  being  that  the  Atlantic 
and  Indian  oceans  joined  south  of  Africa,  and  that  if  the 
southernmost  point  of  the  African  continent  were  rounded, 
India  could  be  reached  with  little  difficulty.  This  was 
finally  proved  to  be  true,  but  only  after  great  delays.  The 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  was  discovered  by  Bartholomew  Diaz 
as  late  as  1487,  and  India  was  first  reached  by  Vasco  da 
Gama  in  1498. 

The  route  to  the  West  did  not  attract  the  same  amount 
of  interest  or  effort  because  every  one  dreaded  to  risk  the 


MAIN  KOITES  TO  THE  EAST 


Europe  during  the  Fifteenth  Century  21 

dangers  of  the  "sea  of  darkness."  Many  educated  persons  Ancient 
believed  that  the  earth  was  spherical,  but  opinions  as  to  its  and 
size  and  the  width  of  the  Atlantic  were  exceedingly  varied.  sp^ricit  of 
Most  of  the  views  in  fact  were  borrowed  from  the  ancients,  the  earth, 
many  of  whose  writings,  after  centuries  of  oblivion,  were 
published  during  the  fifteenth  century.  As  early  as  the  Fiske,  Disc. 
sixth  century  before  Christ,  the  Pythagoreans  believed  in  the  °f  America, 
sphericity  of  the  earth.  In  the  fourth  century  before  Christ  ~^.^°' 
Aristotle  had  held  that  the  earth  was  round  and  expressed 
the  opinion  that  there  was  probably  only  one  sea  between 
Spain  and  India.  A  century  later  Eratosthenes  computed 
the  circumference  of  the  earth  at  twenty-five  thousand  two 
hundred  geographical  miles  and  thought  that  the  distance 
from  Europe  west  to  Asia  was  so  great  that  there  might 
be  one  or  two  continents  in  this  unknown  region.  The 
great  Roman  geographer,  Ptolemy,  came  much  nearer  the 
fact,  estimating  the  circumference  at  twenty  thousand  four 
hundred  geographical  miles.  These  views  of  the  ancients 
were  known  during  the  middle  ages  or  were  republished 
during  the  fifteenth  century.  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
of  these  new  books  was  a  kind  of  encyclopedia  of  geographi- 
cal knowledge  which  was  published  in  1409  under  the  title 
of  Imago  Mundi,  and  contained  many  of  the  Greek  and 
Roman  beliefs.  A  copy  of  this  book  was  owned  and  care- 
fully studied  by  Christopher  Columbus,  who  accepted  the 
view  that  the  earth  was  round.  But  Columbus  believed  it 
to  be  much  smaller  than  it  is  and  thought  that  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  was  comparatively  narrow. 

17.  Summary.  —  During  colonial  times  three  chief  Geography, 
influences  on  our  history  were  physiography,  the  Indians, 
and  conditions  in  Europe.  The  moderate  temperature  and 
adequate  rainfall  adapted  the  Atlantic  coast  and  the  Missis- 
sippi basin  particularly  to  the  support  of  life.  Cod  and  corn 
were  used  chiefly  as  food.  The  abundance  of  furs  in  the 
interior,  and  of  silver  in  Mexico,  and  the  ease  with  which 
tobacco  was  grown  in  Virginia,  influenced  greatly  the  per- 
manent settlement  in  each  of  those  regions.  Because  of  its 


22 


American  History 


accessibility  almost  all  of  the  early  settlements  were  made  on 
the  Atlantic  coast,  England  gaining  control  of  the  slope  and 
establishing  compact  settlements  on  the  harbors  or  in  the 
narrow  valleys  of  the  North  and  plantations  in  the  broader 
valleys  of  the  South.  The  mountains  hindered  expansion 
into  the  interior,  but  prevented  attacks  by  other  nations  or 
the  Indians  from  behind.  As  the  French  desired  trade, 
they  gained  a  slight  hold  on  the  Mississippi  and  St.  Lawrence 
valleys  by  occupying  strategic  points. 

rhe  Indians.  The  Indians  were  friendly  to  most  of  the  early  colonists 
and  helped  them  by  giving  them  food  and  teaching  them  how 
to  live  in  a  wilderness.  Their  hostility  at  a  later  time  was  due 
either  to  the  cruelty  of  the  settlers  or  to  the  encroachments  of 
the  whites  on  their  hunting  grounds.  Only  one  family,  the  Iro- 
quois,  resisted  the  advance  of  the  whites  successfully.  These 
warriors  kept  off  the  French  and  usually  aided  the  English 
because  the  latter  did  not  care  to  penetrate  so  far  inland, 
influence  of  Until  after  the  Revolutionary  War,  American  history  was 

Europe.  little  more  than  a  phase  of  European  history.     At  the  time 

America  was  discovered,  Europe  was  composed  of  partly 
united  kingdoms  like  France  or  Spain  or  of  decentralized 
feudal  states  like  Germany.  The  only  wealthy  countries 
were  those  that  had  engaged  in  commerce  since  the  crusades. 
Venice  and  Genoa  were  most  prominent,  but  the  closing  of 
the  eastern  trade  routes  destroyed  most  of  their  trade.  The 
future  belonged  to  the  nations  bordering  on  the  Atlantic, 
first  to  Spain  and  Portugal,  which  were  already  aroused  to 
the  possibilities  of  commerce,  and  later  to  the  more  slowly 
developing  French,  English,  and  Dutch  nations. 

TOPIC 

THE  IROQTJOIS  CONFEDERACY:  Lamed  (ed.),  "History  for  Ready 
Reference,"  I,  pp.  89-92 ;  Fiske,  "Discovery  of  America,"  I,  pp.  66- 
77,  II,  pp.  530-531 ;  Lee  (ed.),  "  History  of  North  America,"  II, 

pp.  I43-I53- 

STUDIES 

I.  Western  Europe  and  American  exploration.  (Semple,  "Ameri- 
can History  and  its  Geographic  Conditions,"  pp.  1-18.) 


Conditions  Affecting  Colonization  23 

2.  Influence  of  the  triangular  shape  of  North  America  on  its  ex- 
ploration.    (Cf.  Fiske,  "Discovery  of  America,"  II,  Chapter  XII.) 

3.  Fur  trade    and  fisheries.      (Weeden,    "New    England,"    I, 
pp.  129-135.) 

4.  The  great  Appalachian  valley.  (Semple,  "American  History 
and  its  Geographic  Conditions,"  pp.  54-61.) 

5.  The  Hudson-Mohawk    route.     (Brigham,  "Geographic    In- 
fluences in  American  History,"  pp.  3-26.) 

6.  French  use  of  portages.  (Semple,  "American  History  and  its 
Geographic  Conditions,"  pp.  27-31.) 

7.  Indian  policy  of  French  and  English.     (Parkman,  "Struggle 
for  a  Continent,"  pp.  256-264.) 

8.  Indian  warfare  and   captives.     (Eggleston,  Century,  XXVI 
(1883),  pp.  704-718.) 

9.  Pontiac's  conspiracy.  (Parkman,  "Struggle  for  a  Continent," 
pp.  473-5I3-) 

10.  Consolidation  of  France.  (Duruy,"  Modern  Times,"  pp.  8-26.) 

11.  Unification  of  Spain.     (Cheyney,  "European  Background," 
pp.  81-96.) 

12.  Commerce     of     Venice.      (Brown,    "Venetian     Republic" 
(Temple  Primers),  pp.  44-65,  75-81.) 

13.  Henry  the  Navigator.     (Cheyney,  "European  Background," 
pp.  62-69.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Make  an  outline  showing  the  character  of  the  soil,  tempera- 
ture, and  rainfall  of  each  of  the  following  geographical  divisions: 
lower  St.  Lawrence,  upper  St.  Lawrence,  north  Atlantic  slope,  south 
Atlantic  slope,  Gulf  region,  central  Mississippi  basin. 

2.  Make  a  (companion)  outline  for  the  same  divisions  showing 
the  accessibility,  food  supply,  defensibility,  and  resources. 

3.  Mention  some  of  the  conflicts   of   national  importance  that 
have  taken  place  in  the  Mississippi  valley.     What  are  some  of  the 
national  issues  furnished  by  the  West  ? 

4.  What  was  the  influence  of  the  Appalachian  mountains  on  the 
expansion  of  the  English  colonies  and  the  struggle  for  the  interior? 

5.  Locate  Niagara,  Duquesne,  Detroit,  Ste.  Marie,  New  Orleans. 
What  waterways  or  trails  did  they  control?      What  portages  made  it 
easy  to  pass  from  the  basin  of  the  Great  Lakes  to  that  of  the  Missis- 
sippi ? 

6.  Would  the  task  of  colonizing  America  have  been  easier  had 
there  been  no  native  races? 

7.  Cite  at  least  eight  instances  before  1775  when  events  in  Eng- 
land influenced  American   history.     Trace  the   influence.     Do  the 
same  with  three  events  in  America  that  influenced  England. 


CHAPTER    H 
THE  FIRST  CENTURY  (1492-1600) 


ENGLISH   RULERS 


Henry  VII  (1485-1509) 
Henry  VIII  (1509-1547) 
Edward  VI  (i547-I553) 


Mary  (1553-1558) 
Elizabeth  (1558-1603) 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  A  NEW  WORLD 

Columbus  18.    Preparation  of  Columbus.  —  Christopher  Columbus 

in  Portugal  and  was  korn  near  Genoa,  before  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 

century.     His  parents  were  poor  and  he  had  comparatively 

few  early  advantages.     Before  reaching  manhood  he  began 


.         .  \  \    C*M*BIEM.  <;,       X.M 

1    \   \  4  \  ^red  \ 

«lBR*Wiii      <mn>  "X""^     \1 


I,   14-20. 


TOSCVXELLPS  MAP 

(Sbowiug  location  of  CUe  Americua  in  doued  linesj 

Channing.  his  career  as  a  sailor,  spending  part  of  his  time  when  ashore 
United  states,  studying  navigation  or  geography  and  making  maps.  For 
several  years  he  resided  in  Lisbon,  the  chief  center  of  com- 
mercial activity  in  western  Europe.  While  there  he  wrote 
to  an  Italian  philosopher,  Toscanelli,  asking  him  for  infor- 
mation regarding  a  direct  voyage  to  India.  Toscanelli 

24 


1492]  The  Discovery  of  a  New   World 


replied,  suggesting  that  Japan  could  be  reached  by  sailing 
directly  west,  and  inclosing  a  map  according  to  which  Japan 
was  less  than  four  thousand  miles  from  Spain.  Later 
Columbus  asked  the  king  of  Portugal  to  aid  him  in  making 
this  voyage,  but  the  monarch  gave  him  no  encouragement. 
Subsequently  Colum- 
bus entered  the  service 
of  Spain,  endeavoring 
for  several  years  to 
get  governmental  aid 
for  his  enterprise. 
But  the  times  were 
unpropitious,  for 
Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella were  making  a 
final  effort  to  drive 
the  Moors  from  the 
southern  part  of  the 
peninsula.  This  was 
accomplished  in  1492, 
and  that  same  year 
they  made  an  agree- 
ment to  furnish  the  vessels  for  the  expedition,  to  give  Colum- 
bus absolute  power  as  viceroy  over  the  territories  discovered, 
and  to  allow  him  one  tenth  of  all  the  wealth  obtained  through 
his  explorations. 

19.  Columbus's  First  Voyage.  —  On  August  3,  1492,  he 
set  sail  from  Palos  with  three  caravels,  the  largest  of  which 
was  less  than  one  hundred  feet  in  length.  After  a  delay  at 
the  Canary  Islands,  the  little  fleet  started  out  into  unknown 
waters.  In  midocean  they  encountered  a  vast  mass  of  weeds 
now  known  as  the  "Sargasso  Sea."  Going  to  the  north  of 
this,  they  proceeded  westward,  constantly  finding  indications 
of  land.  Great  numbers  of  birds  were  seen,  and  as  most  of 
these  proceeded  southwest,  Columbus  was  persuaded  to 
change  his  course.  In  the  early  morning,  October  12,  land 
was  sighted,  and  at  daybreak  Columbus  landed  on  one  of 


COLUMBUS 


Bourne, 
Spain  in 
America, 
8-19. 

Winsor  (ed.). 
America, 
II,  1-9 


Crossing 
the  Atlantic. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, I, 
No.  17. 
C  banning, 
United  States, 
I,  20-23. 

Bourne, 
Spain  in 
America, 
20-23. 


26 


American  History 


[1492 


Am.  History       the  easternmost  of  the  Bahama  Islands.   Had  he  continued 
Leaflets,  No.  i.   west>  he  wouicj  have  been  borne  still  farther  north  by  the  Gulf 

Stream  and  have  reached  the  coast  of  the  United  States. 
After  visiting  several  islands  of  the  Bahamas,  Columbus 

coasted  along  the  shores  of  Cuba  and  reached  San  Domingo, 

where  his  largest  vessel  was  wrecked  and  a  garrison  left. 

The  return  voyage  was  marked  by  a  severe  storm  which 


The  return 
voyage. 


Bourne, 
Spain  in 
America, 
23-28. 

Papal  bull 
and"  treaty  of 
Tordesillas. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  18. 

Bourne, 
Spain  in 
America, 
29-32. 


Columbian  Exposition  ^fodel 

A  CARAVEL 

separated  the  vessels,  but,  after  many  experiences,  both 
reached  Palos  on  the  same  day,  March  15,  1493.  The 
Spanish  monarchs  received  the  discoverer  with  every  mark 
of  esteem  and  he  was  treated  with  almost  royal  honors. 

20.  The  Pope's  Division  of  the  Earth.  —  As  soon  as 
Columbus  returned  to  Spain,  King  Ferdinand  sent  at  once 
to  Rome  and  requested  that  Pope  Alexander  VI  confirm 
his  title  to  the  lands  discovered  in  the  west.  The  pontiff 
accordingly  issued  a  decree  in  which  he  proclaimed  that 
Spain  was  entitled  to  the  lands  lying  west  of  the  meridian 
which  was  one  hundre/j  leagues  west  from  any  of  the  islands 
commonly  called  the  Azores  or  Cape  Verde.  The  right  to 
heathen  lands  lying  east  of  this  line  was  confirmed  to  Por- 
tugal, whose  claims  to  territories  discovered  in  Africa  had 
already  been  recognized  by  the  Hhly  See.  As  Portugal  was 


1496]  The  Discovery  of  a  New   World 


dissatisfied  with  this  division  of  the  globe,  negotiations  were 
begun  at  once  with  Spain  which  ended  in  the  treaty  of  Tor- 
desillas,  signed  June  7,  1494.  The  line  of  demarcation  was 
to  be  drawn  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  west  of  the 
Cape  Verde  Islands. 

This  line  did  not  touch  North  America,  but  was  not  far 
east  of  the  country  discovered  by  the  Cabots  in  1497  (§  22), 
so  that  in  1500  the  Cortereal  brothers  explored  the  coasts 
of  Newfoundland  and  Labra- 
dor with  the  hope  that  they 
might  be  claimed  by  Portugal. 
On  the  other  hand,  a  large 
part  of  South  America  lay  east 
of  the  line,  and  when  in  1500 
a  Portuguese,  Cabral,  on  his 
way  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
accidentally  sighted  the  coast 
of  what  is  now  Brazil,  the  way 
was  open  to  the  establishment 
of  a  Portuguese  colony  in  the 
new  world.  On  the  other  side 
of  the  world  Portugal  had  an 
undisputed  claim  to  most  of  the 
islands,  but  Spain  gained  pos- 
session of  the  Philippines  before  it  was  learned  that  they 
were  located  in  Portugal's  half  of  the  globe.  This  papal 
division  was  ignored  of  course  by  many  of  the  other  nations. 

21.  Later  Voyages  of  Columbus.  —  Columbus  did  not 
remain  long  in  Spain  after  his  first  voyage,  because  of 
the  danger  that  Portugal  would  send  out  a  fleet  to  seize  the 
lands  which  he  had  discovered.  The  equipment  for  the 
second  voyage  was  a  marked  contrast  to  that  of  the  first. 
A  large  fleet  carried  nearly  fifteen  hundred  persons,  among 
them  many  nobles  in  search  of  wealth.  A  number  of  the 
West  India  islands,  including  Porto  Rico  and  Jamaica,  were 
visited  and  a  Spanish  colony  established  on  Hispaniola  (San 
Domingo). 


Fiske,  Disc. 
of  America, 
I,  453-460. 


Influence  of  the 
division. 

Bourne, 
Spain  in 
America, 
63-66,  73-75- 


Second 
voyage. 


Lamed  (ed.)r 
Ready  Ref., 
I,  50-51- 


28 


American  History 


[1496 


Third 
voyage. 

Bourne. 
Spain  in 
America, 
46-53- 

Fiske.  Disc, 
of  .-tmerica, 
I,  488-503. 


Fourth  voyage. 

Fiskr.  Disc, 
of  America, 
I.  5°3-5i3- 


Voyages, 
1497-1498. 


Am.  History 
LeaJUts. 
No.  9. 

Charming, 
United  States, 
1.33-37- 


Bourne, 
Sfain  in 
America, 
54-61. 

Old  South 
LeajUts, 
No.  37. 


Columbus  returned  to  Spain  in  1496  and  did  not  start  on 
.his  third  voyage  until  two  years  later.  On  this  expedition  he 
first  saw  the  mainland  of  South  America,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  great  Orinoco  River.  Soon  after  a  special  envoy  was 
sent  from  Spain  to  investigate  the  charges  of  misgovernment 
which  had  been  brought  against  Columbus  as  governor,  and 
he  was  arrested  without  delay.  On  his  return  to  Spain  in 
chains,  the  monarchs  disavowed  the  action  of  their  repre- 
sentative, but  Columbus  never  regained  the  authority  thus 
taken  from  him. 

His  fourth  and  last  voyage  in  1502  brought  him  to  the  coast 
of  Central  America,  although  he  still  believed  he  was  off  the 
coast  of  the  Indies.  His  later  years  were  full  of  bitterness, 
for  he  proved  to  be  incompetent  for  the  great  task  of  gov- 
erning a  colony,  and  being  harsh  in  dealing  with  natives  he 
made  enemies  who  succeeded  in  stripping  him  of  his  honors. 
He  died  in  1506,  obscure  and  neglected,  without  knowing 
that  he  had  led  the  way  to  a  new  world,  which  was 
separated  from  Asia  by  an  ocean  larger  than  the  Atlantic. 

22.  The  Cabots  were  merchants  of  Bristol,  England,  at 
the  time  news  was  brought  that  Columbus  had  discovered 
land  by  sailing  west.  In  1496  John  Cabot  obtained  from 
Henry  VII  a  permit  to  sail  westward.  The  permit  was  not 
used  until  the  next  year,  and  it  was  June  24,  1497,  when  the 
Cabots  sighted  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  Newfoundland. 
Six  weeks  later  they  were  back  in  England,  where  the  king 
made  a  gift  of  £10  "  to  hym  that  founde  the  newe  isle."  In 
1498  a  much  larger  expedition  set  out.  The  coast  from  Lab- 
rador to  Cape  Cod  was  explored,  and  many  persons  believe 
that  the  Cabots  continued  on  their  southern  course  until  the 
capes  off  North  Carolina  were  reached.  No  attempt  was 
made  to  f  ollow  up  these  voyages,  John  Cabot  probably  having 
died  and  his  son  Sebastian  having  entered  the  service  of  Spain. 
But  several  generations  later,  when  England  desired  to  estab- 
lish a  legal  claim  to  the  eastern  part  of  North  America, 
these  voyages  of  discovery  were  deemed  of  the  first  impor- 
tance. 


The  Discovery  of  a  New   World 


29 


AH&K1OA,  1515 

(Frvm  Schdner's  Globe) 


23.    Vespucius  and  the  Naming  of  America.  —  Americus 

Vespucius,  or  Amerigo  Vespucci,  like  Columbus  and  the 

Cabots,  was  an  Italian.     In  1504 

he   wrote   a   letter   telling   about 

"  Four  voyages  "  that  he  claimed 

to  have  made  to  the  new  world 

while  in  the  employ  of  Spain.     He 

reported  that  on   the   earliest   of 

these  (in  1497)  he  had  discovered 

South   America  and   that  on  his 

later   voyages    he    had    explored 

the  coast  of  that  region.     Many 

modern  investigators  consider  the 

claims  of  Vespucius  ridiculous,  but 

it  is  certain  that  they  were  believed  by  at  least  some  of 

his  contemporaries. 

Among   these   was  Martin   Waldseemuller,   a    professor 

_  of    geography    at    the    college 

of  Saint-Die  in  Lorraine.  In 
1507  Waldseemuller  published 
a  pamphlet  entitled  Cosmogra- 
phie  Introductio^  in  which  he 
suggested  that  the  land  in  the 
southwest,  which  did  not  cor- 
respond to  any  islands  on  the 
maps  existing  before  1492,  and 
which  for  several  years  had  been 
known  as  Mondo  Novo,  should 
be  called  "America."  This 
name  became  quite  common  on 
maps  of  the  time  before  it  was 
learned  that  this  southern  region 
formed  a  continent  connected 
with  lands  discovered  by  the 
Cabots  and  others  at  the  North. 

When  this  connection  was  understood,  the  name  America 

was  applied  naturally  to  the  whole  of  the  new  world. 


Voyages  of 
Vespucius. 


Bourne, 
Spain  in 
America, 
84-96. 


Old  South 
Leaflets, 
Nos.  34,  90. 


First  use  of 
name  America, 

Bourne,  Spain 
in  America, 
99-103. 

Winsor   (ed.), 
America,  II, 
I4S-I52. 


AMERICA,  1541 

(From  Mercator'i  Map) 


3O  American  History  [15 13 

Discovery  of          24.    The  Pacific  Ocean.  —  Little  was  known  yet  about 

the  Pacific.         tm»s  new  wori(jj  but  in  the  decade  beginning  with  1513 

geographical  knowledge  of  the  uncivilized  hemisphere  was 

extended  greatly.     It  was  in  the  year  1513  that  Balboa,  an 

UniuTsiates     adventurer  and  a  rebel,  in  search  of  gold,  crossed  the  Isth- 

1,47-51.  mus  of  Panama  and  first  beheld  the  waters  of  the  Pacific, 

which  he  called  the  "South  Sea,"  because  the  shore  line 

runs  east  and  west  at  this  point. 

Magellan,  voy-       Six  years  later   Fernando  Magalhaens  or  Magellan,   a 

age  around  the   Portuguese  nobleman  in  the  employ  of  Spain,  started  with 

five  vessels  to   find   a  southwest  passage  through   South 

America  to  the  Indies.     In  this  he  succeeded,  the  strait 

which  he  discovered  now  bearing  his  name.     With  but  two 

United  States, 

i>  50-54-  vessels  he  proceeded  north  a  long  distance,  then  changed 

his  course  to  the  northwest,  and  finally  to  the  west,  in 
order  not  to  pass  the  Molucca  or  Spice  Islands,  of  which  he 
was  in  search  and  whose  latitude  he  knew.  After  weeks  on 
the  quiet  ocean,  which  he  named  the  Pacific,  he  reached  what 
is  probably  the  Island  of  Guam,  and  soon  after  landed  on 
the  Philippines.  Here  Magellan  lost  his  life,  April  27, 
1521.  The  larger  vessel  was  soon  after  captured  by  the 
Portuguese,  but  the  smaller  succeeded  in  reaching  Spain 
after  circumnavigating  the  globe  —  certainly  one  of  the 
most  marvelous  voyages  in  history,  and  one  which  caused 
remarkable  changes  in  the  geographical  ideas  of  the  times. 

EXPLORATIONS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  (1513-1543) 

Ponce  de  Leon  25.  Florida  (1513-1536).  —  For  thirty  years  the  Spanish 
(1513-1520-  made  repeated  efforts  to  explore  the  southern  part  of  the 

United  States,  rumors  of  gold  constantly  leading  them  into 
Bourne,  Spain  the  interior.  The  first  to  show  the  way  to  Florida,  a  name 

applied  for  at  least  a  century  to  the  entire  southeastern  part 
Winsor  (ed.),  °f tne  United  States,  was  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  was  attracted 
America,  by  the  reports  of  an  excellent  climate  and  prospects  of  wealth. 

In  1513  he  explored  both  the  east  and  the  west  coast  of  the 

peninsula  and  in  1521  attempted  a  settlement  which  failed 

because  of  the  hostility  of  the  Indians. 


1542]         Explorations  in  the  United  States  31 

In  1526  a  much  more  pretentious  settlement  was  attempted  Ayiion's  settle. 

by  d'Ayllon.    Over  five  hundred  persons,  including  some  ment  (r526). 

slaves,  were  taken  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  but  the  climate  was  Winsor 

so  unhealthy  that  they  lost  their  leader  and  more  than  one-  America, 

half  of  their  men  within  a  year,  and  the  enterprise  was  11,238-241. 
abandoned. 

The  next  to  search  for  wealth  in  Florida  was  de  Narvaez,  Narvaez  and 

who  landed  near  Tampa  Bay  in  1528.    The  last  survivors  Cabezade 
of  this  ill-fated  expedition  were  wrecked  some  months  later 

on  the  coast  of  Texas,  where  they  were  held  as  prisoners  ,.ann!ng> 

J  United  States, 

for  several  years.     Under  the  lead  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  i,  62-67. 

had  been  employed  as   a  "medicine  man,"  four  of   them  Winsor  (ed.), 

escaped  and  crossed  the  plains  and  mountains  to  the  Spanish  Amerua> 

i,  240-244. 

settlements  on  the  Gulf  of  California,  bringing  with  them  oid  South 

rumors  of  large  quantities  of  gems  and  precious  metals  to  Leaflets, 

the  north  of  the  countries  they  had  traversed  and  arousing  n-N°-39- 
renewed  interest  in  the  exploration  of  the  interior. 

26.   The  Southwest  (1539-1543).  — To  ascertain  the 'truth  Coronado's  ex- 

of  the  reports  that  the  "Seven  Cities  of  Cibola"  were  pos-  Pedition  (1540- 

1542). 
sessed  of  great  wealth,  Fray  Marcos  was  sent  "to  spy  out 

the  land."     He  failed  to  reach  the  cities,  but  brought  back  Hart,  Contem- 

stories  more  wonderful  than  any  that  had  yet  been  told,  poranes, 

In  a  short  time,  Coronado  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  '    ' 

Channing, 

Spaniards,  many  of   them  mounted,  and  nearly  a  thousand  united  states, 

Indians,  set  out  for  Cibola  (1540).    The  cities  proved  to  be  1.74-84- 

nothing  but  the  unattractive  dwellings  of  Pueblos,  but  there  Bourne-  spain 

0  in  America, 

was  said  to  be  a  great  deal  of  gold  farther  north  and  east.  I(^I74, 

A  force  was  dispatched  to  investigate  a  great  canon  to  the  Amer.  Hist. 

west,  —  that  of  the  Colorado,  —  and  Coronado's  little  army  Leaflets, 

No.  13. 

then  pushed  on  across  the  plateau  and  plains  until  Quivera 
was  reached,  probably  in  the  present  state  of  Kansas.  They 
found  immense  herds  of  bison  and  trackless  wastes,  but 
no  gold.  In  disappointment  the"  Spaniards  returned  to 
Mexico. 

Among  the  many  explorers  who  at  this  time  were  inter-  CoastofCali- 
ested  in  the  country  north  of  the  Spanish  settlements  was 
Cabrillo.     Setting  out  in  1542  with  two  vessels,  he  and  his 


American  History 


['539 


Hittell,  Ca/i- 
Jbrnia,!, 73-78. 


Explorations  in 
the  southeast 
(I539-I543)- 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  23. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  67-72. 

Bourne,  5/a/« 
*'»  America, 
162-168. 


Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
II,  244-254. 


Verrazano's 
voyage  (1524). 

Bourne,  Spain 
in  America, 
M3-I45- 
Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
IV.  5-9. 

Cartier's  explo- 
rations and  set- 
tlements 
(I535-I54IV 


successor  Ferrelo  examined  the  western  coast  beyond  Cape 
Mendocino  with  considerable  care.  Nothing  came  of  this 
or  of  the  other  explorations  in  the  West,  and  it  was  a  half 
century  before  any  permanent  Spanish  missions  were  estab- 
lished within  the  United  States,  and  a  still  longer  time  before 
the  region  proved  attractive  to  less  unselfish  settlers. 

27.  De  Soto.  —  The  last,  and  in  some  respects  the  greatest, 
of  these  early  Spanish  explorers  in  the  United  States  was 
Fernando  de  Soto.     Having  served  under  the  Pizarros  wh'en 
they  conquered  the  country  of  the  Incas,  he  was  anxious 
to  gain  for  himself  fame  and  fortune  in  Florida,  as  Cortez 
had  done  in  Mexico  and  the  Pizarros  in  Peru.     With  a  well- 
equipped  force  of  nearly  six  hundred  men  and  many  horses, 
he  landed  at  Tampa  Bay  during  the  summer  of  1539.    The 
Indians  were  treated  with  severity,  the  chief  of  each  tribe 
visited  being  seized  and  held  as  hostage  until  provisions  were 
forthcoming  and  his  country  had  been  crossed.     For  two 
years  the  Spaniards  continued  their  search  through  the  in- 
hospitable country  without  discovering  traces  of  the  wealth 
they  sought  and  at  length  crossed  the  Mississippi.     After 
further  wanderings,  broken  and  discouraged,  Soto  returned 
to  the  river  to  die  (May,  1542).    Nowhere  had  he  found  gold 
or  signs  of  gold,  and  everywhere  the  Indians  were  fierce  and 
hostile.    Glad  to  escape  from  this  land  of  dangers,  the  sur- 
vivors of  Soto's  party,  after  several  attempts,  succeeded  in 
getting  out  of  the  Mississippi  and   reached   the  Mexican 
coast  settlements. 

28.  Verrazano  and  Cartier.  —  Although  far  behind  the 
Spanish  in  a  desire  to  explore  and  colonize,  the  French 
were  not  entirely  inactive.     In  1524  the  French  sent  out 
Verrazano,  an  Italian  like  many  of  the  other  navigators  of 
that  day,  who  visited  the  eastern  coast  of  North  America 
and  explored  from  the  capes  of  North  Carolina  to  Newfound- 
land, probably  entering  New  York  harbor. 

Ten  years  later  Cartier  explored  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
returning  in  1535  and  ascending  the  river.  He  penetrated 
as  far  as  the  large  island  just  below  the  first  series  of  rapids. 


1560]         Explorations  in  the  United  States  33 

To  the  height  on  this  island  he  gave  the  name  Mont  Real.1  Hart,  Contem- 
No  attempt  was  made  to  found  a  colony  at  this  time,  but  in  foraries, 
1540-1541,  he  and  an  associate,  Roberval,  sought  to  settle  on    '        35< 
the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence.     Roberval  failed  to  aid 
Cartier  until  the  latter  had  abandoned  his  settlement,  and  Winsor  (ed-)t 
the  French  hold  on  America  after  this  time  was  represented  IV  ^Z« 
by  a  few  fishermen's  huts  on  the  Atlantic  coast. 

THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

29.  The  Situation  in  Europe.  —  During  the  early  part  Spain, 
of  the  sixteenth  century  Spain  had  risen  to  the  position 
of  the  first  European  power.  Her  king  was  ruler  not  only  Schwiii,  Mod- 
of  the  Spanish  peninsula,  but  of  the  Netherlands,  the  Sicilies,  ern  hur°Pe> 
and  a  large  part  of  America.  As  he  was  in  addition  emperor 
of  Germany,  the  rule  of  Charles  V  was  in  consequence  one 
of  unusual  splendor.  The  immense  riches  of  Mexico  and 
Peru  added  greatly  to  this  power  of  Spain,  but  could  not 
continue  to  sustain  it,  for  the  successor  of  Charles,  Philip  II, 
followed  an  unwise  policy  which  undermined  the  sources 
of  national  strength.  Freedom  of  thought  was  crushed 
by  the  inquisition,  the  Netherlands  were  lost  by  an  unwise 
religious  policy,  while  the  Jews  and  Moors,  the  industrial 
backbone  of  the  nation,  were  driven  from  Spain.  The 
decline  of  Spanish  power  became  evident  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and,  after  the  defeat  of  the 
Armada  in  1588,  was  rapid  and  continuous. 

France  was  in  no  position  during  these  years  to  accom-  France, 
plish  much  at  home  or  abroad.    Torn  with  the  strife  between 
the  Catholics  and  the  Huguenots,  governed  nominally  by 
the  worthless  sons  of  Henry  II  and  ruled  really  by  the  faction 
which  was  temporarily  in  the  ascendant,  she  followed  no  Robinson, 
fixed  policy  until  the  accession  of  the  able  Henry  IV  in  1589. 

rope,  451—45°' 

England  meanwhile  under  Elizabeth  was  quietly  develop-  England, 
ing  her  resources   and   settling  her  religious   differences. 
As  yet  neither  an  industrial  nor  r,  commercial  nation,  and, 

1  Mount  Royal. 


34 


American  History 


[1562 


Robinson, 
Western  Eu- 
rope, 458-463. 


Port  Royal 
(1562). 


Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  94-96. 


Fort  Caroline. 
Menendez. 


Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  96-100. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  36. 


Fiske,  Disc, 
of  America, 
11,512-521. 

Bourne,  Spain 
in  America, 
176-189. 


as  an  international  power,  inferior  to  Spain  and  France, 
she  gave  encouragement  to  the  seamen  of  the  southern  coast 
who  engaged  in  trade  with  the  Spanish  colonies,  and  aided 
merchants  who  desired  to  form  an  East  India  company  to 
trade  with  the  far  East.  Elizabeth  in  fact  permitted  Sir 
Francis  Drake  and  others  to  capture  Spanish  merchantmen 
and  treasure  ships  in  time  of  peace,  thus  developing  that 
irregular  navy  which  in  1588  harassed  and  in  the  end  de- 
stroyed the  unwieldy  Spanish  Armada.  With  Spain's  navy 
crippled,  the  Dutch  seized  upon  the  greater  part  of  the  carry- 
ing trade  of  Europe. 

30.  The  French  in  Florida  (1562-1565).  —  Under  the 
auspices  of  the  great  Protestant  leader,  Gasper  de  Coligny, 
two  settlements  were  attempted  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
United  States  in  the  land  named  Florida  and  claimed  by 
the  Spanish.  The  first  of  these  was  made  in  1562  by  Jean 
Ribaut  at  Port  Royal,  a  little  north  of  the  Savannah  River, 
but  the  next  year  the  colonists  constructed  a  ship,  abandoned 
the  colony,  and  reached  Europe  after  a  terrible  voyage. 

In  1564  a  second  settlement  was  started  by  Laudonniere 
on  the  river  of  May,  now  called  the  St.  Johns,  where  they 
built  a  fort  named  Caroline  in  honor  of  their  king,  Charles 
IX.  Most  of  the  settlers  were  men  of  broken  fortunes  and 
adventurers.  Untrained  to  labor  and  desiring  only  gold, 
they  quarreled  with  one  another  and  with  the  Indians,  some 
of  them  at  length  turning  pirates  and  betraying  to  the  Span- 
ish the  presence  of  the  little  colony,  Meanwhile  the  settlers 
prepared  to  abandon  the  colony,  but  before  they  were  ready 
to  sail,  two  fleets  arrived  off  the  coast  of  Florida:  the  first, 
French,  under  Ribaut  bringing  relief;  the  second,  Spanish, 
under  Menendez,  threatening  destruction.  Before  Menen- 
dez, a  man  of  great  vigor  and  earnestness,  heard  of  the 
French  colony,  he  had  been  expecting  to  secure  a  grant 
of  Florida  and  colonize  that  region.  When  he  learned  of  the 
Protestant  settlement,  he  applied  to  Philip  II  who  helped  him 
fit  a  great  expedition  for  what  they  considered  a  crusade.  Findr 
ing  the  French  fort  and  fleet  too  strong  to  attack,  he  disem- 


I583J        The  Close  of  the  Sixteenth  Century  35 

barked  his  men  and  constructed  a  fort  which  he  named  St. 
Augustine  (1565).  The  elements  now  favored  him,  for  Ri- 
baut's  fleet  was  scattered  and  his  ships  wrecked  by  a  great 
storm.  Menendez  immediately  marched  overland  through  the 
swamps,  attacked  Fort-Caroline,  which  was  practically  unpro- 
tected, and  put  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword.  Three  different 
parties  from  Ribaut's  fleet  who  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast 
south  of  St.  Augustine  were  obliged  to  throw  themselves  on 
Menendez's  mercy.  Most  of  them  were  foully  slain.  This 
ended  the  settlements  of  the  French  in  the  southern  part  of 
North  America,  for  King  Charles  of  France  was  not  fond 
of  the  Huguenots  and  was  completely  under  the  domination  of 
Philip,  but  it  did  not  close  the  warfare  between  the  French 
and  the  Spaniards,  for  two  years  later  de  Gourgues  destroyed 
the  Spanish  forts  in  Florida  and  hanged  the  defenders. 

31.   The    English    in   the    New  World    (1562-1583). —   Hawkins  and 
Numerous  Englishmen  were  interested  in  the  new  world   Drake, 
because  of  its  commercial  possibilities.    The  earliest  of  these, 
Sir  John  Hawkins,  engaged  in  the  slave  trade  with  the  Channing, 
Spanish  West  Indies.    On  the  third  of  these  voyages  his  {*%££?"' 
ships  were  attacked,  treacherously  he  thought,  by  Spanish 
officials.     With  him  on  this  trip  was  his  cousin,  Sir  Francis 

.    .  Fiske,  Old  Vir~ 

Drake,  who  from  this  time  devoted  his  life  to  the  injury  of  ginia>  \t  I5_28. 
Spain.     With  the  consent  of  Elizabeth,  Drake  raided  the 
Spanish  main  and  in  157  7  sailed  into  the  Pacific  Ocean,  where  Hartf  Contem, 
he  captured  treasure  ships  on  the  way  from  Peru  to  Panama,  poraries, 
Continuing  northward  until   turned  back  by  the  cold,  he  I.NOS.  99,30. 
returned  to  a  harbor  near  San  Francisco  bay,  where  he  re- 
fitted his  vessel.    The  western  part  of  the  continent  he 
named  New  Albion,  claiming  it  for  England.     Returning  to 
England  ma,  the  East  Indies  and  Africa,  he  brought  back 
reports  which  aroused  new  interest  in  finding  a  northwest 
passage  to  the  East. 

Frobisher  had  already  (1576)  searched  for  a  northwest  The  northwest 
passage  and  Davis  made  three  voyages  (1585-1587)  for  the  Passaee- 
same  purpose.    The  most  earnest  advocate  of  settlement  in 
northern  America  and  of  search  for  a  way  to  Cathay  was  Sir 


American  History 


[1584 


Woodward, 
British  Em- 
pire,  39-49- 

The  first  colony 
(1585). 

Charming, 
United  States, 
I, 124-128. 


Fiske,  Old  Vir- 
ginia, I,  30-33. 


The  "  lost 
colony  " 
(1587-1590). 


Fiske,  Old  Vir- 
ginia, I,  35-39- 


Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  128-133. 


Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  tried  to  form  a  colony  on  Newfound- 
land in  1583.  The  attempt  was  abandoned  and  on  the 
return  voyage  Gilbert's  vessel  foundered. 

32.  The  Ralegh  Colonies  (1584-1590). — The  next  year 
Sir  Walter  Ralegh  dispatched  to  America  Captains  Amadas 
and  Barlow,  with  instructions  to  investigate  and  report  the 
possibilities  of  colonization.  So  glowing  was  their  report 
that  Queen  Elizabeth  named  the  country  Virginia  in  her 
own  honor.  The  succeeding  spring  (1585)  seven  vessels 

set  sail  carrying  over  one 
hundred  settlers,  whose 
leader  was  Ralph  Lane. 
They  landed  at  Roanoke 
Island,  off  the  coast  of  what 
is  now  North  Carolina,  but 
before  the  ships  returned 
to  England  the  commander 
of  the  fleet  maltreated  the 
natives,  thus  alienating  tribes 
whose  friendship  would  have 
been  of  the  greatest  value. 
As  the  colonists  would  not 
work,  and  could  obtain  no 
food  from  the  now  hostile  Indians,  they  gladly  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  arrival  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  returned 
to  England. 

Ralegh's  devotion  to  his  pet  scheme  led  him  to  form  a 
company  which  in  1587  sent  out  a  new  expedition  carrying 
women  as  well  as  men.  Their  destination  was  Chesapeake 
Bay,  but  they  repaired  first  to  Roanoke,  where  they  decided 
to  remain.  Governor  White  of  this  "City  of  Ralegh," 
as  the  colony  was  called,  returned  to  England  for  help  later 
in  the  summer,  but  the  ships  sent  out  with  supplies  were 
used  to  prey  upon  Spanish  commerce,  with  disastrous  re- 
sults. Then  came  the  Armada  (1588)  which  called  forth 
the  naval  strength  of  England.  Another  year  was  frittered 
away  by  the  men  to  whom  Ralegh,  now  impoverished, 


SIR  WALTER  RALEGH 


i6oo] 


The  First  Century 


37 


assigned  his  Virginia  patent,  and  when  in  1590  assistance 
arrived,  no  trace  could  be  found  of  the  "lost  colony."  Thus 
inauspiciously  did  the  English  begin  the  colonization  of  the 
new  world. 

33.   The  Results  of  the  First  Century.  —  In  the  century  Discovery  and 
following  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  the  advance  expiration, 
in  geographical  knowledge  had  been  enormous.    The  shape 
of  the  earth  had  been  proved  beyond  dispute  and  its  size 
quite  accurately  ascertained.    There  was  no  longer  a  sea  of 
darkness,  but  two  immense  oceans  had  been  crossed;  in  the 
case  of  the  Atlantic,  repeatedly.     A  new  continent  had  been 
brought  to  light,  of  which  to  be  sure  little  was  known  except 
the  shore  lines.     Almost  every  part  of  the  eastern  Atlantic 


EX  PLOH, IT10NS 

AND 
SETTLEMENTS    c- 

DURING  THE 
SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

i',  ,i  .(i-.-.n  Settlement* X 


coast  had  been  explored  by  Europeans  and  the  western 
coast  nearly  as  far  north  as  the  Oregon  River  had  been  ex- 
amined. The  interior  of  the  North  American  continent  had 
been  visited  by  but  two  leaders  —  Coronado  and  Soto  — 
and  the  heart  of  the  continent  was  little  better  known  in 
1600  than  a  half  century  earlier.  Search  had  been  stimu- 
lated, however,  because  of  a  desire  to  find  a  water  passage 


388577 


38  American  History  [1492- 

from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  which  would  make  it  pos- 
sible to  sail  from  Europe  west  to  Asia  without  going  as  far 
south  as  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  More  than  any  other  one 
cause,  this  desire  led  in  the  following  century  to  the  investi- 
gation of  the  waterways  in  the  new  world. 

Attempted  South  of  the  present  limits  of  the  United  States,  Portugal 

colonization.  na(j  estaDh'shed  a  colony  and  Spain  had  taken  possession  of 
several  islands  and  many  Indian  countries.  Within  the 
United  States  the  repeated  attempts  to  form  colonies  had 
led  to  the  establishment  of  but  two  permanent  settlements  — 
the  insignificant  Spanish  fortifications  at  St.  Augustine  and 
the  little  frontier  mission  at  Santa  Fe.  Considering  the 
amount  of  money  and  effort  expended,  the  results  were  dis- 
couraging indeed.  In  striking  contrast  to  the  limited  ter- 
ritory occupied  by  Europeans  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
century  were  the  sweeping  territorial  claims  of  the  rival 
nations.  Spain  asserted  her  right  to  a  territory  of  continental 
extent.  France  claimed  the  northeastern  coast  and  that  part 
of  the  interior  drained  by  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  and  Eng- 
land asserted  her  right  to  the  eastern  part  of  North  America, 
because  of  the  Cabot  discoveries,  and  to  the  western  coast 
by  virtue  of  Drake's  exploration. 

TOPICS 

COLTJMBTJS'S  EFFORTS  TO  GAIN  HELP  (1484-1492):  Adams, 
"Columbus,"  pp.  34-73;  Fiske,  "Discovery  of  America,"  I,  pp.  381- 

385>  395-4I9- 

THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS:  Winsor  (ed.),  "America,"  III, 
pp.  1-7;  Fiske.  "Discovery  of  America,"  II,  pp.  1-16;  Lee  (ed.), 
"History  of  North  America,"  I,  pp.  297-309. 

MAGELLAN'S  VOYAGE  AROUND  THE  WORLD:  Bourne,  "Spain  in 
America,"  pp.  115-132;  Winsor  (ed.),  "America,"  II,  pp.  591-613; 
Fiske,  "Discovery  of  America,"  II,  185-205. 

STUDIES 

1.  The  character  of  Columbus   (criticisms).     (Winsor,  "Colum- 
bus," pp.  499-512.) 

2.  Origin    of    the    name    "America."     (Fiske,    "Discovery    of 
America,"  II,  pp.  129-155.) 


1 600]  The  First  Century  39 

3.  Cortez  in  Mexico.     (Fiske,  "Discovery  of  America,"  II,  pp. 

245-293-) 

4.  The  wanderings  of   Cabeza  de   Vaca.     (Lummis,   "Spanish 
Pioneers,"  pp.  101-116.) 

5.  Coronado's   explorations.     (Johnson,    "Pioneer    Spaniards," 
pp.  219-253.) 

6.  Spain's  colonial  policy.     (Bourne,  "Spain  in  America,"  pp. 
202-219.) 

7.  Spain's  American   commercial   policy.     (Bourne,    "Spain   in 
America,"  pp.  282—298.) 

8.  Verrazano's  voyage.     ("Old  South  Leaflets,"  No.  17.) 

9.  Religious  wars   in   France.     (Duruy,   "History   of   Modern 
Times,"  pp.  218-234.) 

10.  Destruction  of  the  French  colony  in  Florida  (1565).     (Park- 
man,  "Struggle  fora  Continent,"  pp.  27-54.) 

11.  The  English  in  the  East  (after  1580).     (Woodward,  "Expan- 
sion of  the  British  Empire,"  pp.  69-85.) 

12.  Reasons  for  English  colonization  in  America.     (Hart  (ed.), 
"Contemporaries,"  I,  Ncs.  44-46.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  the  significance  of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus? 

2.  How  did  the  discoveries  of  Vespucius  and  Magellan  affect  the 
geographical  ideas  of  the  times  ? 

3.  What  influences  were  most  powerful  in  leading  the  Spanish  to 
colonize?     What  were  the  chief   characteristics  of   Spain's  colonial 
policy?     Was  Spain  a  successful  colonizing  nation? 

4.  Why  did  Soto  fail,  while  Cortez  and  Pizarro  succeeded  ?     Name 
several  reasons  why  the  Spanish  failed  to  get  a  real  foothold  in  the 
United  States. 

5.  How  do  you  account  for  the  comparative  inactivity  of  the 
French  and  English  during  the  sixteenth  century? 


CHAPTER   III 


Virginia  com- 
pany and  its 
sub-companies. 


MacDonald, 


Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  IS7-I63. 


Elizabeth  (1558-1603) 
James  I  (1603-1625) 


Charles  I  (1625-1649) 
Commonwealth  (1649-1660) 


VIRGINIA  (1606-1625) 

34.  The  Charter  of  1606.  —  During  the  early  years  of 
the  seventeenth  century  several  voyages  were  made  to  the 
coast  of  Virginia  by  -English  seamen  who  brought  back 
glowing  reports  of  the  country  and  its  climate.  As  Ralegh 
had  been  imprisoned  and  his  charter 
annulled  by  James  I,  a  new  com- 
pany was  organized  in  1606  for  the 
purpose  of  making  settlements  in 
Virginia.  To  certain  members  of 
this  Virginia  company,  residing  in 
London  and  usually  called  the 
London  company,  was  granted  the 
land  lying  between  parallels  34  and 
38.  The  territory  from  41°  north 
to  45°  was  granted  to  members  living  in  Plymouth,  the  right 
to  occupy  the  middle  strip  from  38°  to  41°  being  shared  by 
both  sub-companies,  provided  that  neither  settled  within 
one  hundred  miles  of  the  other.  The  Virginia  company 
was  permitted  to  coin  money  and  to  defend  its  possessions, 
while  its  colonists  were  to  have  all  the  rights  enjoyed  by 
Englishmen.1 

1  There  was  to  be  a  resident  council  for  the  government  of  each  of 
the  two  colonies  established,  and  the  general  direction  of  the  Virginia 
company's  affairs  in  England  was  entrusted  to  a  council  appointed  bj 
the  king. 

40 


LAND  GRANTS 

UNDER  CHARTER 
OF  1C06 


1607] 


Virginia 


35.    The    Settlement    at    Jamestown.  —  In  Decefnber, 

1606,  three  vessels  fitted  out  by  the  London  company  set 
sail  for  the  new  world  with  more  than  one  hundred  colonists. 
According  to  the  custom  of  those  days,  they  went  by  way 
of  the  Canaries  and  the  West  Indies  and  did  not  enter 
Chesapeake  Bay  until  April,  1607.  As  a  site  for  the  new 
settlement,  they  desired  a  place  not  too  near  the  coast  which 
might  be  fortified  easily  against  the  Spaniards,  who  objected 
to  English  settlements  on  land 
which  they  claimed.  A  low 
peninsula  half  buried  at  high 
tide  was  selected,  the  name  of 
Jamestown  being  given  to  the 
settlement,  in  honor  of  the 
king.  Most  of  the  settlers 
were  "gentlemen"  unused  to 
hard  labor,  so  that  the  work  of 
constructing  homes  and  plant- 
ing crops  progressed  slowly. 
With  summer  came  an  epi- 
demic of  fever,  and  within  four 
months  half  of  the  colonists 
had  perished.  The  councilors 
who  had  been  sent  over  to  govern  the  people  proved  in- 
efficient and  quarreled  with  one  another.  Famine  was 
averted  by  securing  corn  from  the  Indians  and  by  sup- 
plies sent  from  England,  but  the  communistic  system,  ac- 
cording to  which  all  labored  for  the  common  store,  did 
not  encourage  industry  or  thrift  in  a  naturally  shiftless 
set  of  men. 

The  real  leader  of  the  party  was  John  Smith.  Although 
less  than  thirty  years  of  age,  Smith  was  a  man  of  varied 
experiences  and  of  considerable  ability.  Since  coming  to 
Virginia  he  had  made  friends  with  the  Indians,  and,  in  an 
open  boat,  had  explored  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay, 
making  a  map  of  the  region  which  was  remarkable  for  its 
accuracy.  When  he  was  elected  president  of  the  council, 


CAPTAIN  JOHN  SMITH 


The  first  year 
(1607). 

Eggleston,  Be* 
gitiners  of  a 
Nation,  25-31. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  163-170. 


Tyler,  England, 
in  America, 
41-54- 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  Nos.  61-63. 


Rule  of  John 
Smith. 


Tyler,  England 
in  America, 
55-60. 


American  History 


[1609 


Eggleston,  Be- 
ginners, 31-40. 


Charter  of  1609. 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  2. 


Commercial 
and  social 
results. 


Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist,  of 
U.S.,  55-57. 


Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  208-226. 


he  reduced  the  colony  to  order,  made  the  rule  that  those 
who  did  not  work  should  not  eat,  and  prevented  starvation 
by  securing  food  from  the  Indians  through  his  skill  and 
boldness. 

Smith's  rule  came  to  an  end  when  a  new  charter  was 
granted  which  changed  the  method  of  government  and  ex- 
tended the  boundaries  of  the  territory  controlled  by  the 
London  company.  The  new  charter  gave  Virginia  all  the 
land  for  two  hundred  miles  north  and  south  of  Point  Comfort 
"up  into  the  land,  throughout  from  sea  to  sea,  west  and 
northwest."  Because  of  the  word  "northwest"  Virginia 
afterward  claimed  the  Territory  in  the  interior  of  the  conti- 
nent between  the  Ohio  River  and  the  Great  Lakes  (§  90). 

36.  The  Influence  of  Tobacco  Culture. — That  Virginia 
survived  its  early  difficulties  was  due  in  large  part  to  the 
character  of  its  first  leaders,  especially  to  John  Smith  and 
Governor  Dale.  Its  real  prosperity,  however,  begins  with 
the  cultivation  and  exportation  of  tobacco,  for  which  the 
soil  and  climate  of  the  colony  were  particularly  adapted. 
Small  crops  of  tobacco  had  been  raised  by  the  Indians  be- 
fore the  white  settlers  came,  but  not  until  Dale  had  put 
an  end  to  the  communistic  system  were  plantations  started 
on  which  the  raising  of  tobacco  became  a  regular  industry. 
King  James  was  strongly  opposed  to  the  use  of  the  "filthy 
weed,"  but  the  market  for  their  productions  was  so  good  that 
the  planters  soon  came  to  devote  their  energies  almost  ex- 
clusively to  tobacco  growing.  Settlers  of  a  better  class  were 
attracted  to  the  colony  by  the  possibility  of  large  profits 
from  a  regular  occupation,  and  the  banks  of  the  James 
River  and  the  shores  of  Chesapeake  Bay  were  soon  lined  with 
the  homes  of  men  engaged  in  raising  tobacco.  Later,  in- 
ducements were  offered  to  poorer  people,  who  paid  for  their 
passage  to  the  new  world  by  several  years  of  service  on  the 
plantations.  A  few  negroes,  first  brought  to  Jamestown  in 
1619  in  a  Dutch  man-of-war,  were  also  employed  at  the 
more  menial  tasks.  Gradually,  as  the  plantations  became 
larger  and  the  field  workers  more  numerous,  the  distinction 


1624]  Virginia  43 

between  landowners  and  landless  became  more  marked, 
the  classes  of  society  being  almost  as  widely  separated  as  in 
England. 

37.  The  First  Virginia  Assembly  (1619).  —  In  the  years  Preliminary 
immediately  preceding   1619,   the   affairs  of  the  London  events- 
company  in  England  and  of  the  Virginia  colonists  in  America 

did  not  go  smoothly.     Tames  I  tried  to  dominate  the  affairs  <r!iann,1Ilg> 

United  States, 

of  the  :ompany  by  dictating  the  laws  that  should  be  made  i,  196-199. 
and  the  officers  that  should  be  elected.1     The  members  of 
the  company  objected  naturally,  for,  by  the  charter  of  1612,  Tyler,  England 
they  had  acquired  the  right  to  hold  meetings  in  London,  m  Amertca> 
transact  general  business,  and  govern  the  colony  in  America. 
As  the  company  had  not  proved  a  financial  success,  the  ma- 
jority of  the  stock  in  the  London  company  had  come  into 
the  hands  of  Puritans  who  were  opposed  to  arbitrary  govern- 
ment in  England  and  in  America.     Since  the  governor  of 
Virginia  had  aroused  the  wrath  of  the  settlers  by  his  un- 
just and  tyrannical  rule,  the  company,  under  the  lead  of 
Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  decided  that  ]  epresentatives  of  the  people 
should  meet  with  a  new  governor  and  his  advisers  and  help 
them  make  the  laws.     Following  his  instructions,  Governor  Meeting  of  the 
Yeardley  asked  the  freemen  in  each  of  eleven  plantations,  assembly, 
towns,  or  hundreds  to  elect  two  representatives,  and  on  July  Hart>  Lontem~ 

poranes, 

30,  1619,  twenty-two  burgesses  met  with  the  governor's  1^0.65. 
councilors  in  the  first  legislature  in  America.  Two  years 
later  the  London  company  passed  an  ordinance  providing 
for  a  regular  government  in  Virginia  consisting  of  a  council, 
( hosen  by  the  English  stockholders,  which  should  assist  the 
governor,  and  a  general  assembly  composed  of  the  councilors 
and  of  burgesses  elected  by  the  freemen.  In  this  way  the 
popular  government  established  in  1619  by  the  English 
Puritans  was  made  permanent. 

38.  Virginia  becomes  a  Royal  Province  (1624). — The  End  of  the 
Puritan  element  in  the  London  company  not  only  advocated 

1  King  James  opposed  the  political  discussions  at  the  meetings  of 
the  London  company  and  objected  to  the  criticisms  of  the  crown  by 
members  of  the  company. 


44 


American  History 


[1606 


Cooke.  Vir- 
ginia, 129-133. 


Hart.  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  Nos.  66.  67. 


Tyler,  England 
in  America, 
81-92. 


constitutional  government  for  their  Virginia  colony,  but  under 
their  wise  guidance  hundreds  of  thrifty  settlers  were  pur- 
suaded  to  try  their  fortunes  in  the  new  world.  The  colony 
had  a  new  lease  of  life,  its  prosperity  far  exceeding  that  of 
any  previous  time.  Its  success  aroused  the  enmity  of  the 
Indians  and  in  1622  a  terrible  massacre  occurred,  from 
which  Virginia  recovered  with  surprising  rapidity.  But 
this  uprising  furnished  the  excuse  desired  by  the  king  and 
other  enemies  of  the  company  in  England  for  the  ovei< 
throw  of  the  company.  This  was  accomplished  in  1624  on 
flimsy  pretexts,  and  Virginia  became  a  royal  province.  No 
change  was  made,  however,  in  the  character  of  its  colonial 
government,  as  Charles  I,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  1625, 
desired  to  win  the  favor  of  his  American  subjects,  and  was 
willing  to  have  assemblies  that  would  provide  money  for 
the  royal  treasury. 


Plymouth 
company 
(1607). 


Tyler. 
England  in 
America, 
39-41. 


Council  for 
New  England 
(1620). 

MacDonald, 


NEW  ENGLAND  BEFORE  1628 

39.  The  Plymouth  Company  and  the  Council  for  New 
England. — The  settlements  in  the  northern  grant  made  to 
men  of  Plymouth  in  the  charter  of  1606  had  not  prospered 
like  those  of  the  South.  During  that  terrible  summer  of 
1607  when  the  fate  of  Jamestown  was  yet  doubtful,  over  one 
hundred  colonists  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec, 
but  the  extreme  cold  of  the  winter  and  the  death  of  Sir  John 
Popham,  the  chief  justice  of  England  and  the  ruling  mem- 
ber of  the  Plymouth  company,  led  to  the  abandonment 
of  the  enterprise. 

Nothing  further  was  attempted  until  in  1620  the  company 
was  reorganized  *  and  obtained  from  King  James  a  patent 
to  the  land  lying  between  parallels  40°  and  48°  and  extend- 
ing from  sea  to  sea,  with  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  fisheries 
and  fur  trade.  Various  grants  of  land  were  made  by  the 
company  to  its  members,  but  few  settlements  were  made, 
even  for  purposes  of  trade,  and  the  credit  for  establishing 


1  It  was  now  called  the  Council  for  New  England. 


1625] 


New  England  before  1628 


45 


46 


American  History 


[1600 


Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
103-114. 


the  first  homes  in  New  England  belongs  to  some  Separatists, 
usually  called  the  Pilgrims,  who  located  at  Plymouth. 
Puritan  policy.  40.  The  English  Puritans.  —  To  understand  the  early 
history  of  New  England,  a  knowledge  of  conditions  and 
events  in  England  under  the  first  two  Stuarts  is  quite  as 
essential  as  any  information  regarding  the  doings  of  the 
early  settlers,  for  the  colonization  of  New  England  was  due 
directly  to  the  contest  which  took  place  between  the  Puritans 
and  the  English  kings,  James  I  and  his  son  Charles  I.  The 
Puritans  comprised  a  large  and  ever  growing  class  of  the 
English  people  who  believed  that  the  Anglican  church,  which 
had  been  established  by  the  Tudors  in  England  at  the  time 
of  the  Reformation,  retained  too  many  of  the  old  forms  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  church.  They  desired  to  purify  the 
church  of  these  "papist"  forms  and  to  introduce  among  the 
people  a  higher  standard  of  living.  But  they  stood  for  more 
than  religious  reform.  They  advocated  any  scheme  or 
plan  that  would  lead  to  social  or  political  betterment.  It 
would  be  incorrect  to  imagine  that  they  formed  a  sect  with 
well-defined  views,  for  the  word  "Puritan"  three  hundred 
years  ago  had  a  meaning  but  little  more  definite  than  that 
of  "reformer"  in  our  own  time.  In  religious  matters  alone 
there  was  a  vast  difference  between  the  moderate  Puritan 
who  favored  a  simplification  of  the  church  service,  but  who 
was  nevertheless  very  much  attached  to  the  church,  and  the 
radical  Puritan  who  had  severed  his  connection  with  the 
established  church  in  England  and  was  known  as  a  "Separat- 
ist." Between  these  two  extremes  was  the  liberal  Puritan, 
who  desired  to  remain  in  the  church  but  wished  to  introduce 
radical  changes  in  the  church  service  and  to  leave  the  control 
of  all  local  ecclesiastical  affairs,  including  the  selection  of  a 
pastor,  to  the  members  of  the  congregation. 

In  spite  of  their  desire  for  reform,  the  Puritans  were 
often  narrow  and  the  importance  that  they  attached  to  forms 
is  amazing  to  a  person  of  the  twentieth  century.  Their 
desire  to  raise  the  low  moral  standard  of  their  time  made 
them  go  to  the  other  extreme.  Their  opposition  to  amuse- 


Three  classes 
of  Puritans. 


Puritan 
narrowness. 


1608]  New  England  before  1628  47 

ments  was  so  rabid  that  we  are  tempted  to  believe  the  state-  Eggieston, 
ment  that  they  objected  to  the  cruel  sport  of  bear  baiting,   BeSinner*> 
less  because  it  gave  pain  to  the  bear  than  because  it  afforded 
pleasure  to  the  spectators.     And  yet,  with  all  the  narrow- 
ness which  they  so  often  showed,  it  may  well  be  doubted 
whether  any  other  political  force  has  exerted  as  great  an 
influence  on  America  as  that  of  the  Puritans. 

41.   The  Puritans  and  the  English  Monarchs.  —  During  Under 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  all  of  those  who  did  not  conform  to  Elizabeth, 
the  practices  of  the  established  church,  frequently  known  as 
non-conformists,  were  treated  with  considerable  severity.   Tyler, 
Since  the  monarch  was  the  head  of  the  church  and  of  the  Enslandin 

America, 

state  as  well,  those  who  refused  to  worship  as  the  church  153-155. 
prescribed  were  thought  to  be  guilty  of  disobedience  little 
less  dangerous  than  treason.     For  this  reason  there  was  no 
religious  toleration  in  England,  and  those  who  were  unwilling 
to  conform  were  punished. 

When  the  throne  of  England  at  the  death  of  Elizabeth  James  I. 
was  left  to  James  VI  of  Scotland,  there  was  a  general  feeling  and  the 
among  the  Puritans  that  they  might  obtain  some  of  the  re- 
ligious reforms  that  they  desired,  since  the  established  church 
of  Scotland  was  controlled  by  the  Puritans.     Tames  disap-     ggeson> 

•  J  Beginners, 

pointed  the  reformers  very  early  in  his  reign,  for  in  a  religious   159-163. 
conference  held  at  Hampton  Court  (1604)  he  showed  very 
clearly  that  he  believed  thoroughly  in  his  divine  right  to  rule  channing, 
both  church  and  state.     His  experience  with  the  Scotch    United  state. 
church  had  not  been  especially  pleasant  and  he  took  occasion    '  ***~   4' 
to  oppose  the  Puritan  requests  because  they  would  lead  to  a 
church  system  like  that  of  Scotland,  "which  agreeth  as  well  Gardiner- 
with  a  monarchy  as  God  with  the  devil."     In  conclusion  he  Revolution, 
said  of  the  Puritans,  "I  shall  make  them  conform  them- 
selves, or  I  will  harry  them  out  of  the  land."    This  policy 
he  followed  with  constantly  increasing  vigor,  for  the  Puritan 
element  was  gaining  in  strength  year  by  year.     One  of  the 
earliest  results  of  James's  attitude  was  to  drive  from  England 
many  Separatist  congregations  which  were  no  longer  allowed 
to  hold  meetings,  open  or  secret. 


48 


American  History 


[1608 


In  Holland 
(1608-1618). 


Tyler, 
England  in 
America, 
155-161. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  Nos.  97-99. 


Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No.  29. 


Voyage  to 

America 

(1620). 


Mayflower 
compact. 

MacDonald, 
Charters,  No.5- 


Dangers 
(1620-1623). 


42.  The  Pilgrim  Migrations.  —  One  of   these  Separatist 
churches  had  been  organized  in  Nottinghamshire  by  William 
Brewster  and  John  Robinson.    Owing  to  the  persecutions 
of  James  I,  they  fled  in  1608  to  Holland,  the  only  country  in 
Europe  where  religious  differences  were  tolerated.    Making 
Leyden  their  home,  with  many  other  refugees,  they  toiled 
for  years  without  being  able  to  earn  more  than  a  bare  living. 
As  the  prospect  was  no  brighter  for  the  future,  and  their 
children  were  influenced   by  the   easy-going  Dutch  ways, 
often  intermarrying  with  the  Dutch  as  they  grew  up,  some 
of  them  came  to  the  conclusion  that  their  condition  might  be 
improved  by  emigrating  to  America.    The  Puritans  were 
now  in  control  of  the  Virginia  company  and  from  them  these 
Separatists  obtained  liberal  concessions  and  a  grant  of  land 
in  the  northern  part  of  Virginia.    Lacking  the  money  needed 
for  so  expensive  a  journey,  they  entered  into  an  agreement 
with  certain  " merchant  adventurers"  of  London  by  which 
all  of  the  earnings  of  the  colonists  should  remain  joint  prop- 
erty, and   each  adventurer  who   contributed   ten   pounds 
should,  at  the  end  of  seven  years,  have  an  equal  share  with 
each  colonist.    After  many  difficulties,  including  the  abandon- 
ment of  one  of  their  vessels  which  proved  unsea worthy,  the 
Pilgrims  set  sail  in  the  Mayflower  from  Plymouth,  Septem- 
ber 6,  1620.    Two  months  later  they  came  in  sight  of  Cape 
Cod,  and  after  six  weeks  of  search  for  a  suitable  place  for  a 
settlement  landed  December  21  at  a  harbor  which  they 
called  New  Plymouth. 

43.  Early  History  of  New  Plymouth.  —  Being  far  to  the 
north  of  the  territory  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Virginia 
company,  the  men  of   the  party  met  in  the  cabin  of   the 
Mayflower  and  drew  up  a  compact  organizing  themselves  into 
a  "civill  body  politick,  for  our  [their]  better  ordering  &  pres- 
ervation," and  promising  "all  due  submission  and  obedi- 
ence" to  the  "just&  equalllawes"  which  they  should  enact 
from  time  to  time 

The  first  winter,  although  unusually  mild  for  that  section, 
brought  terrible  hardships  and  suffering.    One  half  of  the 


1691]  New  England  before  1628  49 

colony  perished,  but  the  rest  kept  bravely  at  their  work,  Tyler, 
being  aided  by  a  few  others  who  came  over  from  England  Eriglandin 
or  Holland.    The  Indians  of  the  vicinity  were  friendly,  a  I6i_i67  ' 
permanent  peace  being  made  with  their  chief,  Massasoit, 
which  lasted  until  his  death  forty  years  later.     When  the 
chief  of  the  more  distant  Narragansetts  tried  to  intimidate 
them  by  sending  a  bundle  of  arrows  tied  with  a  rattlesnake's 
skin,  Governor  Bradford  returned  the  skin  filled  with  powder 
and  ball.     Soon  after  the  Indian  uprising  in  Virginia  (1622), 
a  threatened  plot  was  nipped  in  the  bud  by  the  valiant  cap- 
tain, Miles  Standish.     By  this  mixture  of  diplomacy  and 
force,  Plymouth  became  singularly  free  from  difficulties  with 
the  red  men. 

Even  the  honest,  hard-working  Pilgrims  could  not  make  End  of 
a  success  of  communism,  and  in  1624  an  acre  was  assigned  commtinism 
to  each  person  as  his  separate  property.     Where  previously 
there  had  been  continual  danger  of  famine,  now  crops  were 
abundant  and   a  surplus  remained   for  sale.    Two  years 
later  money  was  borrowed  from  leading  men  of  the  colony, 
and  the  interests  of  the  merchant  adventurers  were  purchased 
for  £1800. 

Plymouth  obtained  a  land  grant  from  the  Council  of  New  Government 
England  in  1630  and  was  allowed  to  govern  itself  unmolested.  before  l691' 
So  few  were  its  settlers  that  until  1638  there  was  an  annual 

Tyler, 

meeting  of  all  the  people  of  the  colony,  but  after  that  year  Engi'an<i  ,„ 

the  example  of  Massachusetts  was  followed  and  a  representa-  America, 

tive  assembly  was  held  every  year.     Plymouth  grew  slowly,  I72~l82- 
and  in  1691  was  joined  to  Massachusetts  (§  77). 

BEGINNINGS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  (1628-1636) 

44.   The  Massachusetts  Bay  Company.  —  North  of   the  Organization 

colony  of  New  Plymouth,  a  few  pioneers  began  settlements  and  c 
during  the  years  following  1620,  making  a  precarious  living 

usually  in  connection  with   the  fisheries.    One  of  these,  Fiske, 

England, 

composed  of  several  earnest  and  religious  men  from  Dor-  g2_97_ 
Chester,  had  prospered  for  a  time,  only  to  be  practically 
abandoned  later.     But  this  Dorchester  venture  had  awak- 


American  History 


[1628 


Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
199-209. 


MacDonald, 
Charter 3,^0 


Quarrels 
over  political 
and  religious 
questions. 


Robinson, 
Western 
Europe, 
478-484. 

Coman  and 
Kendall. 
England, 
296-306. 


ened  the  interest  of  certain  Puritan  leaders  at  home,  who 
believed  that  America  offered  the  best  opportunity  for  the 
establishment  of  churches  using  the  simple  form  of  worship 
which  was  their  ideal.  With  this  in  view  they  obtained 
(1628)  from  the  Council  for  New  England  a  patent  to  the 
land  lying  between  boundaries  three  miles  north  of  the 
Merrimac  River  and  three  miles  south  of  the  Charles,  and 
extending  from  sea  to  sea.  A  year  later  King  Charles  re- 
affirmed this  land  grant  in  a  royal  charter  which  created 
the  corporation  known  as  "the  Governor  and  Company  of 
the  Mattachusetts  Bay  in  Newe  England,"  with  the  right  to 
admit  new  members  and  to  govern  its  territory,  provided 
that  it  did  not  make  laws  contrary  to  those  of  England.  The 
officers  were  to  consist  of  a  governor,  a  deputy  governor,  and 
eighteen  assistants,  elected  yearly  by  the  members  of  the 
corporation.  No  place  was  designated  for  the  meetings  of 
these  officers  or  of  the  "general  courts"  composed  of  all 
stockholders  in  the  company,  although  all  previous  charters 
had  such  a  provision.  The  omission  was  due  probably  to 
the  desire  of  the  incorporators  to  hold  their  meetings  in 
either  London  or  Dorchester,  but  there  was  nothing  in  the 
charter  to  prohibit  the  company  from  establishing  its  head- 
quarters in  America. 

45.  King  Charles  and  the  Puritans.  — The  desire  of  the 
Puritans  to  have  a  colony  in  America  was  due  in  large  part 
to  friction  with  the  king,  Charles  I,  who  had  succeeded  his 
father  in  1625.  Charles  was  a  thorough  believer  in  his 
divine  right  to  rule  England,  and  was  less  cautious  and 
more  obstinate  than  his  father.  The  Puritan  element  now 
controlled  the  house  of  commons  and  forced  the  king  in  the 
Petition  of  Right  (1628)  to  grant  their  political  demands, 
but  they  were  unable  to  obtain  any  religious  concessions. 
Charles  desired  a  high  church  ritual  with  greater  uniformity 
throughout  the  realm.  The  commons  insisted  that  a  simpli- 
fied service  should  be  used.  The  victory  remained  with 
Charles,  for  he  had  begun  to  make  changes  and  dissolved 
parliament  before  the  commons  could  do  more  than  protest. 


1630]          Beginnings  of  Massachusetts  Bay  51 

Charles  then  carried  out  his  plans  by  enforcing  through 
Archbishop  Laud  a  ritual  more  elaborate  than  any  used 
previously  in  the  churches.  But  Charles's  attempt  to  govern 
England  without  parliament  (1629-1640)  and  in  opposition 
to  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  his  subjects,  his  extra-legal 


A  PURITAN 


St.  Gaudens 


levies  of  ship  money  (1635),  and  his  attempt  finally  to  force 
the  English  prayer  book  on  the  Scotch  church  (1637),  al- 
though apparent  evidence  of  his  triumph  over  the  Puritans, 
were  in  reality  the  chief  causes  of  his  final  overthrow. 

46.   Character  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony.  —  When 
the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 


American  History 


[1630 


The  great 
migration 
(1630-1640). 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, I, 
Nos.  105,  106. 

Fiske,  New 
England,  101- 
104.  137-146. 

Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
209-215. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
I.  325-335- 

The  colony 
acquires  the 
company's 
charter. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  34°-342- 


Contest 
between  the 
officials  and 
the  people. 

Tyler, 
England  in 
America, 
201-204. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
1,342-351. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  107. 


company  left  England  in  1629,  they  decided  to  take  the 
charter  with  them,  intending  to  transact  all  their  future 
business  where  no  agent  of  the  king  might  interrupt.  The 
leading  spirit  in  this  movement  was  the  new  governor,  John 
Winthrop,  a  man  of  exceptional  scholarship  and  very 
noble  character.  Winthrop  and  about  one  thousand  others 
embarked  for  their  new  home  during  the  year  1630,  the 'first 
of  the  eleven  years  of  the  "great  Puritan  migration,"  for 
during  the  time  that  Charles  attempted  to  govern  England 
without  parliament,  nearly  twenty  thousand  men,  women, 
and  children  were  transported  to  the  shores  of  New  England. 
They  did  not  come  for  religious  freedom  but  with  the  idea 
of  es!ablishing  churches  in  which  they  might  worship  in  the 
way  which  they  preferred. 

The  transfer  of  the  charter,  in  itself  a  most  remarkable 
event,  was  the  beginning  of  political  changes  even  more 
noteworthy.  All  church  members  in  the  colony  were  ad- 
mitted as  members  of  the  company.  In  this  way  the  colony 
became  identified  with  the  company  and  gained  all  of  the 
rights  that  ;he  company  had  possessed,  so  that  it  now  had  the 
power,  protected  by  the  charter,  to  govern  itself.  This 
change  was  in  fact  completed  before  the  king  discovered 
that  the  charter  of  the  company  had  been  taken  from  Eng- 
land. 

47.  Political  Problems  and  Dangers. — Some  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  company  wished  to  make  all  of 
the  laws  and  do  all  of  the  governing.  They  persuaded  the 
people  to  keep  them  in  office  without  holding  elections 
yearly  as  the  charter  directed.  The  people  submitted  until 
the  officials  began  to  levy  a  special  tax  for  a  stockade  at  the 
most  exposed  settlement.  Then  they  insisted  upon  annual 
elections  and  the  right  of  every  member  of  the  colony  to 
attend  the  annual  meeting  and  help  make  the  laws.  As  it 
was  found  impossible  for  the  men  from  distant  settlements 
to  leave  their  homes  for  this  annual  meeting,  they  began 
in  1634  to  send  representatives  who  helped  the  governor's 
assistants  to  make  the  laws.  In  1644  a  dispute  ever  a  stray 


1636]         Beginnings  of  Massachusetts  Bay  53 

pig  led  to  the  separation  of  the  assistants  and  the  represent-   MacDonaid, 
atives,  thus  organizing  the  first  bicameral  legislature    in    Charters> 
America.    The  democratic   faction   protested   against   the 
powers  which  the  officials  still  exercised  by  interpreting  as 
they  pleased  the  laws  which  were  unwritten.    The  people 
demanded  a  bill  of  rights  and  a  written  code.     In  1641  the 
officials  yielded  and  passed  a  very  complete  and  very  liberal 
code  of  laws  known  as  the  Massachusetts  Body  of  Liberties. 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  company  treated   its  neighbors  Attempt 
so  arbitrarily  that  some  of  them  complained  to  the  king.   to  revoke 
King  Charles  realized  that  the  colony  was  governing  itself 
in  opposition  to  his  wishes,  so  that  steps  were  taken  to  revoke 
the  charter.     Preparations  were  made  to  defend  the  colony  j/"'  d  • 
against  attack,  but  the  king  was  too  busy  carrying  out  his  America, 
policy  at  home  to  give  the  matter  his  attention.  204-209. 

48.    Religious    Difficulties.  —  Quite    as    serious    as    the   Religious 
threatened   attacks  made  by   England   were   the  dangers  .policy  of 
arising  in  Massachusetts  from  religious  differences.    Mas- 
sachusetts   was    a    distinctively    Puritan     commonwealth. 
The  church  was  not  only  closely  connected  with  the  affairs    J^_ji. 
of  state,  it  was  the  foundation  on  which  the  political  and   America, 
social  organization  rested.     Partly  for  this  reason,  partly  210-212. 
because  the  Puritans  were  by  nature  intense,  sincere,  but 
narrow,  and  partly  because  every  nation  of  that  time  except 
the  Dutch  loathed  the  idea  of  religious  toleration,  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts  exercised  a  very  strict  supervision  of 
church  affairs.     Although  themselves  non-conformists  with 
the  established  church  in  England,  the  Puritan  emigrants 
followed  toward  the  irregulars  the  policy  of  James  I  toward 
themselves.    Those  were  banished  who  insisted  on  worship- 
ing according  to  the  rites  of  the  Anglican  church   or  in 
other  non-Puritan  ways. 

The  most  famous  of  these  early  dissenters  was  Roger  Roger 
Williams,  an  able,  large-hearted  but  eccentric  clergyman. 
He  wrote  a  pamphlet  claiming  that  the  king  had  no  right  to   Fiske,  New 
issue  land  patents,  for  all  the  land  belonged  to  the  Indians. 
Williams'  crowning  offence  was  the  assertion  that  no  magis- 


54 


American  History 


[1636 


Tyler, 
England  in 
America, 
212-218. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  362-368. 


Anne 
Hutchinson. 

Fiske,  New 

England, 

116-119. 

Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
329-339. 


Religious 
policy.      , 

Channing, 
United  Mates, 
I.  393-398. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  115. 


trate  should  exercise  any  control  in  religious  matters,  such 
as  enforcing  Sunday  laws  or  requiring  an  unconverted 
person  to  take  an  oath,  which  he  considered  a  religious  act, 
but  that  affairs  of  state  should  be  separated  from  those  of 
the  church.1  He  was  tried  (1635)  and  ordered  to  leave  for 
England,  but  was  permitted  to  make  his  way  south,  where 
he  founded  Providence  (1636). 

Williams  had  exercised  great  influence,  but  had  no  large 
personal  following,  as  was  the  case  with  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchin- 
son whose  teachings  in  1636  threatened  to  disrupt  Massachu- 
setts. The  entire  population  of  Boston  was  divided  into 
two  hostile  parties  favorable  or  unfavorable  to  Mrs.  Hutchin- 
son. The  opponents  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  finally  triumphed 
and  that  lady  with  her  followers  was  banished  (1637). 
Some  went  north  to  New  Hampshire,  but  the  larger  number 
settled  on  Rhode  Island  in  Narragansett  Bay. 

EXPANSION  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  (1635-1645) 

49.  Providence  Plantations  and  Rhode  Island.  —  Settled 
by  persons  who  had  been  driven  from  Massachusetts  be- 

cause    of    their  religious  views, 

Providence  and  the  Rhode  Island 
towns  were  drawn  together  by 
bonds  of  sympathy,  but  remained 
politically  separate  until  in  1644 
Roger  Williams  obtained  from  a 
parliamentary  commission  a  semi- 
charter  by  which  the  towns  around 
Narragansett  Bay  were  united  and 
authorized  to  govern  themselves. 
ROGER  WILLIAMS  The  Policy  of  Providence  from  the 
.  beginning  and  of  the  united  towns 

after  1644  was  one  of  perfect  religious  liberty.  Liberal 
Puritans  were  welcomed,  but  freedom  of  thought  was  per- 

1  When  supplying  the  pulpit  at  Salem,  his  extreme  views  gave 
offense.  He  was  held  responsible  when  one  of  his  supporters,  John 
Endicott,  cut  out  from  the  British  flag  one  arm  of  the  cross  which 


1637]  Expansion  in  New  England  55 

mitted  to  Catholics,  Jews,  Quakers,  and  atheists  as  well. 
Williams  insisted  that  a  man  should  be  protected  by  the 
government  without  regard  to  his  religious  views.  Through 
his  influence  Rhode  Island  became  the  first  community  in 
the  modern  world  where  there  was  perfect  religious  liberty. 
Yet  the  earliest  results  of  this  policy  were  somewhat  disas- 
trous. Not  only  those  with  real  depth  of  religious  feeling 
made  Rhode  Island  their  home,  but  many  whose  views  on  all 
subjects  were  unusual. 

The  colony  grew  but  slowly,  making  up  in  the  eccentricity  charter  of 
of  its  people  what  it  lacked  in  numbers.     As  the  first  semi-  l663- 
charter  had  been  issued  irregularly  and  did  not  define  the 
territorial  limits  of  the  colony,  Charles  II  was  persuaded  in   MacDonaid, 
1663  to  grant  a  charter  which  gave  the  people  complete   charters> 
powers  of  self-government,   subject  to  the  one  limitation 
that  the  laws  conform  as  near  as  might  be  to  the  laws  of 
England.     Perfect  religious  freedom  was  permitted,  so  that 
no  change  was  made  in  the  policy  of  the  colony. 

50.    The  Connecticut  Valley.  —  We  have  already  noticed  Settlement, 
(§  47)  the  antagonism  existing  in  Massachusetts  between  Dutch  and 
those  who  favored   an  aristocratic   government  and   those 
whose  ideal  was  democratic.     Although  certain  concessions 
were  made  to  the  liberals,  several  of  the  towns  were  still  Channins 

United  States, 

dissatisfied,  as  they  desired  to  abolish  the  religious  quah-  ii398_404. 
fications  for  voting.     Another  cause  of  discontent  existed 
in  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  which  they  had  found  unsuitable  Fiske  New 
for  agriculture.    Learning  of  the  fertile  Connecticut  valley  England, 
in  the  west,  several  hundred  people  set  out  in  1636.     The  I23-i33- 
Dutch  had  already  built  (1633)  within  the  present  limits  of 
Hartford  a  fort  which  they  did  not  abandon  for  several   Eggieston, 
years.    The  mouth  of  the  river  was  seized  by  the  English, 
who  erected  a  fort,  from  which  the  Dutch  made  a  half- 
hearted attempt  to  drive  them.    Their  real  foes  were  not 
the  Dutch  but  the  Pequod  Indians,  who  ruled  the  territory 

Endicott  declared  was  a  symbol  of  popery.  This  act  the  magistrates 
felt  might  be  construed  in  England  as  an  insult,  and  they  forced  from 
Endicott  an  apology. 


American  History 


[1639 


Constitution 
of  1639. 

Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  404-407. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  14. 

Johnston, 
Connecticut, 
59-64-  75-79- 


Connecticut 
charter  (1662). 

MacDonald, 
(,/iarters, 
No.  24. 

Johnston, 

Connecticut, 

167-173. 

Theocratic 
character. 


from  the  Hudson  to  Narragansett  Bay  with  severity.  Diffi- 
culties arose  almost  at  the  start,  and  were  increased  by 
savage  actions  on  both  sides.  In  1637  the  people  resolved 
to  put  an  end  to  these  outrages.  One  of  the  Pequod  camps 
west  of  Narragansett  Bay  was  attacked  by  less  than  a  hun- 
dred men  under  Mason  and  Underbill.  The  attack  was 
a  complete  surprise,  the  wigwams  were  set  on  fire,  and  several 
hundred  Indians  slain.  The  remaining  Pequods  were 
relentlessly  hunted  out  of  the  country,  and  for  many  years 
there  was  peace  and  prosperity. 

As  the  people  of  Connecticut  were  outside  the  jurisdiction 
of  Massachusetts  and  unwilling  to  have  that  colony  extend 
its  authority  over  them,  they  met  and  drew  up  a  set  of 
fundamental  laws  for  their  government  (1639).  The  con- 
stitution which  was  adopted  in  1639  established  a  govern- 
ment similar  to  that  of  Massachusetts,  with  a  governor, 
magistrates,  and  deputies,  who  looked  after  common  inter- 
ests. Unlike  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  did  not  restrict 
the  privilege  of  voting  to  those  who  were  church  mem- 
bers, and  she  left  with  the  towns  a  much  more  complete 
degree  of  self-government  than  had  been  enjoyed  in  the  parent 
colony.  This  set  of  laws,  remarkable  for  its  democratic 
character,  is  still  more  remarkable  because  it  is  the  first 
written  constitution  compiled  by  a  people  for  their  own 
government. 

This  very  liberal  political  system  was  recognized  and  con- 
tinued in  the  charter  which  Connecticut  obtained  from 
Charles  II  in  1662.  The  new  colony,  however,  included  not 
only  the  Connecticut  valley  settlements,  but  New  Haven  as 
well,  and  extended  from  the  Pawtucket  River  to  the  Pacific. 
Under  this  charter,  slightly  modified  when  Connecticut 
became  a  state  in  1776,  the  people  lived  until  1818. 

51.  New  Haven.  —  Strangely  enough  the  later  colony 
and  state  of  Connecticut  was  composed  of  two  quite  different 
elements:  the  Connecticut  valley  settlements,  the  most 
liberal,  and  the  New  Haven  settlements,  the  most  conserva- 
tive, of  those  made  by  the  New  England  Puritans.  The 


1643]  Expansion  in  New  England  57 

founders  of  New  Haven  desired  to  establish  a  town  ruled  Fiske,  New 

according  to  Scripture,  which  to  them  meant  the  Mosaic  En^land> 
code.    Other  towns  were  founded  by  their  friends,  and  in      4 

1643  these  were  united  in  much  the  same  way  as  those  of  Tyler,  England 

Connecticut  under  the  constitution  of  1639.     In  New  Haven  in  America' 

260-264. 
only  church  members  might  vote,  and  the  general  court 

enacted  rather  searching  laws  regulating  religious  and  other  Channing, 

matters.    These  were  caricatured   soon  after  the  Revolu-   T  * 

i,  407-411. 

tionary  War  by  a  loyalist,  Peters,  whose  book  on  the  "Blue 
Laws  of  Connecticut "  was  supposed  for  many  years  to  be 
historically  correct. 

52.  Northern  New  England.  —  A  number  of  attempts  Settlement, 
had  been  made  to  colonize  the  coast  north  of  Massachusetts.   Relatlons  Wlth 

iii/-.  -i  Massachusetts. 

Several  grants  of  land  were  issued  by  the  Council  for  New 
England,  notably  that  to  Mason  and  Gorges.  In  1629 
these  men  divided  their  territory,  Mason  taking  that  between  il 
the  Merrimac  and  the  Piscataqua,  to  which  he  now  gave  the  266-276,  279- 
name  New  Hampshire,  and  Gorges  that  from  the  Piscata-  28l< 
qua  to  the  Kennebec,  a  district  known  as  Maine.  Large 
sums  were  spent  by  both,  but  their  settlements  were  little 
more  than  fishing  hamlets.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Civil 
War  in  England,  Massachusetts  annexed  the  New  Hamp- 
shire towns  on  the  ground  that  her  charter  of  1629  gave  her 
all  territory  east  as  well  as  west  from  a  point  three  miles 
north  of  the  source  of  the  Merrimac  River,  but  the  towns 
were  allowed  to  govern  themselves  and  to  send  representa- 
tives to  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  until  in  1679 
New  Hampshire  became  a  royal  province.  During  the 
Commonwealth  Massachusetts  extended  her  jurisdiction 
over  most  of  the  towns  in  Maine  also,  and  although  obliged 
by  a  commission  from  England  (1665)  to  relinquish  her 
control  temporarily,  she  reasserted  her  authority  until 
Maine  was  purchased  from  the  Gorges  heirs  by  Massa- 
chusetts (1678).  The  territory  east  of  the  Kennebec  River 
was  granted  to  several  court  favorites,  but  was  practically 
unoccupied  because  of  the  opposition  of  the  French. 

53.  The  New  England  Confederation  (1643).  —  Between 


American  History 


[1643 


several  of  these  New  England  colonies  there  was  a  pro- 
nounced unity  of  feeling.  Though  representing  different 
types  of  Puritan  sentiment,  the  ideals  in  Massachusetts  Bay, 
New  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven  were  much 
the  same.  Some  of  these  colonies  had  acted  together  in 
more  than  one  undertaking,  but  no  formal  union  had  been 
considered  wise,  perhaps  for  the  reason  that  it  would  have 

made  supervision 
by  the  royal 
government  so 
much  easier.  In 
1643,  the  Civil 
War  in  England 
removed  this  ob- 
stacle and  these 
four  little  Puri- 
tan communities 
united  to  form 
the  New  England 
Confederation, 
chiefly  for  the  pur- 
pose of  better  de- 
fense against  the 
Dutch,the  French, 
and  the  Indians.  Maine,  a  settlement  alien  in  its  origin 
and  customs,  was  not  admitted,  nor  was  heretical  Rhode 
Island,  which  wished  to  join  the  league,  its  lack  of  stable 
government  being  assigned  as  the  excuse  for  refusal. 

The  Confederation  carefully  avoided  interference  with  the 
local  government  of  each  of  its  members.  Two  commis- 
sioners were  selected  by  each  colony  for  the  transaction  of 
league  matters.  Any  six  of  these  had  power  to  determine 
questions  of  peace  or  war,  deciding  how  many  men  each 
colony  was  able  to  contribute  for  purposes  of  defense. 
Intercolonial  disputes  were  to  be  settled  by  the  commissioners. 
A  sort  of  intercolonial  citizenship  was  established  and  ser- 
vants or  criminals  escaping  from  one  colony  to  another 


1632]  Maryland  59 

were  to  be  surrendered.    The  authority  of  the  commissioners   MacDonald, 
was  more  apparent  than  real,  but  the  Confederation  was  of    Charters< 
great  value  in  dealing  with  both  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians. 
The  injustice  done  to  Massachusetts,  which  was  larger  than 
the  other  three  together,  and  the  desire  of  that  colony  to 
manage  the  affairs  of  the  Confederation,  caused  its  decline, 
but  it  remained  in  existence  until  1684. 

MARYLAND 

54.    The    Charter  of    Maryland    (1632).  —  While    the  A  proprietary 
Puritan  emigration  to  New  England  was  taking  place,  a  colony- 
colony  of  a  new  type  was  being  founded  in  the  region  north 
of  Virginia.    The  land  was  granted  and  the  power  to  govern 
the  colony  assigned  to  a  proprietor,  who  controlled  the  affairs 
of  the  colony  in  accordance  with  a  charter  given  to  him  by 
the  king.    This  proprietary  form  of  government,  although 
modified  in  many  ways,  was  the  one  used  after  this  time  in 
the  establishment  of  new  English  colonies  in  America. 

The  founding  of  Maryland  was  due  to  the  personal  am-  Caivert  and  his 
bition  of  George  Caivert,  Lord  Baltimore,  an  enterprising  charter- 
Catholic  nobleman  who  had  long  enjoyed  royal  favor.     He 
was  anxious  to  establish  in  the  new  world  a  place  of  refuge  MacDonald, 
for  Catholics  and  to  build  up  for  his  family  a  semi-feudal 
estate.     Before  his  conversion  to  the  faith  of  Rome,  he  had 
started  a  settlement  on  Newfoundland,  which  was  soon  T 

Fiske,  Old  Vir- 

abandoned.     He  next  tried  Virginia,  but  the  governors  of  ^w/-a>  i,  255- 
the  colony  would  have  none  of  him.     He  then  obtained  256,  261-274. 
from  the  king  a  charter  which  gave  him  title  to  the  land  from 
the  Potomac  to  the  fortieth  parallel  and  from  Delaware  Bay  Eggieston, 
to  the  meridian  passing  through  the  head  waters  of  the  Po-      \ 
tomac.     Over  this  domain  he  was  to  exercise  almost  regal 
powers,  sending  to  the  king  two  arrows  yearly  as  a  recogni- 
tion of  royal  suzerainty.     He  was  free  from  taxation  by  the 
authorities  at  home,  which  were  not  allowed  to  interfere  in 
other  ways  with  his  government.     With  the  consent  of  the 
freemen,  he  might  make  the  laws,  which  should  not  be 
contrary  to  those  of  England. 


' 


6o 


American  History 


[1635 


Contest  over 
the  right  to  pro- 
pose laws. 


Channing, 
United  States, 
1,265-267. 

Browne, 

Maryland, 

35-37.4I-47- 


Religious 
classes. 
Law  of  1649. 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  21. 


Eggleston, 
Beginners, 
242,  250-257. 


55.  The  Proprietor  and  the  Freeman.  —  Interest  in  the 
early  history  of  Maryland  centers  around  two  things,  the  re- 
ligious conditions  and  the  development  of  democratic  in- 
stitutions.   George  Calvert   died   before   the   charter   was 
granted  and  his  work  was  undertaken  by  his  eldest  son, 
Cecil,  who  remained  in  England  and  exercised  his  functions 
as  proprietor  through  a  resident  governor.     Being  at  such 
a  distance,  he  was  unable  to  meet  with  the  freemen  for  the 
purpose  of  making  laws,  and  the  earliest  laws  which  he 
proposed  for  the  colony  were  rejected  by  the  first  assembly 
of  freemen  (1635),  who  claimed  that  they  had  the  right  to 
propose  laws.   This  claim  was  not  accepted  by  the  proprietor, 
who  in  turn  rejected  the  laws  suggested  by  the  freemen. 
Matters  remained  in  this  chaotic  state  for  four  years,  each 
side  refusing  to  yield,  but  in  1639  Baltimore  gave  his  consent 
to  a  very  full  and  cumbersome  code  of  laws  enacted  by  the 
assembly,  at  the  same  time  instructing  his  governor  to 
claim  the  power  of  veto  only.    Calvert  could  well  afford  this 
concession,  because  his  authority  over  the  colony  was  very 
great,   and   the   legislature   was    composed   of    councilors 
selected  by  himself  as  well  as  the  freemen  who  represented 
the  people  or  were  summoned  to  the  assembly  by  the  pro- 
prietor.   The  later  history  of  the  colony  is  largely  concerned 
with  the  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  freemen  and  of  the  pro- 
prietor to  extend  -their  legislative  influence  at  the  expense  of 
the  other. 

56.  Religious  Toleration.  —  From  the  first  the  majority 
of  the  settlers  in  Maryland  were  Puritans,  the  proportion 
increasing  with  great  rapidity  during  the  closing  years  of 
the  Civil  War  in  England,  especially  when  Virginia  in  1648 
drove  many  Puritans  from  its  borders.     As  the  proprietor 
could  not  establish  Catholicism  as  a  state  religion,  and  would 
not  permit  an  established  church  of  any  other  faith,  there 
had  been  little  interference  on  account  of  religious  beliefs 
during  the  early  history  of  Maryland.     Foreseeing  that  the 
Catholic  majority  in  the  legislature  could  not  be  maintained 
on  account  of  the  Puritan  immigration,  Baltimore  proposed 


1660]  Maryland  6 1 

to  the  freemen  a  law  giving  religious  toleration,  and  at  the 
same  time  sent  over  a  Protestant  governor.  The  legislature 
rejected  Baltimore's  law  because  it  denied  to  the  proprietary 
the  right  of  initiation,  but  the  next  year  (1649)  passed  a 
somewhat  similar  law.  This  famous  "Toleration  Act"  pro- 
vided the  death  penalty  for  those  who  blasphemed  or  denied 
any  person  of  the  Trinity,  but  declared  "that  noe  person  or 
persons  .  .  .  professing  to  beleive  in  Jesus  Christ,  shall 
from  henceforth  bee  any  waies  troubled,  Molested  or  dis- 
countenanced for  or  in  respect  of  his  or  her  religion." 

57.  Summary.  —  After  a  half  century  of  successful  Extent  and 
colonization  we  find  the  English  in  possession  of  the  Atlantic  character  °f 
coast  from  the  Kennebec  nearly  to  the  Hudson,  and  from  the  se 
northern  part  of  Chesapeake  Bay  to  Cape  Fear  River.  (1660). 
The  intervening  territory  was  occupied  by  the  Dutch,  who 
had  lately  conquered  the  tiny  Swedish  settlement  on  the 
Delaware.  To  the  south,  though  separated  by  an  extensive 
wilderness,  were  the  Spanish,  while  but  little  closer  neighbors 
on  the  north  were  the  French.  In  1660  the  English  settlers 
lived  in  eight  distinct  colonies,  two  of  which,  Massachusetts 
and  Virginia,  included  more  than  one  half  of  the  total 
population.  The  emigration  to  the  American  provinces  of 
England  had  been  almost  exclusively  from  the  mother 
country,  most  of  the  settlers  coming  between  the  years  1619 
and  1640,  although  a  large  number  of  cavaliers  sought 
Virginia  when  the  fortunes  of  Charles  I  declined.  As  the 
majority  of  these  settlers  were  hard-working,  courageous 
men  and  women  whom  the  dangers  of  the  forest  could  not 
daunt  nor  the  hardships  of  the  frontier  discourage,  the  future 
of  the  colonies  was  assured.  With  increasing  prosperity 
and  continued  expansion,  the  Dutch  settlements  would  of 
necessity  have  become  less  endurable,  and  the  first  oppor- 
tunity was  therefore  embraced  to  conquer  them. 

TOPICS 

i.  VIRGINIA  UNDER  THE  COMMONWEALTH  :  Fiske,  "  Old  Virginia," 
II,  pp.  1-18:  Doyle,  "English  Colpnies,"  I,  PP-  212-229;  Bancroft, 
"  United  States." 


62  American  History 

2.  THE  PURITANS:  Ellis,  in  Winsor,  "America,"  III,  pp.  219-244; 
Palfrey,    "New   England,"   I,   pp.    101-132;    Osgood,   in   Political 
Science  Quarterly,  VI  (1891),  pp.   1-28,  201-231;  Borgeaud,  "De- 
mocracy in  America." 

3.  PILGRIM  MIGRATIONS:    Fiske,  "New  England,"  pp.  71-82; 
Eggleston,  "  Beginners  of  a  Nation,"  pp.  165-177;  Channing,  "United 
States,"  I,  pp.  293-307. 

STUDIES 

1.  Agricultural  difficulties  and  problems  in  early  Virginia.    (Bruce, 
"Economic  History  of  Virginia,"  I,  pp.  189-226.) 

2.  Smith  in  Virginia.     ("American  History  Leaflets,"  No.  27  ) 

3.  Virginia  under  Charles  I.     (Cooke,  "Virginia,"  pp.  41-157.) 

4.  First  weeks  at  Plymouth.    (Bradford,  "  Plymouth  Plantation.") 

5.  Early  emigrants.     (Hart  (ed.),  "Contemporaries,"  I,  Nos.  55- 

58.) 

6.  Winthrop's  account  of  Massachusetts.     ("  American  History 
Leaflets,"  No.  31.) 

7.  Earliest  New  England   code   of   laws.     ("American   History 
Leaflets,"  No.  25.)     . 

8.  Pequod  War.     (Doyle,  "English  Colonies,"  I,  pp.  160-178.) 

9.  Roger  Williams  and  his  work.     (Eggleston,  "Beginners  of  a 
Nation,"  pp.  266-306.) 

10.  General  character  of  the  English  colonies.     (Mace,  "  Method 
in  History,"  pp.  86-104.) 

u.   Charter  land  grants.     ("  American  History  Leaflets,"  No.  14.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  the  significance  of  the  settlement  at  Jamestown 
(1607)?  of  that  at  Plymouth  (1620)?   of  that  at  Salem  (1628)? 

2.  Compare  the  Virginia  charters  of  1606,  1609,  and  1612  as  to 
territory  and  government. 

3.  What  influence  did  tobacco  have  upon  (a)  the  growth  of  Vir- 
ginia, (ft)  the  social  classes,  (c)  the  establishment  of  the  county  systems 
of  government,  (d)  the  relations  of  Virginia  to  England  (§  36)  ? 

4.  Did  the  Puritans  believe  in  religious  toleration  ?    How  did  the 
Puritan  spirit  show  itself  in  the  dealings  of  Massachusetts  with  Roger 
Williams  and  with  England?    Was  their  course  justified? 

5.  In  the  contest  between  the  aristocrats  and  the  liberals  in  Mas- 
sachusetts between  1630  and  1641,  which  gained  the  greater  vic- 
tories in  determining  the  character  (a)  of  the  government,  (b)  of  the 
suffrage,  (c)  of  the  code  of  laws  ? 

6.  Define  the  term  "charter."     Give  the  distinction  between  a 
charter  and  a  constitution.     In  what  respects  was  the  constitution  of 
Connecticut  different  from  the  Massachusetts  charter  of  1629? 


CHAPTER  IV 

LATER  ENGLISH  COLONIZATION  (1660-1700) 
ENGLISH  RULERS 

Charles  II  (1660-1685)  William  III  (1689-1702) 

James  II  (1685-1688)  and  Mary  (1689-1694) 

58.    Commercial  Situation  of  England  about  1660.  — The  English 

year  1660,  during  which  the  Stuarts  were  restored  to  their  colonial  and 

position  as  kings  of  England,  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  C™™ 
epoch  from  the  standpoint  of  the  colonies.    This  was  due 

to  a  large  extent  to  the  interest  taken  by  the  able  advisers  . 

Andrews, 

of  Charles  II,  Clarendon  and  Shaftesbury,  in  the  expansion    Coi.Seif-Gov't.. 

of  the  British  domains,  and  the  desire  of  those  statesmen  5-J3- 

to  bring  the  existing  English  colonies  into  closer  and  more 

satisfactory  relations   with   the   mother   country.     It    was 

due  in  part  also  to  the  anxiety  of  England  to  compete  with 

Holland,  which  had  become  the  first  commercial  nation  of 

Europe.1    Cromwell  had  sought  to  injure  Dutch  commercial 

supremacy  by  securing  a  law  (1651)  which  compelled  all 

English  merchants  to  import  and  export  goods  in  English 

ships  only.    This  had  led  to  a  war  with  Holland  in  which 

the  advantage  remained  with  the  English. 

This  policy  of  British  trade  in  British  ships  only  was  re-  Early  naviga- 
affirmed  by  the  new  Stuart  government  after  the  Restoration  tlon  acts- 
by  the  passage  of  the  very  important  navigation  act  of  1660. 
Not  only  were  England  and  the  English  possessions  to  allow 
only  English  or  colonial  vessels  entrance  to  their  ports,  but   I3_2i. 
certain  articles  produced  in  the  colonies,  including  sugar 

1  The  Dutch  had  not  only  gained  extensive  possessions  in  America, 
with  the  control  of  most  of  the  East  India  trade,  but  in  1650  they 
controlled  nine  tenths  of  the  carrying  trade  of  England  and  practically 
a  monopoly  of  that  of  continental  nations. 

63 


64  American  History  [1660 

and  tobacco,  and  known  as  "enumerated"  goods,  were  to  be 
shipped  to  England  only.  A  few  years  later  the  colonies 
were  required  to  purchase  all  goods  from  England  direct, 
thus  giving  the  English  merchants  a  monopoly  in  selling 
Purpose  and  to  them.  The  undoubted  purpose  of  these  acts  of  trade 

results  of  the      wag  ^  Destroy  the  commerce  of  the  Dutch  as  far  as  possible. 

Navigation  ,11. 

Acts.  but  they  were  made  on  the  theory  then  in  common  use  that 

colonies  should  aid  the  mother  country  by  furnishing  a 
market  for  her  surplus  products  and  by  helping  the  home 
country  to  build  up  her  industries.  The  ministers  of  Charles 
II  probably  desired  to  treat  the  colonies  fairly,  for  colonial 
vessels  were  considered  English  ships  and  the  colonies 
often  obtained  special  commercial  privileges.  For  example, 
Virginia  tobacco  had  a  monopoly  of  the  English  market, 
as  tobacco  growing  was  prohibited  in  England  and  the  im- 
portation of  tobacco  from  foreign  countries  was  forbidden. 
Reorganization  5Q.  England  and  the  Colonies  (1660-1685).  —  Dur- 
of  colonies.  jng  ^ne  quarter  century  following  the  Restoration,  consid- 
erable progress  was  made  in  improving  the  colonial  system 
of  England.  In  1660  there  were  only  three  regularly 
organized  English  colonies  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  One  of 
these,  Virginia,  was  under  the  direct  control  of  the  crown; 
a  second,  Maryland,  was  governed  by  a  proprietor  whose 
relations  to  England  were  defined  in  a  charter;  the  third, 
Massachusetts,  was  a  self-governing  charter  colony  which 
had  in  more  than  one  way  refused  to  acknowledge  the  su- 
premacy of  the  English  government.  There  were  in  addition 
settlements  in  Maine,  New  Plymouth,  on  Rhode  Island,  and 
at  Providence,  in  Connecticut,  and  on  the  shores  of  Long 
Island  Sound.1  Soon  after  the  Restoration,  charters  were 
granted  (1662)  to  Connecticut,  which  now  included  New 
Haven,  and  (1663)  to  Rhode  Island  including  Providence. 
Attempts  were  made  also  to  bring  Massachusetts  into  sub- 
mission, ending  in  the  revocation  of  her  charter  of  1629 
in  the  year  i684.2 

1  New  Hampshire  was  included  in  Massachusetts  from  1641  to 
1679.  2  See  §§  73,  75. 


1685]  Later  English  Colonisation  65 

Interest  was  shown  in  colonial  expansion  when  Clarendon,  Founding  of 
Shaftesbury,  and  some  associates  prepared  to  settle  the  region  new  colonies- 
south  of  Virginia  (1663).  In  1664  jealousy  of  the  Dutch 
and  desire  to  join  the  colonies  of  the  North  with  those  of  the 
South  led  to  the  conquest  of  New  Netherland.  Six  years 
later  the  enterprising  Hudson  Bay  company  was  organized, 
and  soon  after  1680  the  only  unoccupied  section  of  the  coast 
north  of  the  Savannah  River  was  granted  to  William  Penn. 
All  of  these  changes  were  favorable  to  the  increased  authority 
of  the  home  government,  for  these  new  colonies  were  directly 
controlled  by  members  of  the  Stuart  family  or  by  court 
favorites. 

NEW  YORK  (1609-1685) 

60.  The  Founding    of    New    Netherland.  —  The    Dutch  Hudson, 
claim  to  the  country  between  New  England  and  Maryland  The  India 
was  based  on  the  explorations  of  Henry  Hudson,  followed  by 

the  subsequent  occupation  of  the  region  by  Dutch  traders 

and  by  settlers  sent  out  from  Holland.     Hudson  was  an   ^banning, 

United  States, 

Englishman  in  the  employ  of  the  Dutch  East  India  company.   i(  438-446. 

While  in  search  of  a  passage  to  the  Pacific  (1609)  he  sailed 

up  the  river  which  now  bears  his  name  until  fresh  water  Hart,  Contem- 

showed  that  it  was  not  a  channel  connecting  two  oceans,  porarus, 

He  won  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  and  within  a  few  years    '    °*'*  °' 

a  considerable  fur  trade  was  established  with  the  Indians  by 

the  thrifty  Dutch,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to  settle  the 

country  until  in  1621  the  Dutch  \Vcst  India  company  was 

created.     By  the  charter  of  this  company  the  government  of 

the  territory  around  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  rivers,  as 

well  as  the  fur  trade  of  that  section,  was  placed  entirely  in 

its  hands.     But  the  company  took  no  interest  in  colonization, 

preferring  to  devote  its  entire  attention  to  the  establishment 

of  trading  posts  and  the  development  of  the  fur  trade. 

61.  The  Province  of  New  Netherland.  —  In    1629    the  Thepatroon 
West  India  company  adopted  a  new  policy  and  promised  system- 
that  any  person  who  should  send  fifty  adults  to  their  American 
possessions  should  have  lands  fronting  on  either  the  Hudson 


66 


American  History 


[1629 


Channing, 
United  States, 
I,  446-449. 


Fiske, 
Dutch  and 
Quaker  Cols., 
I,  I33-HO. 


Channing, 
United  States, 
^  45<>-472. 


or  the  Delaware,  sixteen  miles  on  one  bank  or  eight  miles 
on  both  and  extending  into  the  interior.  This  liberal  do- 
main the  patroon,  as  he  was  called,  was  to  rule  as  a  feudal 
lord,  with  power  to  make  laws  and  hold  court  for  the  trial 
of  offenses.  All  corn  was  to  be  ground  at  his  mill  and  no 
one  should  hunt  or  fish  on  his  domain  without  his  consent. 
This  feudal  system  appealed  to  many  wealthier  members  of 
the  company  and  large  landed  estates  were  established  along 
the  Hudson.  Of  these  the- most  extensive  was  that  of  the 


NEW  AMSTERDAM 

Van  Rensselaers,  in  which  the  custom  of  paying  feudal  rents 
persisted  until  the  tenants  rebelled  about  1840  and  gained 
the  right  to  purchase  their  lands. 

Governors  were  sent  out  by  the  company  to  administer 
its  affairs,  which  they  did  in  a  quite  unsatisfactory  manner. 
The  early  governors  found  it  difficult  to  maintain  the  au- 
thority of  the  company  against  the  patroons,  who  were 
practically  independent  within  the  limits  of  their  patroon- 
ships.  The  people  of  the  principal  city,  New  Amsterdam, 
and  in  the  rest  of  the  colony  protested  also  against  the  arbi- 


1664]  New  York  67 

trary  rule  of  the  governors,  and  demanded  a  share  in  the 
government.  The  last  and  the  ablest  of  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernors, Stuyvesant,  was  forced .  to  give  New  Amsterdam  a 
more  liberal  government  with  nine  men  to  advise  him,  but 
he  made  more  promises  than  reforms,  and  to  the  last  the 
rule  of  the  Dutch  was  narrow  and  arbitrary. 

62.  New  Netherland  and  its  Neighbors. — The  location  Relations  with 
of  New   Netherland   between   jealous   and    comparatively  the  Indians- 
powerful   English   colonies  and  its  proximity  to  the  most 
powerful  Indian  tribe  on  the  continent,  the  Iroquois,  made  Channing, 

its  position  one  of  no  little  difficulty.    The  Dutch  avoided   ^Hlted  st^"' 

i,  454-458. 

conflict  with  the  Iroquois  by  preserving  the  friendship  es- 
tablished with  those  Indians  by  Hudson.  This  afforded 
them  protection  from  attack  and  benefited  their  trade  in  fur. 
Unwise  treatment  of  the  Indians  near  Manhattan  Island, 
however,  led  to  a  disastrous  war,  in  which  most  of  the 
settlements  near  New  Amsterdam  were  destroyed  (1641- 

1643)- 

On  the  south   the  Dutch   came  into  collision  with   the  Conquest  of 
Swedes,  who  had  made  a  few  settlements  on  the  shores  of  New  Sweden 
Delaware  Bay.     The  Dutch  claimed  the  land  and  warned 
the  Swedes  to  leave,  but  no  action  was  taken  before  1648, 
partly  because  of  the  governors'  indifference  and   partly    united  states 
because  Sweden  had  aided  Holland  during  the  Thirty  Years'   i,  475-477. 
War  which  closed  that  year.     After  the  Peace  of  Westphalia 
made  all  the  nations  guarantee  the  independence  of  Holland, 
the  new  governor,  Stuyvesant,  proceeded  against  the  Swedes 
and  in  1655  New  Sweden  was  brought  under  Dutch  rule. 

63.  Conquest  of  New  Netherland  (1664).  —  By  the  Eng-   English  mo- 

lish  the  Dutch  had  been  considered  intruders  from  the  be-  tives  and  earlj 

attempts, 
ginning,  because  England  laid  claim  to  the  entire  coast  on 

the  basis  of  the  Cabot  voyages.  Aside  from  the  feeling  against 
Holland  that  sprang  from  commercial  rivalry,  England 
desired  to  seize  the  Dutch  possessions  for  several  reasons. 
Dutch  occupation  of  the  region  between  the  thriving  prov- 
inces in  New  England  and  in  the  South  was  not  pleasing  to 
her,  their  extensive  fur  trade  was  an  object  of  envy,  and  the 


68 


American  History 


[1650 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  155. 


Fiske, 
Dutch  and 
Quaker  Cols., 
I,  248-269. 


Conquest  and 
reconquest. 

Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

78  -82,  89. 

Fiske, 
Dutch  and 
Quaker  Cols., 
I,  277-292. 


The  people 
and  their 
government. 


Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

82-100. 


Dutch  gave  offense  by  helping  the  colonies  to  evade  the 
navigation  acts.  Before  1650  the  Dutch  had  been  driven 
from  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut  by  the  settlers  near  Hart- 
ford (§50),  and  several  English  settlements  on  Long  Island 
had  restricted  their  territory  in  that  direction.  When  war 
broke  out  between  England  and  Holland  during  the  Com- 
monwealth, steps  were  taken  toward  conquering  New 
Netherland,  but  peace  was  declared  before  the  expedition 
was  ready. 

A  few  years  later,  the  English  government  decided  to 
take  the  initiative  against  Holland  by  seizing  her  North 
American  possessions.  All  of  the  territory  from  the  Dela- 
ware to  the  Connecticut,  and  from  the  Kennebec  to  the  St. 
Croix,  was  granted  by  the  king  to  his  brother  James,  the 
Duke  of  York.  A  fleet  was  dispatched  to  New  Netherland 
under  the  command  of  four  commissioners,  who  were  also 
to  bring  Massachusetts  to  terms  (§  73).  New  Amsterdam 
surrendered  at  once  because  the  citizens  refused  to  fight, 
much  to  the  disgust  of  the  wrathy  governor,  Stuyvesant, 
and  the  rest  of  New  Netherland  surrendered  without  delay. 
Several  years  later,  during  another  war  between  England 
and  Holland,  New  Netherland  was  recaptured  by  the 
Dutch,  but  after  a  brief  period  was  returned  to  the  English 
by  the  Treaty  of  Westminster  (1675). 

64.  The  English  in  New  York  (1664-1685).  —  A  large 
percentage  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  Netherland  in  1664 
were  English,  so  that  the  transition  from  Dutch  to  English 
rule  was  not  difficult.  A  great  many  laws  in  force  in  New 
England  were  introduced,  but  most  of  the  Dutch  practices 
also  were  recognized.  The  local  government  was  reor- 
ganized so  as  to  give  the  people  a  slightly  greater  share  in  its 
work,  but  the  Duke  of  York  would  not  allow  an  assembly 
to  be  called.  Many  of  the  English  settlers  demanded  a 
representative  government,  the  Puritans  on  Long  Island 
being  particularly  insistent,  but  no  action  was  taken  until 
1684.  In  that  year  the  first  assembly  of  the  colony  distin- 
guished itself  by  passing  a  charter  of  franchises  and  liberties 


1680]  New  York  69 

which  provided  for  religious  toleration,  allowed  all  free- 
holders to  vote,  and  permitted  no  taxation  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  people's  representatives.  This  charter  was 
ratified  by  the  Duke  of  York,  but  was  rejected  by  him  later 
when,  on  the  death  of  Charles  II,  he  became  king  of  England 
with  the  title  of  James  II.  In  the  year  1684  also  Governor 
Dongan  negotiated  with  the  Iroquois  a  treaty  which  gained 
for  the  English  the  friendship  and  help  of  those  able  war- 
riors in  the  long  contest  with  the  French  which  began  soon 
after. 

THE  QUAKER  COLONIES 

65.    New  Jersey  and  the  Quakers.  —  Before  the  conquest  The  two 

of  New  Netherland,  the  Duke  of  York  granted  the  territory  Jerseys, 
between  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware  to  two  of  his  favorites, 

Sir  George  Carteret  and  Sir  John  Berkeley.   They  were  liberal  Andrews, 

to  the  colonists,  and  the  inhabitants,  many  of  whom  were  Co1'  Self-Govl 

*  IOI-III. 

immigrants  from  New  England,  enjoyed  a  large  degree  of 
religious  and  political  freedom,  but  they  quarreled  with  the 
proprietors  over  the  making  of  laws  and  the  payment  of 
land  rents,  and  in  1674  Berkeley  sold  his  share  of  New 
Jersey,  the  western  half,  to  a  Quaker  who  was  probably 
acting  for  many  others  of  his  sect. 

The  society  of  Friends,  or  Quakers,  had  "been  organized  in  The  Quakers. 
England  by  George  Fox  just   before   the   middle   of  the  West  jersey, 
seventeenth  century.     The  Quakers  believed  that  a  person 
should  be  guided  chiefly  by  his  conscience  and  not  by  the  Andrews, 

dictates  of  church  or  writings.     For  others  as  well  as  them-   CoL  Self-Gov'^ 

113—124.   ' 
selves  they  claimed  the  right  of  worshiping  in  the  way  they 

pleased,  so  that  they  were  always  in  favor  of  religious  tolera- 

_,  ...        ,  ,,         ,  .          ,    Fiske,  Dutch 

tion.    They  advocated  the  doctrine  of  the  fellowship  of  and  QUaker 
man  and  carried  their  belief  in  equality  so  far  that  they  re-   Cols.,  II,  log- 
fused  to  remove  their  hats  even  in  the  presence  of  the  king.   "3> 
Desiring  to  found  in  the  new  world  a  colony  in  which  they 
might  carry  their  principles  into  effect,  the  Quakers  made 
settlements  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Delaware  and  established 
an  extremely  liberal  government  which  they  were  never  able 


American  History 


[1680 


Pennsylvania 
charter  (1681). 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  38. 


Andrews, 
Col.  Self-Gov't, 
165-169,  175- 
177. 

Fiske,  Dutch 
and  Quaker 
Cols.,  II,  114- 
118,  147-153. 

Growth  and 
inhabitants. 


to  put  into  practice  effectively.  The  success  of  the  Quakers 
in  gaining  first  West  Jersey  and  later  control  of  East  Jersey 
was  due  principally  to  the  interest  and  ability  of  William 
Penn. 

66.  Penn  and  His  Colony.  —  Because  Penn  found  it  im- 
possible to  carry  out  his  ideas  regarding  society  and  govern- 
ment in  New  Jersey,  he  asked  the  king  for  a  grant  of  land 
west  of  the  Delaware  River.  As  he  was  a  man  of  high  rank, 

the  son  of  an  admiral 
to  whom  Charles  II 
was  indebted  in  several 
ways,  and  a  friend  of 
James,  Duke  of  York, 
•  he  had  no  difficulty  in 
obtaining  from  the 
king  a  charter  which 
gave  him  a  large  terri- 
tory beyond  the  Dela- 
ware and  made  him 
proprietor  of  that 
region  with  the  right 
to  govern  it,  provided 
that  all  laws  should 
be  made  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  freemen 
and  sent  to  England 
for  approval.  Parliament,  however,  had  the  right  to  levy 
taxes  within  the  colony  and  the  proprietor  was  obliged  to 
appoint  an  agent  through  whom  the  English  government 
might  exercise  some  control  over  the  affairs  of  the  province. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  home  government  had  profited  by 
the  rather  bitter  experience  it  had  had  with  those  colonies 
that  refused  to  recognize  its  authority  over  them. 

Not  only  were  Penn's  religious  views  advanced,  but  he  had 
long  held  political  ideas  which  were  extreme  in  the  opinion  of 
meri  of  that  time.  His  colony  during  its  early  years  showed 
in  marked  degree  the  impress  of  his  personality,  and  under 


WILLIAM  PENN 


1701]  The  Quaker  Colonies  j\ 

his  wise  and  able  guidance,  grew  as  no  other  had  done.   Andrews, 
At  the  end  of  four  years  it  contained  eight  thousand  inhab-   c°l- 
itants,  and  Philadelphia  had  become  the  third  city  on  the  Greece 'flro- 
continent.     English  Quakers  came  in  large  numbers,  but  vincial  Amer- 
there  were  numerous  Englishmen  of  different'  denomina-  ica>  23°-234- 
tions,  and  many  Swedes,  Hollanders,  Germans,  Frenchmen,   Fiske- Dutch 
and  Scotchmen.    Most  of  these  were  attracted  by  the  well-  ^^JJ*f  _ 
known  liberal  ideas  of  Penn  and  his  promise  of  religious   158, 320-329. 
freedom  and  political  rights. 

67.    The  Government  of  Pennsylvania.  —  Penn  did  not  Early  govern- 
disappoint  his  colonists,  for  as  early  as  1682  he  issued  a   ment- 
Frame  of  Government  by  which  he  shared  with  the  people   MacDonaid, 
the  powers  of  government  granted  to  him  as  proprietor.     At   Charters, 
the  same  time  he  announced  laws  which  assured  a  larger      os'  4°' 4If  ^ 
number  of  individual  rights  than  were  enjoyed  then  in  any   Cgl  Stif_Ggv't 
other  colony  in  America.     At  first  the  government  was  com-   182-184, 191- 
posed  of  a  governor  and  of  two  large  unwieldy  houses  called   I^- 
the  council  and  the  assembly,  both  of  which  were  elected  by  Wmsor  (ed-)> 

*     America, 

the  freemen.     All  laws  were  proposed  by  the  governor  and   ni,  483-489. 
council,  the  assembly  having  no  authority  except  to  ratify 
or  reject  bills  under  consideration. 

This  cumbersome  legislature  did  not  work  well,  and  in  Charter  of 
1701  Penn  gave  the  colony  a  new  "Charter  of  Privileges."   ^m 
This   reaffirmed    religious    liberty   to  all  who  believed  in 
God,  and  declared  that  any  one  who  believed  in  Jesus  Christ  Macdonaid 
as  the  Savior  of  the  world  was  qualified  to  hold  office.    The   charters, 
charter  provided  that  laws  should  be  made  by  an  assembly,   No-  46- 
and  left  the  local  government  in  the  hands  of  the  people.   Fiske, 
The  charter  might  be  amended   by  the  governor  and   six  ^  t^-o//'' 
sevenths  of  the  assembly.     Under  it,  until  1776,  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Delaware  had   separate  legislatures,   although 
ruled  by  the  same  governor. 

In  his  dealings  with  the  Indians,  Penn  was  just  and  fair.   Penn  and  the 
His  famous  treaty  of  1682  under  the  "Penn  elm"  was  said 
by  Voltaire  to  be  "the  only  treaty  between  savages  and   Hart,  Contem- 
Christians  that  was  never  sworn  to  and  that  was  never  poraries, 
broken."    Like   Roger   Williams   and   many   other   early 


72  American  History  [1681 

Fiske, 

Quaker  Cols.,     settlers  his  aim  was  to  pay  the  red  men  a  reasonable  sum 

II,  158-166.        for  the  lands  occupied. 

Colonial  68-    Boundaries  of  Pennsylvania. — The  exact  boundaries 

boundary          of  the  land  granted  to  Penn  in  his  charter  were  long  in 
dispute   because  his  territory  conflicted  with   that  already 
Greene,  Pro-      granted   to   several   of  the   other   colonies.     Pennsylvania 
vmciai  Amer-    was  noj.  aione  jn  this  heritage  of  boundary  disputes  because 
grants  overlapped;  but,  as  the  latest  of  the  northern  colonies, 
her  boundary  difficulties  affected  more  provinces  than  those 
of  almost  any  other  colony  and  may  be  considered  in  some 
degree  typical  of  the  boundary  wars  waged  by  most  of  the 
seventeenth-century  pioneers.     It  would  naturally  be  sup- 
posed that  as  late  as  1681  the  geography  of  the  Delaware 
and    Susquehanna   regions   would    be   known   accurately, 
Penn's  grant,      but  such  was  not  the  case.     Penn's  grant  was  to  extend 
5°  west  from  the  Delaware  River  and  3°  north  and  south 
along  that  river.1    Penn,  having  acquired  Delaware  in  1682 
Col  Self-  Gov't     anc^  having  several  settlements  in  Pennsylvania  south  of  the 
171-175.  fortieth  parallel  and  desiring  a  port  on  Chesapeake  Bay, 

argued  that  the  "beginning"  of  the  fortieth  parallel,  which, 
Hinsdale,  according  to  the  charter,  was  the  southern  boundary  of 
Old  Northwest,  Pennsylvania,  must  have  meant  the  southern  boundary  of 

-104, 10          ^e  zone  which  was  the  fortieth  from  the  equator,  that  is, 
no. 

parallel  39.     This  claim  he  could  not  establish,  as  the 

northern  boundary  of  Maryland  was  40°  also,  and  it  was  not 
until  1760  that  the  English  government  decided  the  con- 
troversy by  locating  the  dividing  line  between  the  two 
colonies  at  39°  42'.  The  boundary  was  surveyed  by  two 
skilled  mathematicians,  Mason  and  Dixon,  from  whom 

1  Its  southern  boundary  was  a  semicircular  line  drawn  from  twelve 
miles  north  and  west  of  New  Castle  "  unto  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth 
degree  of  northern  latitude  and  then  by  a  straight  line  westward."  The 
northern  boundary  was  the  beginning  of  the  three  and  fortieth  degree  of 
northern  latitude.  As  the  fortieth  parallel  had  been  given  as  the  northern 
boundary  of  Maryland  (§  54),  the  expression,  the  "beginning"  of  the 
fortieth  degree  probably  meant  the  same  as  the  fortieth  parallel  of  Balti- 
more's grant,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  fortieth  parallel  is  much  more 
than  twelve  miles  north  of  New  Castle,  so  that  it  would  be  impossible 'to 
survey  such  a  line  as  Penn's  southern  limit  called  for. 


1760] 


The  Quaker  Colonies 


73 


it  has  since  been  known  as  "Mason  and  Dixon's  Line," 
a  name  applied  later  to  the  boundary  between  the  slave  and 
the  free  states. 

On  the  north  there  was  doubt  about  whether  the  boundary  Northern 
was  the  forty-third  or  the  forty-second  parallel.    New  York,  boundary  dis- 
wishing  to  retain  as  much  territory  as  possible  and  unwilling  P 
to  grant  Pennsylvania  any  jurisdiction  over  the  six  Iroquois   ^!"sff le' 

Old  Northwest^ 

nations,  contended  with  success  for  the  lower  boundary.  110-119, 
When  this  bound- 
ary was  decided 
upon  finally,  there 
was  no  longer  any 
conflict  with  Mas- 
sachusetts, which 
did  not  claim  land 
south  of  42°.  The 
dispute  with  Con- 
necticut under  her 
sea-to-sea  charter 
involved  an  at  - 
tempt  on  the  part 
of  Connecticut  to 
settle  the  northern 
part  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, especially  Wyoming  valley,  but  the  whole  territory 
was  assigned  to  Pennsylvania  by  the  Congress  of  the 
Confederation  soon  after  the  Revolutionary  War. 

THE  SOUTH  AFTER  THE  RESTORATION  (1660-1730) 

69.   Misgovernment    in    Virginia    (1660-1676).  —  For  Political  griev- 
several  years  during  the  Commonwealth  the  people  of  Vir-  ances- 
ginia  attempted  in  an  irregular  way  to  govern  themselves, 
but  with  the  restoration  of  Charles  II  the  old  order  was  re-  Andrews, 
established.     During  the  years  following  the  Restoration,     *1  ' 
Sir  William  Berkeley  was    governor  of    Virginia.      Of  a 
despotic  temper,  he  used  his  office  to  the  personal  advan- 
tage of  himself  and  his  royal  master,  appointing  worthless 


fr.  Eix  M  W//WO «  *  ' 

Q          -I/       D!siiutrfhyN«w/V.,rKl1"'nsy!19'ii>      ' 

la  ^T  (»n'.l    :,':i-  .,:!,.),• :-,.tt^         '       . 


BOUNDAUY  DISPUTES  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


74 


American  History 


[1660 


Doyle, 
Eng.  Cols., 
I,  230-245. 


Economic 
grievances. 

Fiske,  Old  Vir- 
ginia,II 1 46-54. 


Bacon  and 
Berkeley. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
V,  3632-3634. 


Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

215-226. 


nobles  to  positions  of  importance  and  profit.  To  main- 
tain better  his  hold  on  the  government,  he  kept  in  office  the 
strongly  royalist  legislature  elected  during  the  excitement 
following  the  return  of  Charles  II.  For  three  years  no  elec- 
tion occurred  in  Virginia,  the  appointive  system  now  being 
used  exclusively  for  local  offices.  Meanwhile  the  electoral 
law  was  changed  so  as  to  exclude  all  but  freeholders,  a  select 
class  in  a  colony  of  plantations.  Corruption  and  misrule 
held  sway  in  both  colonial  and  local  affairs. 

The  discontent  due  to  these  grievances  was  aggravated 
by  the  navigation  act  of  1660  which  forbade  the  exportation 
of  tobacco  to  any  country  but  England  (§  58).  Prices  fell 
and  hard  times  prevailed.  As  though  this  were  not  enough, 
Charles,  in  1673,  rented  Virginia  for  thirty-one  years  to  two 
of  his  favorites,  Arlington  and  Culpeppcr.  They  received 
the  right  to  make  grants  of  land,  had  the  absolute  control 
of  the  important  local  offices,  and  appointed  all  pastors. 
Fortunately  most  of  these  privileges  were  surrendered  in 
return  for  a  duty  on  tobacco,  showing  that  the  patentees 
were  chiefly  interested  in  the  revenue  to  be  obtained  from 
the  colony. 

70.  Bacon's  Rebellion  (1676). — The  discontent  of  the 
Virginians  was  brought  to  a  head  by  Indian  massacres  on 
the  frontier.  Governor  Berkeley  had  erected  forts  for  the 
protection  of  the  outlying  settlements  and  refused  to  send 
troops  or  grant  commissions  to  raise  troops.  Thereupon 
Nathaniel  Bacon,  a  young  and  headstrong  but  able  planter 
whose  overseer  had  been  murdered,  gathered  a  force,  and, 
defying  Berkeley's  orders,  marched  into  the  Indian  country. 
The  colony  was  now  in  great  disorder  and  demanded  a  new 
election  of  burgesses.  This  was  held,  Bacon  being  among 
those  chosen.  The  new  legislature  repealed  the  restrictive 
suffrage  law  and  enacted  other  laws  granting  greater  civil 
and  political  liberty.  Bacon  and  Berkeley  made  their 
peace,  which  was  broken  soon,  as  neither  had  confidence  in 
the  other.  During  the  civil  strife  that  ensued,  Jamestown 
was  burned  and  Bacon  died,  the  rebellion  collapsing  with 


1676]  The  South  after  the  Restoration  75 

his  death.  Berkeley,  again  supreme,  hanged  the  leaders  of 
the  rebellion  and  secured  the  repeal  of  many  liberal  laws 
which  had  been  passed  in  I676.1  Unfortunately  the  rebel- 
lion deprived  the  colony  of  a  very  liberal  charter  which  lacked 
only  the  king's  signature  at  the  beginning  of  the  disturbance. 

71.  The  Carolina  Charters  (1663-1665).— The  interest  provisions 
taken  in  colonial  matters  during  the  years  following  the  °f  the  'wo 
Restoration  is  shown  clearly  in  the  early  history  of  Carolina.   chartei  s- 
Several  of  the  most  prominent  courtiers,  including  Claren- 
don and  Shaftesburv,  obtained   from  Charles  in  1663  a  ^Donald, 

«  Lnarters, 

charter  which  made  them  proprietors  of  the  land  lying  south   Nos.  26, 32. 
of  Virginia  and  extending  from  sea  to  sea.     Over  this  vast 
domain  the  absolute  power  of  the  proprietors  was  limited  Andrews 
only  by  the  provision  that  the  laws  should  be  made  with  the   Col.  ±eif-Gov'tt 
consent  of  the  freemen  represented  in  an  assembly  and  I3°-I38. 
that  "  the  faith,  allegiance  and  sovereign  domain  "  due  to 
the  crown  should  not  be  impaired.    Perhaps  the  most  notable 
clause  of  the  charter  was  the  one  permitting  the  proprietors 
to  grant  perfect  religious  freedom  to  such  of  the  loyal  settlers 
as  they  desired  —  a  clause  of  which  we  are  glad  to  say 
advantage  was  taken.    Two  years  later  the  limits  of  the 
colony  were  extended  still  further  south  and  one  half  de- 
gree farther  north,  making  the  boundary  between  Virginia 
and  the  new  colony  of  Carolina  practically  the  same  as  the 
present  southern  boundary  of  Virginia. 

72.  Proprietary  Government  in  Carolina  (1667-1729).—  Locke's 
For  the  government  of  their  Carolina  province  very  elaborate   Fundamental 

u  T-       j  i.   i    /->        ^       •          »  t        .LI.  Constitutions 

.Fundamental  Constitutions"   were  drawn  for  the  pro-   /l669\ 
prietors  by  the  philosopher,  John  Locke.    This  cumber- 
some document  provided  for  a  feudal  system  in  which  the   MacDonald 
chief  landowners  were  the  proprietors  and  nobles  whom   charters, 
they  appointed.    No  land  was  to  be  sold  after  forty  years,  so  No.  33. 
as  to  make  this  mediaeval  system  permanent.    The  govern- 
ment was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  proprietors  and  nobles, 

1  Kin^  Charles  II  is  reported  to  have  said  of  Berkeley:  "That  old  fool 
has  hanged  more  men  in  that  naked  country  than  I  have  done  for  the 
murder  of  my  father." 


American  History 


[1655 


Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

139-141. 


Fiske,  Old 
Virginia, 
II,  272-276, 


Social  and 
political 
changes 
(1670-1729). 

Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
V,  311-316, 
322-327. 


Quakers  in 

Massachusetts 

(1655-1660). 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I.Nos.  140-142. 


Doyle, 
Eng.  Cols., 
Ill,  100-114. 


although  there  was  to  be  a  parliament  for  members  of  which 
all  freeholders  owning  estates  of  fifty  acres  might  vote.  A 
degree  of  religious  liberty  was  permitted  to  churches  of 
at  least  seven  members,  though  not  to  separate  individuals. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  these  constitutions  never  went  into 
effect.  The  proprietors  waited  until  the  development  of 
the  colonies  should  warrant  their  use,  but  that  time  never 
came. 

The  growth  of  Carolina  was  by  no  means  rapid  and  few 
settlements  were  added  in  northern  Carolina  to  those  exist- 
ing when  the  proprietors  received  their  patent.  In  southern 
Carolina  Charleston  was  founded  in  1672  and  a  few  other 
towns  begun  by  the  English.  A  large  percentage  of  the 
inhabitants  were  Scotch  highlanders  and  French  Hugue- 
nots drawn  thither  by  the  promise  of  religious  freedom. 
Political  liberty  also  was  enjoyed  to  an  unusual  degree,  for 
the  people  exerted  a  great  influence  in  local  government 
and  their  representatives  chose  part  of  the  council  or  upper 
house  of  the  legislature.  The  time  came  when  the  voters 
believed  that  the  proprietors  were  selecting  more  than  their 
share  of  the  councilors.  A  rebellion  followed  (1719),  with 
an  overwhelming  victory  for  the  people,  who  selected  a 
governor  and  asked  the  king  to  accept  South  Carolina  as  a 
royal  province,  which  he  did.  Ten  years  later  all  rights 
of  the  proprietors  were  extinguished  by  purchase. 

NEW  ENGLAND  (1655-1685) 

73.  Problems  of  New  England  (1655-1675).  —  During 
the  later  years  of  the  Commonwealth  the  Puritan  colonies 
had  considerable  trouble  with  the  Quakers,  who  were 
driven  out  from  England  by  harsh  measures.  Severe  laws 
were  made  by  the  colonies  in  the  New  England  Confederacy, 
particularly  against  those  who  returned  after  being  sent 
away.  Massachusetts  in  1658  made  it  a  capital  offense  for 
any  Quaker  to  return  to  the  colony.  This  law  was  op- 
posed by  a  large  part  of  the  population  and  when  it  was 
enforced  by  putting  to  death  three  Quakers,  the  protests 


1675]        New  England  after  the  Restoration  77 

were  so  loud  that  the  law  was  changed.  In  fact  after  1660 
the  colony  was  much  more  liberal  in  its  treatment  of  non- 
Puritans  than  it  had  been  before. 

Soon  after  Charles  II  came  to  the  throne  in  1660,  he  united  New  charters, 
the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  by  giving  a 
charter  to  the  former,  as  New  Haven  had  incurred  the  royal  MacDonaid, 
displeasure  by  harboring  judges  who  had  condemned  to   Charters, 
death  Charles  I.     Rhode  Island  and  Providence  also  re-  Nos'24-27- 
ceived  a  charter  in  1663. 

A  number  of  complaints  had  been  made  against  Massa-  Massachusetts 
chusetts  at  this  time,  because  she  had  been  domineering  in  and  the  king 
her  treatment  of  her  weaker  neighbors  and  on  account  of   (I66o~l664)- 
her  independent  spirit.      Under   the 
Commonwealth,  e.g.  she  had  coined 
"pine  tree  shillings,"  thus  exercising 
a  sovereign  power,  and  in  1661  she 
had  issued  a  declaration   of  rights. 
Nevertheless  the  charter  of  Massa- 
chusetts was   confirmed    by  Charles 

in    1662,    on     condition     that     the 

,  ii!  PJNE  TREE  SHILLING 

colony  acknowledge  the   supremacy 

of  England  and  grant  to  members  of  the  Anglican  church  Andrews, 
freedom  of  worship  and  the  right  to  vote  on  the  same  c°l- 
terms  as  Puritans.  In  form  Massachusetts  complied  with 
these  requests  which  affected  so  deeply  her  religious  and 
political  policy,  but  no  change  was  made  in  her  relations 
with  England,  and,  as  her  ministers  alone  registered  those 
eligible  to  vote,  members  of  the  church  of  England  did  not 
often  enjoy  a  share  in  the  government.  In  1664  the  com- 
missioners who  had  charge  of  the  expedition  against  New 
Netherland  (§  63)  were  instructed  to  investigate  affairs  in 
New  England  also.  These  men  complained  that  Massa- 
chusetts was  not  fulfilling  the  conditions  imposed  by  the 
king  in  1662,  but  the  home  government  was  too  much  in- 
terested in  other  matters  to  correct  her  refractory  colony 
until  ten  years  later. 
74.  King  Philip's  War  (1675-1676).  — The  constant  en- 


American  History 


[1675 


Events  and 
results. 


Andrews, 
Col.  Self-Gov't, 
252-256. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  Nos.  133,134. 


Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Re f., 
Ill,  2310-2313. 


Complaints 

against 

Massachusetts. 


Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

256-262. 


croachments  of  the  English  settlers  on  the  lands  of  the  In- 
dians made  collision  inevitable.  Under  the  lead  of  Philip, 
chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  these  Indians  agreed  with  other 
tribes  to  exterminate  the  whites.  The  first  blow  was 
struck  in  June,  1675,  at  Swansea  in  Plymouth,  near  the 
Rhode  Island  border.  Other  towns  were  burned  and  the 
inhabitants  were  slain,  the  war  parties  retiring  before  help 
could  come  from  other  settlements.  After  six  months  of 
this  horrible  border  warfare  a  thousand  men  were  sent  against 
the  stronghold  of  the  Narragansetts,  which  was  captured 
after  severe  loss  and  completely  destroyed.  From  this  time 
the  warfare  increased  in  bitterness  on  the  one  side  and  bar- 
barity on  the  other  until  in  August,  1676,  Philip  was  killed 
and  the  last  Indian  braves  were  hunted  from  their  retreats. 
Many  of  the  luckless  survivors  of  this  struggle,  including 
women  and  children,  were  sent  to  the  West  Indies  to  be  sold 
into  slavery.  By  this  pitiless  course  all  danger  from  the 
red  men  was  removed,  but  the  colonies  were  left  in  an  ex- 
hausted condition.  Many  of  the  towns  had  been  entirely 
destroyed,  hundreds  of  men  had  been  killed,  crops  had  been 
burned  so  that  famine  was  narrowly  averted,  and  trade  had 
almost  ceased. 

75.  Massachusetts  and  the  Crown  (1675-1684). — Mat- 
ters had  now  reached  a  crisis  in  the  Bay  colony.  The  in- 
difference of  Massachusetts  to  the  demands  of  the  English 
government  and  her  arrogance  in  her  treatment  of  those 
with  whom  she  had  dealings,  especially  in  New  Hamp- 
shire and  Maine,  culminated  in  a  series  of  complaints  so 
serious  that  definite  action  was  taken  against  Massachu- 
setts. Among  the  more  serious  charges  were:  (i)  her  dis- 
regard of  the  rights  of  the  Mason  and  Gorges  heirs  along  the 
coast  to  the  north;  (2)  the  failure  to  give  political  and  re- 
ligious rights  to  non-Puritans  in  accordance  with  the  requests 
of  the  king  (1662) ;  (3)  the  evasion  of  the  acts  of  trade  which 
forbade  commerce  with  nations  other  than  England;  and 
(4)  the  general  independent  attitude  of  the  colonists  shown 
in  their  separate  coinage  of  money,  their  refusal  to  allow 


1685]        New  England  after  the  Restoration  79 

appeals  from  colonial  courts  to  those  of  the  king,  and  their 
neglect  to  send  to  England  an  agent  through  whom  the 
colony  might  be  controlled. 

The  case  of  New  Hampshire  was  settled  by  making  the  Revocation  of 
colony  a  royal  province.  Massachusetts  tried  to  end  that  the  charter 
of  Maine  by  purchasing  the  rights  of  the  Gorges  heirs,  but 
as  this  was  done  without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  King 
Charles,  it  aroused  still  greater  feeling  against  Massachusetts. 
During  this  period  the  business  of  the  English  government  262-265. 
in  the  colony  was  intrusted  to  Edward  Randolph,  an  honest 
but  exceedingly  narrow  man  and  a  partisan  of  Massa- 
chusetts' enemies,  who  used  his  authority  in  such  a  way  as 
to  widen  the  breach  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
none  too  conciliatory  Puritan  leaders.  Although  Massa- 
chusetts, taking  alarm  at  last,  agreed  to  yield  on  every  ques- 
tion, the  king  was  in  no  mood  for  half  measures  and  in  1684 
the  charter  of  the  colony  was  annulled.  At  this  time  Charles 
had  come  very  largely  under  the  influence  of  Louis  XIV  of 
France,  and  was  showing  himself  a  monarch  fond  of  abso- 
lute government.  Not  only  did  he  deprive  Massachusetts  of 
her  charter,  with  good  reason  it  must  be  admitted,  but  he 
proceeded  also  against  the  charters  of  London  and  other 
English  cities,  and  before  his  death  prepared  to  annul  the 
charters  of  the  inoffensive  colonies  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut. 

THE  GREAT  REVOLUTION  (1685-1700) 

76.  The  Dominion  of  New  England.  —  Before  1685  many  Consolidation 
English  merchants  and   officials  had  favored   the  consoli-  of  the  northern 

.  colonies. 

dation   of    the  northern  colonies    under  a  single  governor 

who  could  then  govern  them  more  perfectly  in  the  interests 

of  England.    The  death  of  Charles  II  in  1685  left  the  exe- 

cution  of  this  plan  to  James  II  who  was  more  opposed  to   265-272. 

popular  government  than  his  brother  had  been.     Under 

the  name  of  the  Dominion  of  New  England,  James  united   Fiske. 

all  the  colonies  from  Acadia  to  the  Delaware,  naming  Sir   Nfw  England, 

Edmund  Andros  as  governor.     The  difficulty  caused  by  2  7  ^  ' 


8o 


American  History 


[1685 


Doyle, 
Eng.  Cols., 
Ill,  234-236, 
242-249. 


Government 
of  the 
Dominion. 


Doyle, 
Eng.  Cols., 
Ill,  234-239. 


Changes 
affecting 
church  and 
society. 


Doyle, 
Eng .  Cols., 
Ill,  239-243. 


the  existence  of  charters  in  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut 
was  solved  by  demanding  the  surrender  of  those  documents. 
Rhode  Island  agreed  to  submit  and  Connecticut  did  not  hold 
out,  although  she  failed  to  part  with  her  charter,  tradition 
asserting  that  when  Andros  sought  to  obtain  it,  the  charter 
was  spirited  away  and  hidden  in  the  "charter  oak." 

Full  and  arbitrary  instructions  were  issued  to  Andros 
by  the  king.  The  governor,  who  was  a  soldier  rather  than 
a  politician,  obeyed  the  letter  of  his  instructions,  carrying 
out  the  wishes  of  James  with  such  care  and  so  little  tact  that 
the  period  of  his  rule  is  often  referred  to  as  "the  tyranny  of 
Andros."  During  his  term  no  popular  assembly  was  called 
nor  was  any  town  allowed  to  hold  town  meetings  except  once 
a  year.  Laws  were  made  and  taxes  levied  by  the  governor 
and  councilors  appointed  by  Andros,  being  executed  by 
agents  of  the  governor.  There  were  no  courts  except  those 
held  by  judges  whom  the  governor  selected.  No  papers 
or  books  were  printed  unless  they  first  received  the  approval 
of  James's  representatives. 

This  arbitrary  government  was  of  course  offensive  to 
people  who  were  sticklers  for  their  political  rights,  but  it 
caused  even  less  opposition  to  the  new  administration  than 
certain  acts  which  affected  religious  prejudices  and  the 
rights  of  property.  Preference  was  given  now  to  the  An- 
glican church  and  services  were  held  according  to  the  rites 
of  the  church  of  England  in  the  Old  South  meeting  house. 
Marriages  could  be  celebrated  only  by  an  Anglican  clergy- 
man, and  as  there  was  but  one  in  the  colony  all  persons  who 
wished  to  marry  must  journey  to  Boston,  a  trip  as  tedious 
as  the  service  itself  was  distasteful.  Many  who  held  lands 
with  titles  in  dispute  were  obliged  to  prove  their  rights  at 
great  cost,  the  impression  being  general  that  no  one's  land 
was  safe  from  attack.  Under  these  circumstances  there  was 
little  wonder  that  in  Massachusetts  at  least  the  caldron  of 
revolution  was  on  the  point  of  boiling  over. 

77.  The  Revolution  of  1689  in  England  and  New  Eng- 
land.—  This  happened  when  news  was  brought  in  April, 


1691]  The  Great  Revolution  8 1 

1689,  that  William  of  Orange  had  landed  in  England  and  Causes  and 
that  James  had  fled  from  the  kingdom.  During  the  three  results  in 
years  of  his  reign  James  had  incurred  the  displeasure  and  "San 
aroused  the  opposition  of  class  after  class  of  the  population. 
His  claim  that  he  might  suspend  any  law  he  pleased,  coupled  E  3"^' 
with  his  attempt  to  control  the  courts  for  his  own  benefit,  his  500^-514. ' 
open  help  to  Catholics,  and  his  utter  disregard  for  the  civil 
rights  which  the  people  had  wrested  from  his  father  and 
brother,  united  the  nation  against  him.  So  long  as  the 
people  expected  that  at  his  death  the  crown  would  pass  to 
his  daughter,  Mary,  and  her  husband,  his  nephew,  William 
of  Orange,  they  remained  passive,  but  when  a  prince  was 
born  who  would  probably  be  brought  up  a  Catholic,  a  num- 
ber of  leaders  invited  William  to  come  to  England  and  help 
them  preserve  their  liberties.  With  the  flight  of  James  and 
the  selection  by  the  people's  representatives  of  William  and 
Mary  as  the  rulers  of  England,  the  long  contest  between 
parliament  and  the  king  ended  in  the  complete  supremacy 
of  the  former.  The  principal  results  of  the  revolution  were 
embodied  in  the  Bill  of  Rights  (1689)  and  in  several  supple- 
mentary acts.  They  assured  the  frequent  meetings  of  par- 
liament, and  control  by  that  body  of  taxation,  the  army,  and 
other  important  subjects;  they  guaranteed  freedom  of  the 
press  and  religious  toleration  for  all  Protestants;  and  they 
prevented  the  king  from  setting  aside  laws  or  removing 
judges  at  his  pleasure. 

When   news   of   James's   flight   reached  Massachusetts,   Reestabiish- 
the  frigate  in  the  harbor  and  all  fortifications  about  Boston   ment  of 
were  seized,  Andros  and  other  officials  were  imprisoned,  and   government  jr 
a   temporary  government   similar   to   that   under  the  old   New  England, 
charter  was  established.    There  was  no  bloodshed,  but  the 
overthrow  of  the   government  of  Andros   was   complete.   MacDonaid, 

Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  resumed  the  use  of  their   c*arter*> 

No.  42. 

charters,  which  they  had  never  surrendered,  but  Massa- 
chusetts did  not  have  a  regularly  organized  government 
until' in  1691  a  new  charter  of  a  semi-popular  type  was 
issued  by  William  and  Mary.  To  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony 


82 


American  History 


[1691 


Hart,   Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  136. 


Fiske, 

New  England, 

272-278. 


Leisler's 
Rebellion. 


Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

283-287. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  157. 


Results  in 
Maryland. 

Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

79-283. 

Browne, 

Maryland, 

147-156. 


were  added  Plymouth  and  the  islands  south  of  Plymouth, 
as  well  as  the  English  provinces  beginning  with  Maine 
eastward  to  Acadia,  which  was  included.  The  people  were 
allowed  to  resume  the  government  of  their  towns  by  town 
meetings  and  were  also  permitted  to  elect  an  assembly,  the 
assembly  in  turn  choosing  the  governor's  council.  The 
governor,  the  lieutenant  governor,  and  the  secretary  were 
appointed  by  the  crown,  as  in  .New  York  and  Virginia. 
Under  this  quite  liberal  charter  Massachusetts  was  governed 
until  her  separation  from  Great  Britain  (1776). 

78.  Revolutionary  Movements  in  the  Middle  and  South- 
ern Colonies.  —  In  New  York  (the  lower  part  of  the  Do- 
minion of  New  England)  Andros's  lieutenant,  Nicholson, 
attempted  to  maintain  his  authority  after  news  had  been 
received  that  James  had  been  driven  from  England,  and 
that  Andros  was  a  prisoner  at  Boston.  Taking  advan- 
tage of  this,  the  opponents  of  Nicholson,  led  by  a  merchant, 
Jacob  Leisler,  gained  possession  of  the  province.  The  new 
monarchs  were  proclaimed,  an  assembly  was  called,  and  for 
nearly  two  years  the  laws  were  administered  by  Leisler, 
whose  authority  was  not  recognized  officially.  When  a 
governor  was  finally  sent  over,  Leisler,  now  cordially  hated 
by  a  large  part  of  the  population,  yielded  of  necessity.  He 
was  tried  on  the  charge  of  treason  and  condemned,  being  put 
to  death  when  his  successor,  while  intoxicated,  was  induced 
to  sign  his  death  warrant.  This  unwise  and  unjust  "judicial 
murder"  involved  the  colony  in  serious  internal  dissensions. 
"  Leisler's  Rebellion,"  however,  had  shown  the  strength  of 
the  popular  party  and  from  that  time  New  York  enjoyed  a 
fair  degree  of  self-government. 

Maryland  failed  to  proclaim  the  new  monarchs  because 
the  messenger  whom  Baltimore  had  sent  with  instructions 
to  recognize  the  new  government  died  before  reaching  the 
colony.  The  anti-Catholic  party  took  advantage  of  this 
neglect,  captured  the  officials  who  favored  Baltimore,  and 
claimed  the  province  for  William  and  Mary.  The  monarchy 
decided  to  keep  the  government  of  Maryland  in  their  own 


1650 


a^yjrvT^r11-    <* 

M  •  »r*-     4Bo8ton 

: 


.     1665 


Charter  Colonies         I        I 
Proprietary  Culunies\ 
Royal  Colonies.  I        I 

70°    1688 


1695 


1700]  The  Great  Revolution  83 

hands,  although  they  did  not  interfere  with  the  revenues  or  Doyle, 
land  rights  of  Baltimore,  but  it  was  a  quarter  century  be-   En&-  Cols- 
fore  another  and  Protestant  Lord  Baltimore  regained  politi- 
cal control  of  the  colony. 

79.   Results  of  the  Revolution  in  America.  —  It  will  be  Reestabiish- 
noted  that  the  changes  in  America  following  the  Revolu-  ment  of  sePa* 
tion  of  1680  were  of  the  first  magnitude.     It  will  be  noted 

governments. 

also  that  they  were  not  the  results  simply  of  the  revolutionary 
movement  in  England,  but  of  several  minor  revolutions  in    , 

Greene, 

this  country,  which  were  due  to  causes  exclusively  American,   provincial 
although  the  expulsion  of  James  furnished  the  occasion  for   America, 
the  overthrow  of  arbitrary  rule  in  the  colonies.    Through-   I7~24* 
out  the  Dominion  of  New  England  the  arbitrary  govern- 
ment established  by  James  was  replaced  by  constitutional 
government.     Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  resumed  the 
use  of  their  old  charters.    Massachusetts  secured  less  com- 
plete self-government  than  she  had  enjoyed  before  1684, 
but  in  New  York  there  was  a  great  advance  over  the  system 
in  use  at  all  former  times.     A  second  result  of  considerable 
importance  was  the  failure  of  the  scheme  for  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  colonies.     Union,  even  under  the  later  kings, 
would  have  been  injurious,  for  the  colonies  owed  a  very 
large  amount  of  their  experience  in   self-government   and 
their  numerous  political  privileges  to  their  separateness. 

In    some    ways    the    reign    of    William    III    was    not  Colonial 
especially  favorable  to  colonial  liberty.    The  king  expressly  P°llcy  °f 

.   ,  ,  .  ,      England 

and  emphatically  denied  to  the  colonies  the  rights  which   after  l689 
the  Bill  of  Rights  guaranteed  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of    England.     Religious  toleration  of    all    except  GreenCj 
Catholics  was  extended   to   the  colonies,  but  if  any  colo-  provincial 
nies  enjoyed  freedom  of  the  press  and  the  privilege  of  the   Amerua^, 
writ  of  habeas  corpus,  it  was  because  the  charters  of  the  3<>" 
colonies  made  it  impossible  for  the  monarch  to  control  their 
policy  in  those  matters.    The  increase  of  the  power  of  par- 
liament due  to  the  Revolution  led  to  the  reenactment  of  the 
old  laws  of  trade  and  the  passage  of  several  laws  prohibiting 
colonial  manufactures   (§  120).     During  this  period  also 


84 


American  History 


[1700 


Territorial 

changes 

(1660-1700). 


Colonial 
policy 
after  1660. 


the  English  government  perfected  means  for  controlling  the 
colonies  by  establishing  a  permanent  "Board  of  Trade  and 
Plantations"  (1696),  whose  members  were  popularly  called 
"the  Lords  of  Trade."  This  board  gradually  took  charge 
of  almost  all  matters  referring  to  the  colonies,  including 
the  right  to  decide  all  matters  which  had  been  adjudged  in 
the  highest  court  of  any  colony,  if  either  party  wished  to 
appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  colonial  court. 

80.  The  Colonies  in  1700.  —  It  may  be  well  to  con- 
sider for  a  moment  the  changes  in  the  extent  of  English 
territory  and  in  the  relation  of  the  colonies  to  the  mother 
country  that  had  taken  place  in  the  last  four  decades  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  At  the  time  of  the  Restoration  there 
had  been  two  well-defined  groups  of  colonies,  the  New 
England  group,  extending  as  far  north  as  the  Kennebec,  and 
the  southern  colonies,  with  their  frontier  settlements  a  short 
distance  south  of  the  James.  By  the  conquest  of  New  Neth- 
erland,  England  came  into  possession  of  the  intervening 
territory  and  by  settlements  in  Carolina  had  extended  the 
frontier  almost  to  the  Savannah  River.  Although  the 
settlers  had  continued  to  push  into  the  interior,  the  frontier 
line  was  but  little  farther  from  the  coast  in  1700  than  in 
1660.  Immigration  from  England  had  been  fairly  exten- 
sive and  the  population  of  the  colonies,  estimated  at  60,000 
in  r66o,  had  become.  250,000  in  1700. 

Before  1660  England  had  no  colonial  policy.  Since  the 
Restoration  it  had  organized  the  colonies,  brought  many  of 
them  directly  under  the  royal  authority,  and  had  created 
a  board  which  had  charge  of  all  colonial  affairs.  It  had 
passed  numerous  acts  of  trade  which  regulated  the  com- 
merce of  the  colonies,  primarily  in  the  interests  of  England, 
but  not  always  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  colonies. 


TOPICS 

i.  THE  BEGINNING  OF  PENNSYLVANIA:  Fiske,  "Dutch  and 
Quaker  Colonies,"  II,  pp.  147-167;  Bancroft,  "United  States," 
I>  552-573;  Winsor  (ed.),  "America,"  III,  pp.  476-495. 


1700]  Later  English  Colonization  85 

2.  BOUNDARY  DIFFICULTIES  OF  PENNSYLVANIA  :    Hinsdale,  "  Old 
Northwest,"  98-119;   Fisher,  "Making  of  Pennsylvania,"  pp.  318- 

354- 

3.  BACON'S  REBELLION:    Fiske,    "Old  Virginia,"   pp.   45-107; 
Doyle,    "English   Colonies,"  I,    pp.  230-257;    Cooke,    "Virginia," 
pp.  216-297. 

4.  KING  PHILIP'S  WAR:    Bancroft,  "United  States,"  I,  382-394; 
Fiske,  "New   England,"   pp.    211-241;   Doyle,  "English  Colonies," 
III,  pp.  153-189. 

5.  MASSACHUSETTS  AND  THE  CROWN,  DURING  REIGN  OF  CHARLES 
II:    Bancroft,  "United  States,"  I,  367-381,395-406;  Doyle,  "Col- 
onies," III,  pp.   130-152,   190-208,   214-226;  Palfrey,  "New  Eng- 
land," II,  pp.  28-36,  56-63,  71-80,  210-260. 

STUDIES 

1.  Early  navigation  acts.  (Winsor  (ed.),  "America,"  VI,  pp.  5-10.) 

2.  The  patroon  system.     (MacDonald,  "Charters,"  No.  9.) 

3.  Wars  of   England  and  Holland.     (Griffis,    Motley's   "Dutch 
Republic,"  pp.  832-847.) 

4.  Evolution  of  New  York.     (Janvier,  "In  Old  New  York.") 

5.  Early  history  of  Wall  Street.     (Goodwin  et  al.  (eds.),  "History 
of  New  York,"  I,  pp.  77-118.) 

6.  Character  of  William  Penn. 

7.  Overthrow   of    proprietary    government    in    South    Carolina. 
Doyle,  "  English  Colonies,"  I,  376-380. 

8.  Puritans  and  Anglicans  after  the  revolution  of  1689.     (Greene, 
"Provincial  America,"  pp.  83-105.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  degree  of  self-government  had  the  people  of  New  Nether- 
land  gained  under  Dutch  rule?    What  were  the  lasting  results  of 
Dutch  occupation?     Compare  the  situation  in  New  Netherland  in 
1663  with  that  in  the  South  African  Republic  in  1898. 

2.  Compare  fully  the  powers  of  Penn    as  proprietor  with  those 
of  Baltimore.     In  what  respects  was  Pennsylvania  at  an  early  date 
more  like  the  states  of  to-day  than  any  of  the  other  colonies? 

3.  What  were  the  real  causes  of  Bacon's  rebellion  ?    What  were  the 
results  and  the  real  significance  of  this  movement  ? 

4.  On  what  grounds  might  a  colonial  charter  be  amended?   be 
revoked?    Should  Massachusetts  have  been  allowed  to  retain  her 
charter  after  1664?     Compare  the  complaints  after  1660  with  those 
after  1676.     Were  the  latter  more  serious? 

5.  Compare  the  period  1618-1640  with  that  from  1660  to  1682  as 
to  (a)  interest  in  colonization,  (b)  causes  of  colonization,  (c)  number  of 
colonies  established,  and  (d)  total  settled  area  at  close  of  the  period. 


CHAPTER  V 


Wars  between 
France  and 
England. 


Seelye, 
Expansion 
of  England, 
Chapter  II. 


France  under 
Henry  IV. 


RIVALRY  OF   FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH   (1689-1763) 
FRENCH  KINGS  ENGLISH  RULERS 


Henry  IV  (1589-1610) 
Louis  XIII  (1610-1643) 
Louis  XIV  (1643-1715) 
Louis  XV  (1715-1774) 


William  III  (1689-1702) 
Anne  (1702-1714) 

George  I  (1714-1727) 
George  II  (1727-1760) 
George  III  (1760-1820) 


81.  Introduction. — The  year   1689  is  notable  for  the 
changes  which  it  wrought  in  the  internal  development  of 
England  and  the  English  colonies,  but  is  almost  as  impor- 
tant in  the  intercolonial  history  of  America,  because  it  marks 
the  beginning  of  a  long  conflict  between  the  provinces  of 
England  and  France  in  the  new  world.     During  the  years 
from  1689  to  1750  the  European  wars  in  which  these  two 
countries  engaged  were  accompanied  naturally  by  military 
engagements  in  the  colonies,  although  these  were  of  minor 
significance.     About  1750  began  the  real  contest  between 
the  two  powers  for  the  control  of  the  continent  —  a  struggle 
short  and  really  one-sided,  which  ended  in  the   complete 
supremacy  of  the  English  and  the  expulsion  of  the  French 
from  North  America.     In  this  chapter  we  shall  consider  not 
only  the  more  important  events  in  the  intercolonial  wars 
and  study  the  progress  of  both  French  and  English  colonies 
after  1689,  but  shall  take  up  briefly  also  the  earlier  history 
of  the  interesting  ventures  of  the  French  in  America. 

FRENCH  EXPLORATION  AND  SETTLEMENT 

82.  Founding  of  New  France.  —  With  the  accession  of 
Henry  IV  (1589),  there  came  a  new  era  of  prosperity  in 
France.    Deadly  civil  and  religious  wars  ceased,  commerce 

86 


1608]         French  Exploration  and  Settlement 


revived,  and  industry  received  new  impetus.  Interest  in 
colonization  kept  pace  with  the  development  in  other  direc- 
tions, and  several  settlements  were  attempted  in  Acadia. 
One  of  these  under  the  lead  of  De  Monts  was  established  at 
Port  Royal  (1604)  and  proved  successful  temporarily. 

Among  the  companions  of  De  Monts  was  a  young  man  of 
great  energy  and  foresight,  who  believed  that  the  St.  Law- 
rence basin  offered  a  better  location  for  trading,  exploration, 
and  permanent  settlement.  This  man,  Samuel  de  Cham- 
plain,  founded  Quebec  in  1608  and  soon  perceived  that  his 
only  hope  of  holding 
the  country  and  gain- 
ing the  interior  was  to 
make  friends  with  the 
Indians  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence valley.  But  the 
Algonquins  living  on 
the  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Ottawa  rivers,  to- 
gether with  the  Huron 
Indians  to  the  west,  had 
for  many  years  waged 
almost  incessant  war 
with  the  Five  Nations  of  the  Long  House  in  central  New  York. 
The  allies  of  Champlain  persuaded  him  therefore  to  join 
them  in  expeditions  against  the  Iroquois.  The  first  of  these 
in  1609  brought  him  to  the  shores  of  the  lake  now  called  by 
his  name,  where  a  single  well-aimed  shot  from  his  arquebus 
put  to  flight  the  Mohawks  who  opposed  him  and  brought 
upon  the  French  the  enmity  of  the  most  powerful  Indian 
confederacy  in  North  America.  A  few  weeks  after  this 
momentous  battle,  Henry  Hudson  entertained  some  Mo- 
hawks at  a  point  near  the  present  city  of  Albany,  only  a  little 
over  one  hundred  miles  away,  and  gained  the  goodwill  of 
the  Iroquois.  Although  he  was  responsible  for  this  disas- 
trous hostility  of  the  Iroquois  to  the  French,  Champlain 
deserves  all  the  credit  for  the  success  of  New  France,  for  he 


Adams, 
French  Nation, 
177-188. 


Champlain  in 
the  St.  Law- 
rence valley 
(1608-1635). 


CHAMPLAIN 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  39. 


Thwaites, 
France  in 
America,  16-22. 

Parkman, 
Struggle  for 
a  Continent, 
88-106, 
120-124.. 


88 


American  History 


[1629 


Classes  that 
extended 
French  sway. 

Parkman, 
Struggle  for 
a  Continent, 
130-134, 
180-185. 


Early  ex- 
plorers. 
La  Salle. 


Fiske,  Disc 
of  America, 
II,  S3-58. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
I,  No.  43. 


took  part  in  numerous  exploring  expeditions  and  kept  the 
sickly  little  hamlet  alive  through  his  unflagging  zeal  and 
unwearied  efforts.  In  1629,  however,  Quebec  was  captured 
by  the  English  with  the  help  of  some  French  Huguenots, 
and  it  was  returned  to  France  at  the  close  of  the  war  only 
through  the  influence  of  Richelieu,  who  had  recently  inter- 
ested himself  in  France's  American  possessions.  In  1635 
Champlain  died  and  so  little  did  New  France  prosper  that 
a  half  century  after  Quebec  was  founded  there  were  only 
about  two  thousand  persons  in  the  colony. 

83.  Exploration  of  the  West. — The  work  of  extending 
French  influence  in  the  West  was  carried  on  by  three  differ- 
ent classes:  (i)  the  Jesuit  missionaries  who,  before  the 
middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  had  established  missions 
as  far  south  as  the  Iroquois  country,  and  as  far  west  as  Sault . 
Stc.  Marie ;  (2)  the  fur  traders  who  found  they  could  make 
greater  profits  by  visiting  the  more  distant  tribes;  and  (3)  the 
explorers  who  desired  to  extend  the  political  sway  of  France 
rather  than  her  religious  or  commercial  interests. 

The  earliest  of  western  explorers,  Nicollet,  launched 
his  canoe  on  a  tributary  of  the  Mississippi  about  1640,  but 
it  was  not  until  1673  that  Marquette  and  Joliet  explored 
that  river,  which  they  descended  as  far  as  the  Arkansas. 
The  work  of  these  men  was  completed  by  the  greatest 
American  explorer,  Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  La  Salle,  who 
proposed  to  gain  possession  of  the  whole  interior  and  main- 
tain this  hold  by  means  of  a  chain  of  forts  situated  at  strategic 
points.  In  spite  of  almost  overwhelming  odds  and  amid  the 
greatest  difficulties,  he  clung  to  his  single  purpose  of  making 
New  France  the  strongest  colony  in  America.  His  explora- 
tions began  in  1669  with  a  trip  via  Lake  Erie  to  the  Ohio 
River.  Ten  years  later  he  sought  to  explore  the  Mississippi 
to  its  mouth.  After  two  futile  expeditions  filled  with  diffi- 
culties, his  third  expedition  met  with  success  and  on  April  9, 
1682,  La  Salle  planted  the  standard  of  France  where  the 
Mississippi  River  pours  its  vast  volume  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  and  claimed  the  whole  territory  drained  by  it  for 


1720]         French  Exploration  and  Settlement  89 

Louis  XIV.  He  next  proceeded  to  France,  told  the  king 
his  plans,  and  asked  permission  to  settle  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  to  build  a  chain  of  forts  from  this  point  to  the 
colony  of  Canada,  and  to  drive  out  the  Spaniards  who  claimed 
the  country.  An  expedition  was  fitted  out,  but  by  accident 
came  to  Texas.  Here  La  Salle  was  shot  in  1687  by  one  of 
his  own  men. 

84.  Louisiana  (1699-1720).  —  La  Salle's  plan  was  not  Early 
abandoned,  although  nothing  further  was  done  until  after  settlement, 
the  first  intercolonial  war.     In  1699  a  settlement  was  made 

at  Biloxi,  but  it  was  abandoned,  the  colonists  moving  to   Hartl  Confem* 

poraries ',  1 1 

Mobile  in  1701.     Both  the  English  and  the  Spanish  pro-  NOS.  109,  iio. 
tested  against  this  occupancy  of  the  gulf  region,  the  former 
on  the  ground  that  this  land  was  covered  by  previous  grants  . 

made  by  English  kings,  the  latter  because  of  her  discoveries  France  in 

and  explorations  and  her  settlements  in  Florida  and  on  the  America, 

Mexican  coast.    The  Spaniards  had  in  fact  occupied  the  72~   ' 
best  harbor  on  the  coast,  that  of  Pensacola,  as  early  as  1606, 

'    Og?,  Missis- 

in  the  hope  of  preventing  further  French  attempts  at  coloni-  sippi. ^-^ 
zation.     Louisiana  did  not  grow  rapidly,  but  in  1718  New 
Orleans  was  founded  and  forts  were  placed  at  commanding  Parkman, 
points  on  the  Mississippi  and  Red  rivers,  so  that  all  other  Half  Century, 
nations  were  effectively  excluded  from  the  Mississippi  basin. 
About  this  time  attention  was  called  to  the  Louisiana  set- 
tlements by  the  speculations  in  the  stock  of  the  French 
Mississippi  company  under  the  manipulations  of  the  Scotch- 
man, John  Law.    The  bursting  of  the  "Mississippi  Bubble" 
did  much  in  the  end  to  injure  the  colony. 

FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  COLONIES  (1689-1754) 

85.  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713).  —  Before  the  French  Beginning  of 
had  gained  a  foothold  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  the  the  llundred 

«.  .  i      years  war 

colony  of  New  France  became  engaged  in  two  conflicts  with 
the  English  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  These  wars  were  of  Euro- 
pean origin,  caused  by  differences  between  France  and  Eng- 
land. The  first  followed  the  Revolution  of  1689  and  the 
attempt  made  by  Louis  XIV  to  regain  the  throne  of  England 


American  History 


[1689 


War  of  the 
Spanish  Suc- 
cession 
(1702-1713). 


Treaty  of 
Utrecht  (1713). 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  47. 


for  James  II.  For  the  French,  the  contest  in  America  was 
ably  conducted  by  the  most  capable  of  a  long  line  of  able 
governors,  t!ie  Count  of  Frontenac.  At  the  close  of  the 
war  the  French  retained  the  territory  draining  into  the 
Hudson  Bay  and  all  lands  occupied  by  them  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  conflict.1 

But  five  years  elapsed  before  the  ambitions  of  France 
again  involved  that  country  in  a  European  conflict,2  when 
Louis  XIV  sought  to  place  upon  the  throne  of  Spain  his 
grandson,  Philip  of  Anjou,  to  whom  the  late  Spanish  king 
had  left  his  scepter.  The  coalition  against  France  was 
remarkably  successful  during  the  long  war  that  followed, 
and  in  America  the  English  colonists  gained  possession  of 
territory  in  Acadia,  Newfoundland,  and  farther  north. 

The  war  was  brought  to  a  close  in  1713  by  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht.  England  was  able  to  make  peace  on  very  favor- 
able terms  because  of  her  successes  everywhere.  She 
allowed  Philip  to  retain  his  position,  but  only  on  condition 
that  the  two  thrones  of  France  and  Spain  should  never  be 
united.  While  France  was  permitted  to  keep  Canada  and 
Louisiana,  England  gained  possession  of  the  entire  area 
draining  into  Hudson  Bay,  the  whole  of  Newfoundland, 
and  Acadia  according  to  its  most  ancient  limits.  This  last 
provision  was  to  be  a  bone  of  contention  for  fifty  years,  as 
France  wished  to  restrict  England  to  the  peninsula  called 
Nova  Scotia  and  England  claimed  Cape  Breton  Island  and 
the  mainland  to  the  north  and  west  as  far  as  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  the  Penobscot.  According  to  the  treaty  the  French 
were  allowed  to  catch  fish  off  Newfoundland,  with  the  privi- 
lege of  drying  their  fish  on  parts  of  the  island,  the  earliest 
attempt  to  regulate  by  treaty  the  rights  of  different  nations 
in  the  fisheries.3 

1  The  Treaty  of  Ryswick  (1697)  brought  to  a  close  this  war,  known  in 
colonial  history  as  King  William's  War. 

2  In  the  colonies  this  war  was  called  Queen  Anne's  War,  in  Europe  it 
was  known  as  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession. 

3  The  treaty  stated  also  that  France   should    never   molest  the  Five 
Nations  "subject  to  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain."     France  of  course 


•^lOT^fel 


.  1 75°]  French  and  English  after  1689  91 

86.  Georgia.  —  The  thirty  years  between  the  Treaty  of  Peaceful 
Utrecht  and  the  third  war  between  England  and  France  was  g™wth 
a  period  of  expansion  and  development  for  both  parties. 
With  both  it  was  a  time  of  preparation  for  the  conflict 
which  was  to  determine  the  possession  of  the  continent,  but 
the  preparation  of  the  French,  carefully  planned  as  it  was, 
proved  to  be  less  perfect  than  the  growth  of  the  sturdy 
English  colonies  which  were  less  conscious  of  the  impending 
crisis  and  apparently  did  nothing  to  make  ready  for  it. 
The  two  historical  events  of  the  period  which  particularly 
deserve  attention  were  the  settlement  of  Georgia  and  the 
conflicts  between  the  governors  and  the  assemblies  in  a 
majority  of  the  colonies. 

Georgia  was  founded  by  James  Edward  Oglethorpe  and  Georgia 
several  associates  who  desired  to  establish  a  colony  in  which 
debtors  might  get  a  new  start.    They  obtained  from  the 
king  a  charter  to  land  from  the  Savannah  to  the  Altamaha  Hart-  Contem- 
rivers  and  westward  to  the  Pacific.    This  was  to  be  governed 
by  a  council  in  which  the  people  had  no  choice.    The  in- 
habitants, except  Roman  Catholics,  were  to  have  religious   „ 

Greene,  Pro- 

freedom  and  all  were  to  enjoy  the  rights  of  Englishmen.  »/»««/  Amer- 
The  trustees  of  the  colony  sought  to  prevent  the  growth  of  ica>  249-269- 
large  plantations  by  forbidding  negro  slavery  and  restricting 
the  amount  of  land  held  by  one  person.  They  expected 
to  make  great  fortunes  by  producing  raw  silk  and  wines. 
Almost  without  exception,  their  plans  came  to  naught. 
The  settlers  proved  to  be  inefficient,  save  for  a  few  bands 
that  were  not  sent  over  by  the  trustees.  Slaves  were  hired 
from  the  people  of  Carolina  and  later  regular  slavery  was 
introduced,  and  the  agricultural  schemes  of  the  founders 
entailed  such  losses  that  they  were  abandoned.  The  colony 
prospered  after  a  fashion,  but  was  so  much  exposed  to  Span- 
ish attacks  and  so  greatly  handicapped  by  its  start  that  it 
did  not  develop  at  all  rapidly. 

claimed  that  while  these  Indians  might  be  subjects  of  England,  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Iroquois  and  of  their  tributary  tribes  was  still  free.  England, 
however,  claimed  territorial  as  well  as  personal  dominion. 


American  History 


[1700 


The  colonies 
under  the  first 
Hanoverians. 


Victories  of  the 
assemblies 
over  the  gov- 
ernors. 


Thwaites, 
The  Colonies, 
\\  123-126. 

Greene,  Pro- 
vincial Amer- 
ica, 194-200. 


87.  The  English  Colonists  and  their  Governors.  — Mean- 
while the  older  English  colonies  were  growing  more  rapidly 
than  at  any  previous  time.  Large  numbers  of  immigrants, 
most  of  them  of  other  nationalities  than  English,  flocked 
to  America.  These  new  settlers,  with  the  more  adventurous 
of  the  native-born  inhabitants,  pressed  into  the  interior. 
Commerce  and  industry  were  expanding  with  considerable 
rapidity,  notwithstanding  the  laws  which  were  made  by 
the  English  government  to  control  these  occupations,  for 
these  laws  were  not  enforced.1  Under  the  first  two  Han- 
overians the  colonial  governments  were  allowed  by  the 
authorities  in  England  to  do  much  as  they  pleased,  and  they 
pleased  to  run  their  own  affairs.  The  principal  obstacle 
in  the  way  of  their  complete  management  of  American  affairs 
they  found  in  the  governors  who  were  sent  over  to  look 
after  the  interests  of  the  crown,  in  the  royal  colonies,  or  of 
the  proprietors,  in  the  proprietary  colonies.  These  gov- 
ernors were  intrusted  with  powers  so  important  that  they 
often  controlled  the  situation  theoretically.  But  custom 
frequently  prevented  them  from  exercising  these  powers 
fully.  There  were  often  important  men  or  interests  to  be 
consulted  and  a  new  governor  was  obliged  to  use  his  powers 
with  caution.  If,  as  was  often  the  case,  he  was  a  pleasure- 
loving  court  favorite,  he  followed  the  line  of  least  resistance, 
and  yielded  to  the -assembly  (the  lower  house  of  the  legis- 
lature, which  was  always  elected  by  the  people)  most  of  its 
demands  as  the  price  of  peace:  By  using  this  method, 
which  was  sneeririgly  called  a  process  of  "bargain  and  sale," 
the  assemblies  in  most  of  the  colonies  paid  the  governors' 
salaries  and  allowed  them  to  perform  their  duties  unham- 
pered only  when  the  governors  in  turn  kept  their  hands 
off  the  business  of  the  assemblies.  These  contests  between 
the  governors  and  the  assemblies  were  the  most  marked 
characteristic  of  English  colonial  history  during  the  first 
half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  almost  unvarying 
success  of  the  assemblies  left  the  colonies  to  a  large  extent 

1  See  §  121. 


French  and  English  after  1689  93 

self-governing  and  did  much  to  give  the  colonial  leaders 
confidence  in  their  ability  to  proteqt  themselves  from  inter- 
ference on  the  part  of  the  home  government  or  its  repre- 
sentatives. 

88.    Government  of  the  French  Colonies. — The  French   Organization 
colonies  were  governed  very  differently.    No  representative   of  the  govern- 
of  the  people  had  a  share  in  making  the  laws.    The  king 
appointed  directly  all  of  the  chief  colonial  officials.    There 
was  a  governor  who  had  control  of  military  affairs,  who   Parkman, 
executed  the  laws,  who,  in  fact,  had  more  influence  than   ] 

Continent, 

any  one  else  in  making  the   laws.     These  governors   held   169-173. 
office  as  a  rule  for  a  longer  time  than  the  governors  in  the 
English  colonies  and  exercised  powers  that  were  immeas-  Thwaites. 
urably  greater.     But  every  governor  had  at  his  elbow  an  France  m 
official  called  an  "intendant,"  who  was  appointed  by  the      "'ertca> 
king  to  spy  upon  the  governor  and  report  to  the  king  what 
the  governor  did.    Naturally  he  acted  as  a  check  on  that 
official,  but  this  dual  system  resulted  in  constant  misunder- 
standings and  bickerings.    The  real  legislative  head  of  the 
French  colonies  was  a  superior  council  appointed  by  the  king. 
This  council  made  laws,  established  courts,  and  formed  a 
final  court  of  appeal. 
Such  an  absolute  government  of  council,  governor,  and   Results  of  the 

intendant  made  it  possible  for  the  French  colonies  to  con-   trenchcol°- 

.  .  .  .  .       nial  policy, 

centrate  all  their  strength  in  carrying  on  war  and  seizing 

territory,  much  to  their  advantage.     But  the  French  rule 

r  11  ir  Parkman, 

was   not   fitted   to   develop   strong,   populous,   self-reliant   struggle fo 
colonies.    The  government  established  a  paternalism  which   Continmt, 
sought  to  aid  the  colonies,  but  which  succeeded  only  in  314-318. 
weakening  them.    Commercial  monopolies  interfered  with 
individual  enterprise,   immigration  was  restricted   by  the  Thwaites, 
ardor  of  the  Jesuit  priests  who  kept  out  Protestant  settlers,     ™nerUa 
while  feudal  estates  and  privileges  placed  barriers  in  the   132-142. 
way  of  social  progress.     For  the  protection  of  the  fine  terri- 
torial' domain  that  she  had  secured,  France  at  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  could  muster  only  eighty  thousand 
inhabitants,    while   the   rival   British   possessions   boasted, 


'or  a 


94  American  History  [i?44 

nearly  a  million  and  a  quarter.  Little  wonder  that  the  court 
of  that  pleasure-loving  monarch,  Louis  XV,  with  its  short- 
sighted, blundering  policy  in  Europe,  Asia,  and  America, 
was  unable  to  retain  its  hold  in  America  ! 

War  of  the  89.    Preparation  for  the  Final  Conflict.  —  Great  Britain 

Austrian  Sue-     an(j  gpam  ha(}  keen  aj  war  for  several  years  before  the  war 

cess'on  .  ,  .  ,      .         ,       , 

(1744-1748).       °*   the  Austrian  succession,  which   involved  nearly  every 

country  of  Europe,  spread  to  America  in  1744.    Only  one 

Fiske  New        important    military  event    distinguished    this    third  inter- 

France  and        colonial  war.    The  great  fortress  of  Louisburg  on  Cape 

New  England,  Breton  Island,  which  commanded  the  entrance  to  the  St. 
249-256. 

Lawrence  and  threatened  the  English  colonies  of  Newfound- 

land and  Acadia,  was  reduced  by  William  Pepperell  and  a 
force  of  New  England  farmers  and  fishermen  almost  unaided 
by  the  British  navy.  Much  to  the  indignation  of  the  colo- 
nists, this  advantage  was  lost  by  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
(1748),  since  Louisburg  was  returned  to  the  French  in  ex- 
change for  Dutch  fortresses  that  they  gave  up. 

French  forts  in       As  this  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  was  considered  by  all 

the  West.          parties  a  mere  truce  —  a  temporary  lull  in  the  storm  —  each 

side  was  busy  making  preparations  for  the  real  struggle  to 

Parkman,          follow.     France  had  already  made  considerable  progress 


6     *n  tne  occuPati°n  °f  tne  West,  having  gained  control  of  the 
264,  297-300.      principal  avenues  of  communication  by  establishing  forts 
at  strategic  points  like  Frontenac,  Detroit,  Sault  Ste.  Marie, 
Parkman  an<^  Chartres  before  1720.     When  the  English  sought  to 

Half  Century,     secure  a  large  share  of  the  fur  trade  by  building  a  trading 
1.63-77.  pOSt  at  Oswego  in  1722,  the  French   tried  by  establishing 

forts  at  Crown  Point  and  Niagara  to  gain  control  of  Lake 
Champlain  and  to  recover  the  trade  they  had  lost  on  Lake 
Ontario.  At  the  close  of  the  third  intercolonial  war,  the 
French  governor  of  Canada  strengthened  the  chain  of  forts 
from  Montreal  to  New  Orleans,  and  in  order  to  gain  the 
goodwill  of  the  western  Indians  by  impressing  them  with 
the  power  of  the  French,  he  buried  leaden  plates  inscribed 
with  the  arms  of  France  and  the  claim  that  France  was  the 
sole  owner  of  the  country  west  of  the  mountains. 


1754]  Expulsion  of  the  French  95 

EXPULSION  OF  THE  FRENCH  (1754-1763) 

90.  The  Struggle  for  the  Upper  Ohio  Valley.  —  In  1753   French  forts 
the  French  extended  their  system  of  forts  to  the  valley  of  and  virsinia 
the  Allegheny   River,   with  the   intention  of   keeping  the 

English  from  the  upper  Ohio  region.    The  English  had 

already  secured  from  the  Iroquois  a  claim  to  this  territorv,      a  '  •  emem~ 

-  '     por anes,  II, 

but  the  first  real  interest  in  the  country  beyond  the  moun-  Nos.  123-124. 
tains  was  developed  in  Virginia,  which  claimed  that  section 
as  a  part  of  the  land  grant  in  her  charter  of  1609  (§  35). 
Grants  of  the  land  had  been  made  to  companies  by  Vir- 
ginia before  1750,  and,  when  the  French  began  building  forts 
south  of  Lake  Erie,  Deputy  Governor  Dinwiddie  of  Vir- 
ginia sent  George  Washington,  then  a  stalwart  youth  of 
twenty-one,  to  warn  the  French  that  they  were  trespassers. 

Acting  on  Washington's  report,  a  force  was  dispatched   Collision  be- 
the  next  spring  (1754),  to  occupy  the  rocky  promontory  *ween  the 
at  the  junction  of  the  Allegheny  and    the  Monongahela   Washington 
Rivers,  which  was  the  real  "gateway  of  the  West."     Before 
their  arrival  the  French  descended  the  Allegheny  in  force,   parkman, 
drove  away  the  traders  who  had  a  post  at  that  point,  and   struggle  for  a 
built  a  strong  fort  that  they  called  Duquesne.     A  scouting    (        ent' 
party  from  this  fort  was  sent  to  watch  the  movements  of 
the  vanguard  of  the  Virginia  detachment  under  Washington   Fiske,  New 
and  was  attacked  by  him,  all  of  the  Frenchmen  being  killed   New  Ell~lanj 
or  captured.    Of  course  this  was  an  act  of  war,  but  both   269-276. 
France  and  England  desired  to  maintain  peace  as  long  as 

Thwaites, 

possible,  and  it  was  two  years  before  war  was  declared,  prance  z> 

although  waged  during  the  interval  in  America  and  India.  America, 

After  the  first  skirmish  Washington  was  obliged  to  fall  I57-168- 
back,  but  later  was  himself  captured  with  all  of  his  troops 
by  a  French  force  much  larger  than  his  own. 

91.  The  Situation  in  America  and  in  Europe. — That  an  Complications 
actual  battle  between  armed  forces  of  the  two  countries  of  European 
did  not  lead  at  once  to  a  break  in  their  friendly  relations  p 

was  due  to  the  state  of  European  politics.    The  treaty  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle  had  seated  Maria  Theresa  firmly  upon  the 


American  History 


D754 


Hassall,  Bal- 
ance of  Power, 
224—240. 


Comparison  of 
the  combatants 
in  America. 


Parkman, 
Struggle  for  a 
Continent, 


Avenues  of 
English  attack. 


throne  of  Austria,  after  nearly  a  decade  of  fighting.  So 
anxious  was  the  whole  of  Europe  for  a  respite,  that  not  even 
the  struggles  between  France  and  England  in  India,  which 
had  continued  after  war  ceased  in  Europe,  proved  sufficient 
cause  for  an  open  renewal  of  hostilities.  But  when  affairs 
reached  a  crisis  in  India;  when  Austria  and  France  united 
for  the  dismemberment  of  Prussia,  with  whom  England  was 
in  sympathy;  when  French  and  English  vessels  were  scour- 
ing the  seas  for  the  merchantmen  of  the  other;  and  when 
a  half-dozen  armies  were  actually  fighting  for  America, 
the  facts  could  no  longer  be  ignored,  and  war  was  declared 
(1756).  This  "Seven  Years'  War,"  as  it  is  called  in  Euror 
pean  history,  exerted  a  greater  influence  on  the  destinies 
of  both  France  and  England  than  almost  any  other  war  in 
their  history.  The  phase  of  it  in  which  we  are  most  inter- 
ested, the  contest  in  America,  best  known  as  the  "Old  French 
and  Indian  War,"  decided  the  future  of  half  a  continent. 

For  the  first  time  both  England  and  France  were  almost 
as  much  interested  in  the  war  outside  of  Europe  as  in  the 
war  on  the  continent,  and  each  gave  to  her  colonies  all 
the  forces  that  she  could  spare.  In  America  the  resources 
of  the  contestants  were  far  from  equal.  The  popula- 
tion of  the  English  colonies  was  nearly  fifteen  times  as  large 
as  that  of  the  French  provinces.  On  the  other  hand  there 
were  two  highly  centralized  French  provinces,  in  which  a 
semi-military  government  could  bring  every  able-bodied 
man  into  the  field  at  short  notice,  and  fourteen  disconnected 
British  colonies  more  or  less  jealous  of  one  another,  and 
practically  without  experience  in  acting  together.  Nothing 
but  a  great  common  danger  could  make  the  English  colonies 
forget  their  differences,  and  the  distrust  shown  by  the  as- 
semblies toward  their  governors  made  them  unwilling  to 
vote  men  and  supplies  for  an  army  which  might  be  directed 
by  the  governors. 

As  the  strength  of  the  French  was  greatly  disproportionate 
to  the  territory  that  they  held,  it  was  natural  for  them  to 
await  the  attack  of  the  English.  The  English  in  the  mean- 


1754] 


Expulsion  of  the  French 


97 


time  prepared  for  invasion  along  four  principal  avenues. 
First,  they  followed  the  seacoast  and  the  St.  Lawrence, 
using  Boston  and  Halifax  as  the  bases  of  operations.  Then 
came  the  Champlain  route,  and  the  one  through  the  Mo- 
hawk valley  and  Lake  Ontario.  Last  of  all  was  that  lead- 
ing straight  to  the  ground  especially  in  dispute  by  way  of 
Fort  Duquesne. 


7 


L   A   N   T  I  0 

O    C  E  A    [T         4( 

SCENE  OF  THE 
LAST  FRENCH  WAR 

63°        BORMAY,  N.T.    «.«" 


92.    The  First  Period  of  the  War  (1754-1757).  —  In  order  The  iroquois 
to  secure  the  cooperation  of  the  Indians  west  from  Lake  and  the  AU 
Champlain,  the  French  had  made  repeated  efforts  to  gain 
the  friendship  of  the  various  tribes.     So  great  was  their 
success  that  even  the  Six  Nations,1  which  had   remained   t 

Hart,  Lontem- 

neutral  during    the  third  intercolonial  war,  were  brought  poraries, 
under   French   influence.     To   counteract   this   impending  n>  No-  I2S- 
danger,  a  congress  was  called  to  meet  at  Albany,  New  York 
(1754),  for  the  purpose  of  renewing  treaties  with  the  Iro-  Thwaites. 
quois.    The  Six  Nations  were  persuaded  easily  not  to  cast  France  tn 

f  America, 

in   their   lot   with   the   French  in    the  conflict    that  had  168-172. 
begun  already,  but  the  congress  proceeded  to  adopt  a  re- 
markable plan  of  military  union  for  the  colonies,  which  had 

1  The  Tuscaroras  had  joined  the  Five  Nations  in  1715. 
H 


98 


American  History 


['754 


learned  (ed.), 
Ready  Kef., 
V,  3 175-3178. 


French 

victories 

(1755-1757). 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, II, 
Nos.  126-127. 


Parkman, 
Struggle  for 
a  Continent, 
343-355- 


Campaigns 
of  1758. 


been  proposed  by  Benjamin  Franklin  of  Pennsylvania. 
It  contemplated  a  president  general  appointed  by  the 
English  king,  who  was  to  be  commander  in  chief  of  the 
colonial  army,  and  an  assembly  which  was  to  have  charge 
of  all  financial  matters.  This  plan  was  disapproved  in 
England  as  too  democratic,  and  in  the  colonies  because  it 
centered  too  much  power  in  the  hands  of  a  royal  represent- 
ative. 

The  first  real  campaign  of  the  war  was  that  of  Braddock, 
who  attempted  with  a  force  of  provincials  and  regulars  to 
capture  Fort  Duquesne  (1755).  His  overwhelming  defeat 
was  all  the  more  humiliating  because  of  the  numerical  in- 
feriority of  the  French  and  Indians.  The  same  year  oc- 
curred the  expulsion  of  the  Acadians,  a  cruel  act,  justified 
on  the  ground  of  political  and  military  necessity.  While 
the  English  commanders  remained  inactive  the  next  two 
years  or  wasted  their  time  in  vain  demonstrations  against 
the  great  fortress  of  Louisburg,  the  French  general,  Mont- 
calm,  gained  absolute  control  of  Lakes  Ontario  and  Cham- 
plain.  The  first  period  of  the  war  had  revealed  the  utter 
incapacity  of  most  of  the  English  commanders,  while  an 
almost  uninterrupted  series  of  French  victories  had  extended 
still  further  the  limits  of  the  vast  territory  claimed  by 
France. 

93.  The  Second  -Period  of  the  War  (i  758-1 760) .  — When 
William  Pitt  became  prime  minister  of  England  (1757) 
the  tide  turned.  He  immediately  formed  plans  for  the  active 
prosecution  of  the  war  by  sending  to  America  a  still  larger 
number  of  troops,  by  arousing  the  colonists  to  active  co- 
operation with  the  regular  army,  and  by  appointing  compe- 
tent commanders.  An  expedition  was  fitted  out  to  follow 
each  route.  Louisburg,  Frontenac,  and  Fort  Duquesne 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  the  first  after  a  siege  that 
was  severe  though  short.  The  French  line  would  have 
been  cut  up  even  more  had  it  not  been  for  the  remoteness 
of  Niagara  and  the  presence  of  a  skillful  leader,  Marquis 
de  Montcalm,  at  Ticonderoga.  With  his  departure  to  defend 


1763] 


Expulsion  of  the  French 


99 


Quebec  the  next  season  (1759),  Lake  Champlain  too  became 
English. 

The  great  expedition  of  the  year,  and  in  fact  of  the  war, 
was  that  against  the  city  of  Quebec.  Occupying  command- 
ing heights  that  were  directly  approachable  from  one  side 
only,  with  mighty  fortifications  against  which  artillery 
thundered  in  vain,  de- 
fended by  a  large  army 
under  the  command  of 
the  ablest  French  gen- 
eral, Quebec  seemed 
impregnable.  For  the 
capture  of  the  city  a 
fleet  and  an  army  were 
dispatched  early  in 
1759  under  James 
Wolfe,  whose  diseased 
frame  housed  an  in- 
domitable spirit.  After 
months  of  fruitless 
siege  Wolfe  was  able 
to  lead  one  half  of  his 
army  by  night  to  the 
plains  of  Abraham  on 
the  unprotected  side 

of  the  city.  Montcalm  gave  battle,  in  which  both  command- 
ers were  killed,  and  a  few  days  later  the  city  surrendered. 
This  glorious  victory  left  to  the  French  only  Montreal,  which 
was  captured  the  next  year,  and  the  territory  in  the  West. 
It  really  settled  the  fate  of  the  French  empire  on  the  conti- 
nent of  North  America.  John  Fiske  believed  that  "the 
triumph  of  Wolfe  marks  the  greatest  turning  point  as  yet 
discernible  in  modern  history." 

94.  The  Peace  of  Paris  (1763).  —  For  nearly  three 
years  after  war  ceased  in  America,  the  two  countries  con- 
tinued the  great  conflict  elsewhere.  During  this  interval 
Spain  formed  an  alliance  with  France  and  assisted  her  in 


WILLIAM  PITT 


Capture  of 
Quebec  (1759). 


Fiske,  New 
France  and 
New  England^ 
349-359- 


The  situation 
in  1762. 


IOO 


American  History 


[1689 


Provisions 
of  the  Treaty 
of  Paris  (1763). 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  54. 

Thwaites, 
France  in 
America, 
266-279. 

Territory 
west  of  the 
Alleghany 
mountains. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  55. 


the  contest.  But  England  continued  to  gain  victories. 
She  became  mistress  of  the  important  island  of  Guadaloupe, 
as  well  as  most  of  the  other  French  possessions  in  the  West 
Indies.  Havana  and  part  of  Florida  had  fallen  into  her 
hands.  As  she  had  been  the  acknowledged  ruler  of  India 
after  the  battle  of  Plassey  (1757),  she  was  not  to  be  satis- 
fied with  the  territory  for  which  she  had  fought,  not  even 
when  Canada  was  included.  The  war  had  proved  a  colo- 
nial death  struggle,  from  which  France  emerged  with 
scarcely  a  trace  of  the  magnificent  possessions  she  had 
claimed  at  the  beginning. 

In  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (1763)  all  of  the  claims  of  France 
to  the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi,  except  the  little  island 
on  which  New  Orleans  stands,  were  transferred  to  England.1 
Only  two  little  islets  south  of  Newfoundland  were  kept  for 
fishing  stations,  and  they  were  never  to  be  fortified.  Eng- 
land's territory  was  rounded  out  by  the  exchange  of  Havana 
for  the  Spanish  Floridas.  Spain  had  already  been  com- 
pensated for  her  losses  when  France  gave  her  the  isle  of 
Orleans  and  all  Louisiana  west  of  the  Mississippi  River. 

Many  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  West  protested  against  the 
transfer  of  their  territory  to  English  rule  and  united  under 
Pontiac  in  one  of  the  greatest  Indian  uprisings  in  history. 
Attacks  were  made  on  all  the  western  forts  and  settlements 
from  the  Virginia  frontier  to  the  Great  Lakes.  As  the  colo- 
nial assemblies  neglected  or  refused  to  furnish  troops, 
regulars  were  sent  to  relieve  the  besieged  garrisons,  but  the 
insurrection  was  not  broken  completely  until  1765.  Mean- 
while, in  order  to  appease  the  western  Indians,  George  III 
issued  a  proclamation  (1763)  reserving  the  lands  beyond 
the  Alleghanies  for  the  Indians  and  prohibiting  the  colo- 
nies from  making  grants  of  lands  or  settlements  in  that 
region. 

1  France  was  allowed  to  retain  either  Guadaloupe  or  Canada.  While 
Canada  was  poor  and  had  been  a  source  of  continual  expense,  Guadaloupe 
was  rich  and  had  given  substantial  aid  to  the  French  treasury.  So  the 
chance  of  future  dominion  was  sacrificed  to  present  gain. 


1763]  Rivalry  of  French  and  English  101 

95.  Summary. — The  French  were  not  good  colonizers  Growth  of 
and  were  hampered  by  the  paternal  attitude  of  their  home  French  and 
government.  Three  colonies  were  founded  in  North  America :  C0i0nies. 
Acadia  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  New  France  or  Canada 
in  the  St.  Lawrence  basin,  and  Louisiana  in  the  lower  Mis- 
sissippi basin.  French  explorers,  traders,  and  priests 
penetrated  the  interior,  but  France  planted  no  colonies 
inland.  She  maintained  a  hold  on  the  interior,  however, 
by  connecting  Canada  with  Louisiana  by  a  chain  of  forts 
at  strategic  points.  Her  great  rival  meanwhile  was  neg- 
lecting the  eleven  colonies  which  had  been  planted  on  the 
Atlantic  coast  during  the  seventeenth  century.  But  the 
colonies  prospered,  large  numbers  of  immigrants  being 
received  from  Ireland,  Scotland,  France,  and  Germany 
as  well  as  England.  Their  gain  during  the  three  quarters 
of  a  century  following  the  revolution  of  1688  was  not  only 
in  population,  commerce,  and  wealth,  but  in  culture,  self- 
reliance,  and  a  greater  desire  for  self-government. 

With  the  expulsion  of  James  II  from  England  in  1689   Intercolonial 
began  the  second  "hundred  years'  war"  between   France  wars  (l689- 

. 

and  Great  Britain.  The  first  four  conflicts  in  this  series, 
lasting  until  1763,  involved  the  colonies  of  these  nations  in 
America,  and  were  accompanied  by  all  the  horrors  of  border 
Indian  warfare.  The  first  substantial  gain  was  secured  in 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  (1713)  by  which  England  gained 
control  of  all  Newfoundland,  the  territory  drained  into 
Hudson  Bay,  and  Acadia  with  its  ancient  limits.  The 
last  war,  begun  in  1754,  was  a  contest  at  the  beginning  for 
the  control  of  the  upper  Ohio  valley,  but,  when  Pitt  became 
prime  minister  in  England,  it  became  a  struggle  for  supremacy 
in  America  which  ended  in  the  capture  of  Louisburg,  Que- 
bec, and  all  other  important  French  strongholds.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  France  transferred  her  territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi  to  her  ally,  Spain,  and  surrendered  to  the 
English  Canada  and  the  eastern  Mississippi  basin.  Eng- 
land rounded  out  her  possessions  by  acquiring  from  Spain 
both  Floridas. 


IO2  American  History  [1689 

TOPICS 

1.  CHAMPLAIN:      Fiske,    "New   England  and     New   France," 
pp.   39-42,  58-71,  80-93;    Parkman,   "Struggle  for  a  Continent," 
pp.  83-124;  Winsor  (ed.),  "America,"  V,  pp.  103-130. 

2.  CAPTURE  OF  QUEBEC  ( 1 759) :    Thvvaites,  "  France  in  America," 
pp.  239-254;   Sloane,   "French   War  and  Revolution,"   pp.  78-98; 
Parkman,  "Struggle  for  a  Continent,"  pp.  382-446. 

STUDIES 

1.  France  under  Henry  IV.   (Wakeman,  "Ascendency  of  France," 
pp.  14-38-) 

2.  French  search  for  a  western  passage.     (Parkman,  "Struggle 
fora  Continent,"  pp.  107-113.) 

3.  Iroquois  and  the  French. 

4.  Character  of  La  Salle.     (Parkman,  "  Struggle  for  a  Continent," 
pp.  220-222.) 

5.  Early   Indian   attacks   during   the   second   intercolonial  war. 
(Drake,  "  Border  Wars  of  New  England,"  153-186.) 

6.  Acadia  after  1713.    (Parkman,  "Montcalm  and  Wolfe,"  I,  90- 
127-) 

7.  How  the  people  controlled  their  governors.     (Fisher,  "True 
American  Revolution,"  pp.  21-32.) 

8.  England  and   France  in  the  eighteenth  century.     (Parkman, 
"Struggle  fora  Continent,"  pp.  301-313.) 

9.  Early  colonial  plans  of  union.      ("  American  History  Leaflets," 
No.  14.) 

10.  The   contest  over   India.     (Woodward,   "Expansion  of  the 
British  Empire,"  pp.  196-205.) 

11.  Montcalm.     (Parkman,  "Montcalm  and  Wolfe,"  I,  pp.  356- 
380.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Show  how  political  changes  in  France  influenced  the  course  of 
events  in  the  French  colonies.     Was  the  colonial  policy  of  France 
wise?     (Consider  political,  commercial,  and  religious  regulations.) 

2.  Make  an  outline  on  the  French  in  America,  giving  (a)  method 
used  to  gain  possession  of  the  country,  (b)  three  classes  that  extended 
French  sway,  (c)  extent  of  French  possessions  (1650,   1710,  1755), 
(d)  causes  of  French  success,  (e)  causes  of  French  failure. 

3.  Make  a  table  showing  the  chief  events  during  the  three  periods, 
1600-1660,  1660-1700,  1700-1763,  under  the  following  heads:   Eng- 
land, New  England,  middle  colonies,  southern  colonies,  the  French 
and  English,  events  of  continental  Europe.     (Keep  events  of  the  same 
date  on  same  horizontal  line.) 


1763]  Rivalry  of  French  and  English  103 

4.  Compare  the  land  claims  of  the  two  countries  to  the  Ohio 
valley  (1754).     What  had  each  done  to  explore  or  occupy  that  region 
before  that  date. 

5.  To  what  extent  did  the  colonial  wars  create  a  spirit  of  unity 
among  the  colonies?     Name  several  reasons  why  Franklin's  plan  of 
unity  met  with  disapproval. 

6.  Was  the  expulsion  of  the  Acadians  necessary?     Give  reasons 
for  your  answer.     Could  it  have  been  accomplished  in  a  different  way  ? 

7.  Why  might  Fiske  have  believed  that  "  the  triumph  of  Wolfe 
marks  the  greatest  turning  point  as  yet  discernible  in  modern  his- 
tory" ? 


CHAPTER   VI 


Population  of 
the  sections. 


Race  elements 
of  the 
population. 

Thwaites, 
Colonies, 
97,  180-181, 
220-222. 

Greene, 

Provincial 

America, 

228-236. 

Lodge, 

Eng.  Colonies, 
66,  227-229, 
406-409. 


COLONIAL   CONDITIONS   (1750) 
POPULATION  AND  SOCIETY 

96.  Number  of  the  People.  —  At  the  middle  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  the  population  of  the  thirteen  colonies  that 
afterward  united  to  form  the  United  States  was  probably 

less   than   a  million  and  a 

quarter,  distributed  fairly 
evenly  between  the  three 
sections,  New  England,  the 
Middle  colonies,  and  the 
South.  The  most  populous 
of  all  the  colonies  was  Vir- 
ginia, with  Massachusetts 
and  Pennsylvania  occupy- 
ing second  and  third  places. 
With  the  exception  of  about 
three  hundred  thousand  ne- 
groes all  of  the  inhabitants 
were  white,  but  perhaps  not 
more  than  three  fourths  of 
these  were  of  English  de- 
scent. The  New  England 
colonies  were  settled  almost 
exclusively  by  English  Puri- 
DENSITY  OF  POPULATION  tans  and  Virginia  had  few 

white    inhabitants     in     the 

eastern  part  who  were  not  English.  A  large  percentage 
were  of  that  sturdy  yeoman  stock  which  has  been  the 
backbone  of  the  English  race  for  several  centuries.  A 
few  came  from  the  higher  social  ranks  but  some  were  the 
dregs  of  English  society.  Among  the  non-English  peoples, 

104 


1 750]  Population  and  Society  105 

the  Scotch-Irish  predominated,  large  numbers  of  that  in- 
tense and  intelligent  race  having  emigrated  from  the  north 
of  Ireland  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Most  of  these  Scotch-Irish  settled  in  the  interior,  along  the 
foothills  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Carolinas  particularly. 
Aside  from  the  English  Puritans,  this  race  has  furnished  the 
largest  number  and  most  influential  of  our  public  men. 
Many  Huguenot  families  emigrated  to  America  after  the 
revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685.  A  larger  pro- 
portion of  these  desirable  citizens  settled  in  South  Caro- 
lina than  in  any  other  colony.  In  the  middle  colonies  there 
was  a  larger  number  of  foreigners  than  elsewhere,  for  not 
only  were  the  Scotch  and  French  numerous  in  that  section, 
but  there  were  also  the  original  Dutch  and  Swedish  settlers, 
besides  a  great  number  of  German  settlers  who  are  known 
best  as  "Pennsylvania  Dutch."  Probably  one  quarter  of 
all  the  colonists  were  of  nationalities  other  than  English. 

97.    Classes  of  Society.  —  In  all  the  colonies  there  was  social  classes 
a  marked  distinction  between  the  social  classes,  least  pro- 
nounced in  Pennsylvania  and  New  England,  most  notice-  Thwaites 
able  in  South  Carolina.     In  the  North,  the  aristocracy  was   Colonies, 
one  based  to  a  great  extent  on  family,  but  men  often  attained   ^  42- 93> 
social  standing  by  exceptional  learning  or  unusual  business 
success.     In  the  South,  family  and  the  possession  of  landed   Lodge- 
estates  counted  for  most.    The  middle  class  of  independent         _  3~_™ 
farmers  or  merchants  was  largest  in  New  England,  for  in  445-448. 
that  section  there  were  few  dependents  and  practically  no 
slaves.     In  Pennsylvania  also  the  middle  class  was  very 
numerous,  although  there  was  the  greatest  difference  be- 
tween the  prosperous  farmer  of  the  eastern  valleys  and  the 
rough  ignorant  frontiersman  of  the  interior.     In  most  of 
the  other  colonies  the  middle  class  was  comparatively  small. 

As  a  rule  these  people  of  the  colonies  were  rough,  kind-  character 
hearted,  industrious,  and  frugal.    Their  manners  were  often  of  the  people, 
crude,  and  their  ideas  on  social  and  political  subjects  un- 
developed, but  their  courage  was  never  open  to  question,  Wilson, 
and  their  love  of  liberty  unquenchable.    Although  they    Washinston' 


io6 


American  History 


[1750 


Two  kinds 
of  indented 
servants. 

Andrews, 

Col.Self-Gov't, 

290-293. 


Lodge, 

Eng.  Colonies, 

69-71,  125-126. 


Eggleston, 
in  Century, 
XXVIII 
(1884)  ,853- 
856. 


Treatment 
of  indented 
servants. 


Eggleston, 
in  Century, 
XXVIII 
(1884),  856- 
858. 


Blacks  in  the 
North  and  the 
South. 


drank  overmuch  and  often  engaged  in  pastimes  that  do 
not  appeal  to  a  more  highly  organized  people,  they  rarely 
had  distorted  views  of  right  and  wrong. 

98.  Indented    Servants. — There   existed   in   all   of   the 
English  provinces  a  class  of  white  servants  who  were  bound 
to  their  masters  for  a  term  of  years.    Of  these  there  were 
two  distinct  kinds  —  one  consisting  of  convicts  who  were 
sent  to  America  to  serve  their  sentences,  and  the  other 
"indented"  servants  who  bound  themselves  to  work   for 
a  period  of  five  years,  usually,  in  payment  of  their  passage 
to  the  new  world.    Many  of  those  belonging  to  the  second 
class  were  worthy,  hardworking,  but  unfortunate  individuals 
who  secured  farms  of  their  own  after  the  expiration  of  their 
terms  of  service,  and  became  valuable  citizens.    The  ma- 
jority of  the  "indented"  servants,  however,  were  indolent 
and  shiftless,  so  that  an  immense  number  of  ne'er-do-wells 
were  imposed  on  the  colonies,  especially  from  New  York 
to  North  Carolina.     Still  more  burdensome  were  the  re- 
leased convicts  whose  lawlessness  and  viciousness  were  a 
menace  to  the  peace  and  order  of  the  colonies. 

During  the  terms  of  service  these  servants  were  con- 
trolled absolutely  and  often  treated  harshly  by  their  masters. 
Attempts  to  escape  were  punished  severely,  and  added  to 
the  time  of  servitude.  In  some  colonies  a  second  attempt 
was  punishable  by  branding  on  the  cheek  and  a  third  at- 
tempt by  death  if  desired  by  the  master.  Frequently  the 
condition  of  these  servants  was  much  better  than  might  be 
expected,  comparing  favorably  with  that  of  farm  hands  in 
England.  Sometimes  convicts  who  were  political  exiles 
occupied  clerical  or  business  positions  of  importance. 

99.  Slavery.  —  African  slavery  existed  in  New  Nether- 
land  and  in  the  South  almost  from  the  beginning.    It  never 
attained  prominence  in  New  England,  for  the  occupations 
of  the  people  and  later  a  growing  sentiment  against  human 
bondage  prevented  its  development.    The  few  slaves,  as 
in  most  of  the  other  northern  colonies,  were  house  servants 
who  were  treated  usually  with  a  great  deal  of  consideration. 


1750]  Population  and  Society  1 07 

From  Pennsylvania  south,  the  blacks  were,  of  course,  very  Coman,  Indus* 
much  more  numerous,  in  Virginia  nearly  equaling  the  whites  trial  Hist., 
in  number,  and  in  South  Carolina  forming   about   three  43~45' 
fifths  of  the  population.     All  of  the  menial  domestic  duties 
were  performed  by  slaves,  but  in  Maryland  and  Virginia 
most  of  the  blacks  were  employed  as  field  hands  on  the  large 
tobacco  plantations,  while  in  the  extreme  South  the  work 
in  the  rice  fields  was  done  by  bands  of  fierce,  ignorant  slaves, 
under  cruel  overseers. 

During  the  seventeenth  century  white  servants  were  pre-  Laws  regard- 
ferred  to  African  slaves,  in  almost  all  of  the  colonies,  and  the  ing  slaves- 
laws  regarding  slaves  were  comparatively  lenient.     Later, 
with  the  development  of  slavery  and  attempted  insurrections,   Eggleston,  m 
laws  of  great  severity  were  passed.     Slaves  were  not  allowed  X)tvin 
to  leave  their  plantations  without  permission  and  might  be   (1884),  861- 
put  to  death  if  they  attempted  to  escape  or  injured  their  865- 
masters.    Meetings    of   slaves    were    forbidden    and    their 
quarters  were  searched  frequently  for  hidden  arms.     Inter-  Lodge, 
marriage  between  whites  and  blacks  was  forbidden  under  ,  ^1 
very  heavy  penalties.    Many  legal  obstacles  were  placed 
in  the  way  of  emancipation.    These  laws  were  not  enforced 
in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  for  most  of  the  blacks  in  those 
colonies  were  native  born,  living  their  entire  lives  on  a  single 
plantation,  and  consequently  known  personally  to  the  mas- 
ter and  mistress.     As  a  rule  they  were  well  fed,  well  clothed, 
and  treated  humanely. 

In  the  South,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  little  difference  Enforcement 
between  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  law.    Many  of  the  of  slave  laws  in 

,      ,          the  extreme 

blacks  were  barbarous  Africans,  trapped  by  slave  dealers  South 
and  brought  to  America  by  Spanish  or  New  England  slave 
traders.     On  the  rice  or  indigo  plantations  little  attempt   Lodge, 
was  made  to  civilize  them.       Slaves  were  cheap  and  their   Eng.  Colonies, 
labor  so  profitable  that  it  was  more  economical  to  work  them 
hard  and  buy  new  slaves  when  they  were  worn  out  than  to 
spare  them.     Small  wonder  was  it  that  the  badly  treated 
blacks  hated  their  masters  and  overseers  and  were  kept 
in  subjection  by  an  iron  rule. 


io8 


American  History 


[1750 


The  cities. 

Eggleslon,  in 
Century,  XXIX 
(1885).  873- 
881. 


ioo.  Colonial  Life.  —  Although  nearly  all  of  the  people 
lived  within  one  hundred  miles  of  the  seacoast,  there  were 
only  four  places  that  deserved  to  be  called  cities  —  Boston, 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  Charleston  —  and  compara- 
tively few  large  towns.  Boston  and  New  York  were  the 
centers  of  a  thriving  commerce.  In  Charleston  lived  most 
of  the  planters  of  South  Carolina  who  found  life  unendur- 


Lodge, 

Eng.  Colonies, 
103,  237-240, 
258-262,  333- 
337.  4SI-46I. 


A  COLONIAL  KITCHEN 

able  on  the  hot,  swampy  plantations.  These  cities  and  some 
of  the  towns  were  compact  little  burgs,  not  overclean,  with 
narrow  winding  streets  —  except  Philadelphia  —  numerous 
small  shops,  and  well-built  houses  usually  of  brick  and  stone. 
Few  of  the  inhabitants  were  wealthy,  but  the  majority  were 
in  fair  circumstances.  Few  of  the  streets  were  patrolled 
or  lighted  at  night,  there  was  no  uniform  water  supply  or 
proper  sanitation.  Most  of  the  houses  had  several  bal- 
conies, and  were  backed  if  not  surrounded  by  attractive 
gardens.  Some  of  them  were  comfortably  furnished  with 
chairs,  tables,  and  draperies  purchased  abroad. 


1750] 


Population  and  Society 


109 


In  the  country  the  log  cabins  which  had  been  the  rule    Life  in  the 
everywhere  in  the  early  days  were  to  be  found  only  on  the    country- 
frontier  or  in  the  poorer  districts.     With  the  advent  of  the 
sawmill,  they  had  been  replaced  by  frame  houses  of  several 
rooms  which  were  rude  structures  tied  together  with  wooden 
pins,  for  iron  was  scarce.    The  doors  were  hung  on  leather 
hinges  and  fortunate  indeed  was  the  farmer  who  substituted 
glass  brought  from  England  for  the  oiled  paper  which  was 


Earle,  Home 
Life  in  Colo- 
nial Days, 
4-16,  22-27, 
52-75- 


A  COLONIAL  HALL 

almost  universal  outside  of  the  towns.  In  most  of  the  farm- 
houses the  spacious  kitchen  was  the  most  attractive  room. 
At  one  end  was  a  great  fireplace  with  large  pots  and  kettles 
suspended  from  a  horizontal  rod  —  for  stoves  were  prac- 
tically unknown  in  1750.  There  was  a  large  dining-table 
and  a  few  rude  chairs  or  benches.  Around  the  glowing 
fire  the  family  gathered  at  night,  and  the  kitchen  was  fre- 
quently the  scene  of  jolly  neighborhood  gatherings.  The 
loneliness  of  country  life  was  relieved  by  occasional  house 
raisings  and  by  frequent  quilting  bees  and  corn  huskings. 
In  a  few  districts  in  rural  New  England,  along  the  Hud- 
son,, and  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Carolina  border,  the 
country  homes  of  the  landed  gentry  were  very  fine  examples 


Lodge,  Eng. 
Colonies,  76-82, 
248-252,  329- 
331,  448-451. 


Country 
homes  of  the 
gentry.  . 


no 


American  History 


[1750 


Difficulties  in 
preparing  the 
land. 


Winsor  (ed.), 
America,  IV, 
Intro. 


Agricultural 
products  and 
exports. 


Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
47-60. 

Eggleston, 
in  Century, 
XXVII  (1884), 
435-442- 


of  the  beautiful  type  of  architecture  which  we  call  colonial. 
These  were  seen  at  their  best  on  the  broad  tobarco  planta- 
tions of  Virginia.  There  the  spacious  "halls,"  ever  open 
to  visitors,  with  the  numerous  barns  and  other  farm  build- 
ings and  rows  of  slave  cabins,  formed  miniature  colonies 
in  themselves. 

OCCUPATIONS 

101.  Agriculture. — Most  of  the  colonists  depended  on 
agriculture  for  their  support.  At  first  each  colony  sought 
to  raise  simply  the  necessaries  of  life  —  a  supply  of 
food  which  would  keep  them  from  starving.  Conditions 
were  not  especially  favorable  for  agriculture  at  the  begin- 
ning, because  of  the  dense  forests.  The  task  of  clearing 
the  land  was  so  arduous  that  the  early  settlers  contented 
themselves  with  the  Indian  method  of  girdling  the  trees 
so  that  they  died.  Corn  and  pumpkins  were  then  planted 
among  the  lifeless  trunks.  In  New  England,  further  diffi- 
culties were  added  by  the  stones  with  which  the  prehistoric 
glaciers  had  sown  the  land.  The  fight  with  the  wilder- 
ness was  long  and  intense. 

In  the  northern  colonies  all  of  the  farms  were  small, 
as  the  narrow  valleys  precluded  cultivation  on  a  large  scale. 
Great  care  was  necessary  to  insure  even  moderate  crops, 
except  in  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut.  There  were  very 
few  communities  in  New  England  that  raised  articles  for 
export.  In  the  middle  section  a  surplus  supply  of  wheat 
was  grown,  so  that  wheat  and  flour  were  shipped  to  the  West 
Indies  and  Europe.  In  Maryland  and  Virginia  agriculture 
absorbed  the  entire  attention  of  the  people.  This  was  due 
to  the  profitableness  of  the  tobacco  industry,  for  at  different 
times  the  planters  neglected  food  supplies  in  their  mad 
desire  to  gain  wealth  by  raising  tobacco  to  be  sold  abroad. 
It  was  necessary  to  make  laws  compelling  every  planter  to 
devote  a  certain  area  to  corn.  Even  with  this  restraint, 
the  over-production  of  tobacco  caused  a  great  decline  in 
the  price.  After  the  passage  of  the  Navigation  Act,  which 


i  75°]  Occupations  III 

forbade  the  sending  of  tobacco  to  other  countries  than  Eng- 
land, the  price  became  still  lower,  but  the  raising  of  tobacco 
remained  the  chief  source  of  wealth  in  those  colonies  until 
the  revolution.  South  Carolina  made  a  specialty  of  rice 
during  the  eighteenth  century,  and  indigo  was  produced  in 
large  quantities  after  1745.  Some  cotton  also  was  grown 
in  the  low  lands  along  the  coast. 

102.    Commerce  and  Shipping.  —  The  colonies  were  de-  Restrictions  on 
pendent  on  England  for  many  manufactured  articles.     At  colonial  trade« 
the  beginning  it  was  impossible  to  produce  these  things 
in  America,  and  after  1660  the  home  government  aimed  to  Coman,  Indus- 
prohibit  manufacturing  in  the  colonies,  at  the  same  time     **8    "  " 
compelling  the  colonists  to  purchase  everything  they  needed 
from   England   rather   than   from   her   continental   rivals. 
Since  the  commercial  laws  of   England  were  not  enforced 
strictly,  the  colonies  enjoyed  a  large  though  legally  forbidden 
trade  with  the  West  Indian  possessions  of  France  and  Spain 
and  with  Holland,  France,  and  other  European  countries.1 

From  the  northern  ports  a  comparatively  large  trade  was  General 
carried  on,  especially  with  England  and  the  British  West  exports  and 
Indies.      It   is   estimated   that   salted    cod   and   mackerel 
worth  £250,000  were  exported  annually  from  New  England. 


Large  quantities  of  lumber  and  dried  fish  were  sent  to  the       ™" 


West  Indies  every  year,  where  they  were  exchanged  for  75-77. 
molasses,  from  which  was  distilled  rum  that  was  in  turn 
exported.  Nevertheless,  the  imports  of  New  England 
were  four  times  as  great  as  its  exports.  In  Virginia  and 
North  Carolina,  owing  to  the  lack  of  towns  and  harbors, 
the  skippers  of  the  small  sailing  vessels  ascended  the  numer- 
ous rivers  of  those  colonies,  exchanging  their  fine  cloths 
and  other  articles  at  each  plantation  for  the  products  of 
the  country. 

A  large  part  of  the  shipping  was  in  the  hands  of  New  Shipbuilding 
Englanders,  since  the  colonists  were  allowed  by  the  navi-  and  shlPPmS- 
gation  acts  to  trade  on  the  same  terms  as  native-born  Eng- 
lishmen.    Shipbuilding   had   become  an  important  indus- 

1  On  the  laws  of  trade,  see  §§  119-121. 


112 


American  History 


[1750 


Wright,  Indus- 
trial Evolution 
ofU.  5.,  28-42. 


Piracy. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II,  No.  85. 


Colonial 
manufactures. 


Com  an,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
62,72. 


try  in  the  northern  colonies,  as  lumber  was  cheap,  and  the 
vessels  built  in  the  New  England  shipyards  were  superior 
to  those  constructed  in  Europe.  The  fisheries  formed  a 
training  school  of  the  best  kind  for  a  race  of  hardy,  daring 
sailors  who  gained  a  reputation  in  later  naval  wars.  Prob- 
ably one  hall  of  the  population  in  New  England  depended 
on  the  sea  for  a  living. 

Commerce  in  colonial  times  was  attended  by  dangers 
that  no  longer  exist.  There  was  always  risk  of  capture 
by  privateers  of  unfriendly  nations.  Pirates  were  numerous, 
successful,  and  often  unpunished.  At  one  time  North 
Carolina  harbored  a  great  many,  at  another  New  York 
and  Newport  gained  an  unpleasant  reputation  for  giving 
them  aid.  The  government  sought  to  suppress  piracy, 
sending  out  privateers  to  capture  them.  Among  those 
commissioned  to  destroy  pirate  ships  was  the  notorious 
Captain  Kidd,  who  turned  pirate  as  soon  as  he  was  out  of 
sight  of  land,  but  afterward  suffered  death  for  his  crimes. 
In  spite  of  harsh  measures,  regular  commerce  was  not  free 
from  perils  of  this  nature  until  comparatively  late  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  many  passengers  and  crews  were 
obliged  to  "walk  the  plank." 

103.  Industry  and  Labor. — The  colonies  were  in  no 
true  sense  manufacturing  communities.  A  new  country 
is  not  well  adapted  for  those  industries  which  require  a 
large  supply  of  raw  materials  and  an  abundance  of  labor. 
Because  of  the  lack  of  laborers  and  the  higher  wages  paid  in 
America,  it  was  cheaper  to  ship  the  raw  materials  to  Eng- 
land and  purchase  the  finished  products  from  the  mother 
country.  Yet  there  was  a  large  amount  of  manufacturing 
done  in  the  colonies  on  a  small  scale.  Practically  all  of 
the  household  furniture  was  made  at  home.  Almost 
every  family  had  its  spinning  wheel  and  hand  loom.  Few 
of  the  colonists  used  anything  but  the  coarse  "linen"  made 
from  the  hemp  and  flax  that  they  prepared,  or  dressed  in 
anything  but  homespun  woolen  clothes,  but  the  wealthier 
farmers  or  merchants  imported  their  broadcloth  and  their 


1 750]  Occupations  113 

hats.  The  building  of  ships  was  undoubtedly  the  fore- 
most industry  of  the  colonies,  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
nine  being  constructed  in  a  single  year.1  Many  of  these  were 
built  for  English  owners,  or  were  sold  abroad  later  with 
their  cargoes. 

Although  the  hours  of  labor  were  very  long,  and  the  wages  Condition  of 
paid,  two  or  three  shillings  a  day  for  skilled  labor,  seem  labor- 
ridiculously  small,  the  laborer  in  the  colonies  was  undoubt- 
edly belter  paid  and  better  treated  than  in  any  part  of  Wright,  Indus- 

Europe.    The  agricultural  laborer  was  free  to  sell  his  labor  trial '  Evolution< 

r  104-114. 

to  the  one  who  would  pay  the  most  for  it,  instead  of  being 

tied  to  a  certain  farm,  as  in  most  countries  across  the  At- 
lantic. The  man  who  wished  to  learn  a  trade  served  a 
shorter  apprenticeship,  and  was  freer  in  every  way  than  a 
fellow  workman  in  England.  There  were  numerous  at- 
tempts during  colonial  times  to  regulate  the  price  of  wages 
or  of  commodities,  in  the  interest  usually  of  those  wealthier 
classes  which  controlled  the  government,  but  these  proved 
ineffective. 

104.    Colonial  Currency.  — Most  of  the  colonial  business  Commodities 
consisted  simply  in  the  exchange  of  one  commodity  for  an-  as  money- 
other.    Corn,  sheep,  and  cattle  were  the  ordinary  media 
of  exchange  in  several  colonies,  the  value  of  a  sheep  in  shil- 
lings often  being  designated  by  law.    This  enabled  debtors 
to  pay  their  creditors  in  the  poorest  animals  they  owned. 
In  Virginia  and  Maryland,  tobacco  was  used  as  currency, 
articles  being  purchased  and  wages  paid  in  tobacco. 

As  the  people  bought  abroad  more  than  they  were  able  to  Colonial  coins, 
sell  it  was  impossible  to  secure  or  retain  any  large  quantity 
of  gold  or  silver.    Most  of  the  silver  coins  in  circulation  were  Dewey,  Finan- 
dollars  or  smaller  coins  bearing  a  Spanish  stamp,  which  dai  Hist,  of 
had  been  obtained  in  trade  with  the  West  Indies.    Almost 
every  colony  placed  a  different  valuation  on  the  Spanish 
dollar.     In  one  colony  it  was  considered  worth  five  Eng- 
lish shillings,  in  another  six,  in  another  eight.    This  natu- 
rally added  confusion  to  the  existing  monetary  difficulties. 

1  1769,  the  only  year  for  which  full  statistics  are  available. 

i 


American  History 


[1750 


Paper  money. 


Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
83-86. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II.Nos.  88,89. 


Medicine, 
teaching,  and 
the  laws. 


Greene,  Pro- 
vincial Amer- 
ica, 317-319. 


Lodge, 

Eng.  Colonies, 

232,  236-237. 


The  ministry. 


Massachusetts  was  the  first  colony  to  attempt  a  solution 
of  the  currency  problem  by  issuing  paper  money,  but  other 
colonies  were  not  slow  to  follow  this  apparently  easy  method 
of  paying  private  and  public  debts.1  New  York  and  Penn- 
sylvania were  more  careful  than  the  other  colonies  to  pro- 
vide a  safe  system  of  redeeming  this  paper,  thus  escaping 
the  evils  of  depreciation  and  business  depression  that  fol- 
lowed in  the  other  colonies.  In  several  colonies  so-called 
'' banks"  were  allowed  to  issue  paper  money,  with  results 
disastrous  to  all  but  the  promoters  of  the  scheme.  A  large 
part  of  the  paper  money  in  circulation  became  worth  less 
than  fifteen  per  cent  of  its  face  value.  Interference  with 
business  was  so  great  that  at  length  parliament  forbade 
(1751)  the  issue  of  paper  money  in  New  England  and 
(1763)  extended  the  prohibition  to  all  of  the  colonies. 

105.  The  Professions.  —  Very  few  persons  were  trained 
carefully  for  professional  work.  There  were  in  1750  but 
four  colleges,  most  of  which  had  been  founded  with  an  idea 
of  fitting  men  for  the  ministry,  but  there  were  no  theological 
seminaries  or  other  professional  schools.  Consequently 
few  physicians  were  to  be  found  in  the  colonies,  and  of  these 
the  majority  were  men  of  little  learning  and  less  skill.  Medi- 
cine as  practiced  was  neither  an  art  nor  a  science.  Most 
of  the  teachers  were  either  clergymen  who  gave  part  of  their 
attention  to  private  classes  or  incompetent  individuals  who 
had  failed  of  success  in  other  occupations.  Although  few 
men  devoted  their  attention  exclusively  to  the  law,  most 
educated  men  in  the  colonies  were  versed  in  the  law  and 
were  prepared  to  argue  cases  if  necessary.  Pennsylvania 
alone  furnished  many  able  lawyers  for  other  colonies,  and 
the  saying  "as  smart  as  a  Philadelphia  lawyer"  became 
almost  a  proverb. 

As  more  care  was  taken  in  preparing  clergymen  for  their 
work  than  with  the  other  professions,  the  Congregational 
colonial  minister  was  the  best  educated,  and  probably  the 


1  Before  1750,  all  of  the  colonies  except  Virginia  and  Georgia  had 
issued  bills  of  credit. 


I75Q] 


Occupations 


ablest  man  in  his  community.    Looked  up  to  for  his  char-   Lodge, 
acter   and   learning,    his  influence  enabled  him  to  direct   En-?- 
public  opinion  and  settle  private  controversies.     Many  of  423~425< 
the  men  appointed  to  livings  in  the  Anglican  church  in 
America  as  in  England  were  ignorant  and  corrupt,  although 
the  pastors  of  most  independent  churches  and  of  regular 
parishes  were  men  of  high  moral  character. 

MISCELLANEOUS  CONDITIONS 

106.    Colonial  Churches.  —  In  most  of  the  colonies  there   Puritan 
was  a  church  supported  at  public  expense,  the  union  of  churches- 


A  COLONIAL  CHURCH 

church  and  state  being  common.     In  the  New  England    Lodge, 
colonies,  except  Rhode  Island,  the  Congregational  church   Eng^  Colontes> 
had  been  established  by  law,  all  other  denominations  being 
excluded  so  far  as  possible  from  erecting  buildings  or  even 
holding  services.    The  Sabbath  was  observed  very  rigidly. 
No  one  traveled  except  to  church,  cooking  was  avoided,  and 
the  day  given  over  to  religious  worship.    Attendance   at 


American  History 


[1750 


Anglicans 
and  dissenters. 

Andrews, 

Col.  Self-Gov't, 

3°4-3ii- 

Eggleston, 

in  Century, 

XXVI  (1883), 

107-116. 


Superstition 
in  custom 
and  law. 


Lodge, 

E.ng.  Colonies, 

253-254. 
434-436. 


church  service  was  compulsory,  absence  being  punished 
by  fine  or  the  stocks.  The  services  were  always  long  and 
sometimes  tedious,  the  hourglass  being  turned  once  during 
the  "long"  prayer,  and  usually  twice  during  the  sermon. 
The  straight-backed  uncushioned  seats  did  not  make  it 
easier  for  the  attendants  to  listen  to  the  long,  dry  arguments 
or  fierce  declamation  on  future  punishment,  especially  in 
winter  when  the  meeting  houses  were  unheated  and  even 
footstoves  were  considered  effeminate.  Puritan  austerity 
could  scarcely  devise  harsher  means  of  mortifying  the  flesh, 
or  better  tests  for  self-control  and  endurance. 

South  of  New  England  the  Anglican  church  had  been 
established  by  law  except  in  Pennsylvania,  but  church 
attendance  was  irregular  and  very  little  attempt  was  made 
to  prevent  dissenters  from  holding  services  of  their  own, 
although  Catholics  had  churches  in  Pennsylvania  only. 
In  South  Carolina,  western  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania, 
the  Presbyterians  were  numerous,  while  Rhode  Island  was 
controlled  by  the  Baptists.  In  Rhode  Island  and  Pennsyl- 
vania alone  was  there  anything  like  real  religious  liberty. 

107.  Superstition.  —  Superstition  was  much  more  com- 
mon in  the  seventeenth  century  than  it  is  at  present.  This 
was  due  not  simply  to  the  greater  ignorance  of  that  day,  but 
particularly  to  the  survival  of  beliefs  in  signs  and  in  the  exist- 
ence of  evil  spirits,  witches,  the  evil  eye,  and  other  evidences 
of  Satan's  control  of  mortals.  These  beliefs  were  much 
less  common  in  England  than  on  the  continent,  and  less 
common  here  than  in  England,  although  the  non-English 
immigrants  were  very  superstitious.1  This  superstition  not 
only  influenced  the  habits  of  the  people,  but  also  affected 
their  laws. 

Only  once  did  superstitious  fear  lead  to  a  wholesale  pun- 
ishment of  witches.  This  was  in  the  terrible  witchcraft 


1  There  are  a  few  isolated  instances  of  witches  being  put  to  death  in  the 
colonies  before  1692  and  after  the  witchcraft  episode.  In  England  and 
on  the  continent  hundreds  of  thousands  of  witches  were  condemned  to 
death,  five  hundred  being  burned  in  a  single  year  in  the  city  of  Geneva. 


Miscellaneous  Conditions 


117 


delusion  at  Salem,  Massachusetts,  in  1692.  The  epidemic 
started  when  a  number  of  "afflicted  children,"  under  the 
morbid  training  of  some  ignorant  colored  servants,  accused 
eccentric  people  in  the  village  of  having  bewitched  them. 
A  special  court  was  organized  for  the  trial  of  these  cases, 
and  persons  were  condemned  on  absurd  testimony  by  con- 
servative judges  like  Samuel  Sewell.  Excitement  ran  so 
high  that  many  people  accused  their  enemies  of  witchcraft, 
and  no  one  could  condemn  the  so-called  trials  without 
danger  of  being 
considered  a 
witch.1  After 
several  women  of 
unusual  standing 
and  virtue  had 
been  accused,  the 
eyes  of  the  people 
were  opened;  not, 
however,  until  a 
number  of  per- 
sons had  been 
put  to  death. 

108.  Crime.  — 
The  death  penalty 
was  used  much 
more  commonly 
in  colonial  times 
than  at  present.2  In  one  colony,  Pennsylvania,  an  attempt 
was  made  at  the  beginning  to  abolish  it  except  for  mur- 
der, but  so  great  a  departure  from  the  customs  of  the 
times  was  abandoned  after  a  few  years.  In  Massa- 

1  A  common  way  of  deciding  whether  a  woman  was  a  witch  was  to 
cast  her  into  the  water.     If  she  failed  to  sink,  she  was  proved  to  be  a  witch. 

2  In  England  during  the  seventeenth  century  over  one  hundred  crimes 
were  punishable  by  death,  the  number  increasing  instead  of  diminishing 
during  the  eighteenth  century.     Frequently  juries  would  acquit  a  man 
where  the  evidence  showed  him  guilty,  because  they  were  unwilling  to 
punish  him  by  death  for  a  minor  offense. 


PILLORY 


The  Salem 

witchcraft 

delusion. 

Greene, 
Provincial 
America, 
25-29. 

Fiske, 

New  France 
and  New 
England, 


Methods  of 

punishing 

offenders. 


n8  American  History  [1750 

chusetts,  as  we  noticed  (§  73),  Quakers  who  had  been 
banished,  but  insisted  on  returning,  were  hanged.  Yet 
executions  were  not  common  in  colonial  times,  although 
so  many  offenses  were  punishable  by  death.  In  fact, 
in  all  well-settled  communities,  crime  was  by  no  means 
general.  On  many  frontiers,  and  in  a  few  older  sections, 
there  was  considerable  lawlessness.  Imprisonment  was 

Man  and  Horse.        Mad  Bull. 


A  Horse  drinking.     Boy  in  danger. 


Children  should  be  careful  not  to 
provoke  a  bull,  or  get  over  into  the 
field  where  one  is.  Alas !  for  that  lit- 
tle boy  that  is  running  with  all  his 
miffht :  see  hi&  hat  flying  behind  him, 
and  the  mad  bull  close  at  his  heels. 

PAGE  FROM  AN  OLD  SCHOOL  BOOK 

used  comparatively  little  as  a  punishment  and  the  prisons 
were  few  in  number  and  of  a  low  order.  In  a  conspicuous 
place  in  each  town  stood  the  whipping  post,  at  which  run- 
away slaves  and  criminals  were  lashed  upon  bare  backs,  and 
the  stocks  and  pillory,  in  which  offenders  were  locked  for 
from  one  to  four  hours,  the  pain  of  their  cramped  position 
being  augmented  by  the  jeers  of  the  spectators  and  the  mud 
thrown  by  rowdies.  Ducking  stools  were  used  occasionally 
for  scolding  wives  even  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

Grammar  ICQ.    Education.  —  Outside  of  New  England  there  was 

practically  no  public  education,  but  east  of  the  Hudson 
almost  every  town  boasted  a  grammar  school  and  practi- 


1750] 


Miscellaneous  Conditions 


119 


cally  every  county  had  a  Latin  school  which  prepared  stu- 
dents for  college.  To  the  Puritans,  ability  to  read  the  Bible 
was  a  necessary  part  of  the  preparation  for  life.  Except  in 
parts  of  Rhode  Island  and  on  the  Maine  frontier  no  illiterate 
persons  could  be  found  in  New  England  at  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  The  middle  colonies  paid  com- 
paratively little  attention  to  education,  although  there  were 


First  Harvard  Hall        Governor's  Coach        First  Stoughton        Massachusetts  Hall 

HARVARD  COLLEGE 

a  few  excellent  private  schools  in  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
and  a  few  other  large  towns.  South  of  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line  education  was  systematically  neglected.  The  oft- 
quoted  comment  of  Governor  Berkeley,  in  which  he  thanked 
God  that  there  were  no  free  schools  or  printing  presses 
in  Virginia,  expressed  the  sentiment  of  the  ruling  class. 
Tutors  were  employed  by  some  of  the  wealthier  planters, 
and  a  few  sons  of  prominent  families  in  Virginia  and  South 
Carolina  were  sent  to  England  for  a  college  education. 

The  most  famous  and  the  most  influential  of  the  early  Colonial 
colleges  was  that  established  at  Cambridge  in  1636,  and  c 
named    after  John  Harvard;    William  and  Mary  college 


I2O  American  History  {.17S° 

Greene,  was  founded  in  Virginia,  just  before  the  close  of  the  seven- 

teenth century,  and  Yale  College  at  New  Haven  in  1701. 

304-311.'  About  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  renewed  inter- 

est in  higher  education  led  to  the  establishment  of  three 
colleges  in  the  middle  colonies:  Kings  (afterward  Colum 
bia)  in  New  York,  Princeton  in  New  Jersey,  and  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  at  Philadelphia.  The  latter,  through 
the  influence  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  developed  rapidly, 
gaining  a  reputation  for  its  standing  and  for  the  number 
of  its  courses  and  students  within  a  few  years. 

Newspapers  no.    Newspapers. — New   England   established   its   pri- 

and  the  macy  in  literary  enterprise  and  attainments  as  in  other  lines, 

government.  ,      .  ,      .  .  ,  ... 

although  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  was  very  little 
printing  and  less  literature  in  the  colonies  before  1750.  No 

Wright,  Indus-  ,  ,.  ,      ,    .       .,  . 

trial  Evolution    newsPaPer  was  published  in  this  country  prior  to   1704, 
63-69.  when  the  Boston  News  Letter  was  started.     At  the  middle 

of  the  century  there  were  less  'than  a  dozen  newspapers 
printed  in  all  of  the  colonies,  none  being  published  daily. 
The  attitude  of  the  government  toward  the  printers  was  by 
no  means  favorable.  No  books  or  pamphlets  could  be 
printed  without  a  special  license.  When  an  attempt  was 
made  in  Boston  (1690)  to  start  a  newspaper  called  Public 
Occurrences,  it  was  suppressed. 

The  Zenger  Real  freedom  of  the  press  was  not  recognized  until  after 

case  (1736).       the  famous  Zenger  case  had  been  decided  in  New  York  in 
1736.     Zenger  was  the  publisher  of  the  New  York  Weekly 
Hart,  Contem-    Journal.    In  a  controversy  between  the  governor  of  the 
fi^No"  colony,  Cosby,  and  the  president  of  the  colonial  council, 

Zenger  supported  the  president,  Van  Dom,  and  was  in  con- 
sequence imprisoned  and  tried  for  libel.  His  lawyer, 
Andrew  Hamilton  of  Philadelphia,  argued  that  Zenger 
had  published  only  facts  and  claimed  that  his  client  had  the 
right  to  state  the  truth  so  long  as  it  was  not  done  maliciously. 
Influenced  by  his  reasoning  and  eloquence,  the  jury  found 
Zenger  not  guilty.  This  verdict  had  a  wholesome  influence 
not  alone  in  New  York,  but  throughout  the  colonies,  in  free- 
ing the  press  from  the  tyranny  of  the  government. 


1750] 


Miscellaneous  Conditions 


121 


in.    Travel.  —  As  most  of  the  settlements  were  near  the  Travel  in  an 
seacoast  or  on  rivers,  it  was  possible  at  first  to  .travel  from   early  day- 
town  to  town  or  from  plantation  to  plantation  by  water. 
Birch  bark  or  "dugout"  canoes  were  used  on  the  rivers, 
sailing  vessels  on  the  ocean.     As  the  colonies  developed, 
travel   by   land   became   unavoidable.     Until   roads   were 
constructed,  Indian  trails  and  bridle  paths  served  the  settlers,   Hart,  Coutem 
most  of  whom  were  obliged  to  journey  on  foot.    Later  the 


highways  were  improved,  and  horses  were  more  numerous, 


II,  No.  80. 


CONESTOGA  WAGON 

so  that  comparatively  few  of  the  planters  or  their  families 
ever  traveled  except  by  boat  or  on  horseback.  Roads  were 
still  few,  however,  and  bridges  almost  unknown,  the  nu- 
merous rivers  being  forded  at  convenient  points.  Settlers 
in  the  North  rode  to  church,  usually  with  their  wives  on  a 
pillion,  or  cushion,  behind  them. 

The  eighteenth  century  saw  considerable  improvement  in   Roads, 
the  colonial  highways  and  in  the  methods  of  travel.     Roads  coaches,  and 

•  .  .    wagons, 

connected  all  of  the  towns  of  importance  but  were  tew  and  eighteenth 

poor  in  colonies  with  few  villages.    The  use  of  two-wheeled  century, 
chaises  had  replaced  horseback  riding  to  quite  an  extent  in 

the  North,  although  they  were  less  common  in  Maryland,  jn  Cent' 

Virginia,  and  the  Carolinas.    Coaches  were  kept  by  most  of  xxx  (1885), 

the  wealthy  families,  who  put  on  considerable  style  with  387-389- 


122 


American  History 


[1750 


Earle, 
Home  Life, 
335-344- 


Irregular 
stage  lines. 


Mail  service. 


Earle, 
Home  Life, 
332-335- 


Democratic 
chancier 
of  the  local 
government. 


Hart,  Forma- 
tion of  Union 
§6. 


Lee  (ed.), 
N.  America, 
VI,  66-72. 


their  liveried  coachmen  and  outriders.  The  roads  were  primi- 
tive, however,  and  comparatively  little  used  for  the  transpor- 
tation of  merchandise.  Most  articles  were  carried  on  pack- 
horses,  but  in  Pennsylvania  commodious  farm  wagons,  known 
as  Conestoga  wagons,  were  coming  into  extensive  use. 

Before  1750  there  were  no  regular  stage  coaches  in  the 
colonies.  Stages  were  run  between  certain  towns  regularly 
in  the  summer,  and  at  irregular  intervals  throughout  the 
year,  connecting  the  larger  cities.  A  journey  by  stage  from 
Boston  to  New  York  took  a  week  and  was  an  exceedingly 
uncomfortable  trip.  From  three  in  the  morning  until  nine 
'  at  night  the  lumbering  vehicle  jolted  its  passengers  over  the 
rough  roads,  leaving  them  a  few  hours'  fitful  slumber  in  the 
none  too  comfortable  beds  of  the  wayside  taverns.  The 
smaller  streams  were  forded,  the  larger  crossed  by  ferry, 
sometimes  in  detachments.  When  the  stage  stuck  in  the 
mud,  the  passengers  were  obliged  to  alight  and  put  their 
shoulders  to  the  wheel. 

There  was  no  mail  service  worthy  of  the  name  before  1750. 
The  mails  were  irregular,  costly,  and  unsatisfactory.  When 
a  postrider  had  enough  letters  to  justify  a  trip,  he  set  out, 
carrying  numerous  parcels  on  his  own  account.1  The  mail 
was  left  at  some  public  house  to  be  hauled  over  by  every 
comer  until  claimed  and  paid  for  by  the  person  to  whom 
it  was  addressed. 

112.  Colonial  Government. — The  governments  of  the 
American  colonies  were  notable  as  being  far  more  demo- 
cratic than  any  others  then  in  existence.  This  was  true 
especially  of  the  local  governments  in  the  northern  and 
middle  colonies.  In  New  England  every  town  was  governed 
by  a  town  meeting  composed  of  all  voters  in  that  town,  and 
by  officials  chosen  by  popular  election  in  those  town  meetings, 
In  New  York  most  of  the  town  officials  were  chosen  by  the 
people,  although  much  of  the  work  of  governing  was  done 
by  county  officials  appointed  by  the  governor.  Pennsyl- 
vania chose  her  own  county  officials.  In  Virginia  and  the 

1  Only  letters  could  be  sent  by  government  post. 


1 750]  Miscellaneous  Conditions  123 

South  there  were  no  officials  for  districts  smaller  than  the 
county  and  these  officers  were  selected  by  the  governor,  so 
that  the  people  had  little  share  directly  in  their  local  govern- 
ment. 

In  every  colony  there  was  an  assembly  chosen  by  the  Central 
voters.     This  assembly,  together  with  a  "council,"  made  government  of 
the  laws  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  governor.     It  also 
controlled  almost  exclusively  the  raising  of  money  by  taxa- 
tion.    The  council  was  selected  by  the  governor  in  all  but  Am,  G'ov>fi 
three  colonies,1  and  as  the  governor  was  himself  chosen  by   §$  "2-115. 
the  people  in  only  two  colonies,  there  was  in  theory  very 
little  popular  colonial  government,  although  in  fact  the   Lee  (ed-). 

i    ,       •    n  ,1  •>      -r       N.  America, 

people  s  influence  over  the  governor  was  very  great.  In  VI  _66 
two  colonies  the  governors  were  selected  by  the  proprietors, 
in  two  they  were  elected  by  the  people,  and  for  the  others 
were  appointed  by  the  king.  Courts  of  justice  existed 
in  every  colony,  but  no  judge  of  colonial  times  was  chosen 
directly  by  the  people,  even  in  the  two  little  democracies 
of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island. 

The  suffrage  laws  of  the  colonies,  although  narrow  from  Suffrage  laws, 
our  point  of  view,  were  exceedingly  liberal  when  compared   Hart,  Contem- 
with  those  of  foreign  countries.      Every  landowner  with  poraries, 
property  of  a  certain  value  in  the  North,  or  of  a  certain  size 
in  the  South,  was  allowed  to  vote.    It  is  true  this  excluded 
about  ninety-five  per  cent  of  the  population,  but  many  who 
could  not  vote  on  colonial  affairs  were  allowed  to  take  part 
in  local  government. 

113.    Colonial   Law.  —  Although   the   laws   varied    con-   English 
siderably  from  colony  to  colony,  there  was  a  uniformity  c 
that  is  remarkable  considering  the  differences -between  the  America, 
people  and  the  occupations  of  the  various  sections.     All 
of   the  colonies  had   transplanted   the   English  system  of 
common    law   with   such    modifications   as    the    peculiar 
conditions    in    each    colony  required.      Many  of   the  laws 
made    by   the    colonial   legislatures   were   merely  reenact- 
ments  of   English  statutes.      In   fact,  the   laws  were  few 

1  See  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and  Massachusetts.      2  See  §  87. 


124 


American  History 


[1750 


Land  laws 
of  the 
colonies. 


Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
32-38. 


Eggleston, 
in  Century, 
XXVIII 
(1884), 
848-852. 


Inheritance 
laws. 


in    comparison    with   the   volume   of  state   legislation   at 
the  present  time. 

The  system  of  land  laws  in  use  in  America  illustrates  how 
the  English  system  was  modified  to  meet  colonial  needs. 
Land  was  considered  the  property  of  the  king,  the  name 
real  estate,  or  royal  estate,  emphasizing  this  fact.  The 
king  made  grants  of  land  to  companies  and  individuals,  so 
that  in  America  the  legislature  of  the  charter  colonies  or 
the  proprietor  of  the  proprietary  colonies  had  the  right  to 
regrant  land,  and  in  the  royal  colonies  the  governor,  as  the 
direct  representative  of  the  king,  had  the  right.  Grants 
were  made  to  individuals  with  a  lavishness  that  amounted 
to  recklessness,  for  land  was  plentiful  and  cost  the  grantor 
little  or  nothing.  Not  only  were  large  estates  numerous, 
but  the  number  of  small  landowners  was  very  great,  as 
most  heads  of  families  owned  their  own  farms.  Because 
so  many  people  owned  land,  and  because  speculation  in 
land  was  common  even  in  colonial  times,  the  slow  and  cum- 
bersome English  system  of  transferring  land  was  altered 
so  that  it  was  easy  to  sell  or  buy  real  estate. 

The  American  inheritance  laws  were  borrowed  from 
England  except  in  the  Puritan  and  Quaker  colonies.  Else- 
where the  estates  or  farms  descended  to  the  eldest  son, 
because  primogeniture  was  recognized  in  New  York  and 
the  South.  In  New  England,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
and  New  Jersey  a  double  share  went  to  the  eldest  son,  but 
the  other  children,  including  the  daughters,  had  an  equal 
share  in  the  property  of  the  father  when  he  died  without 
making  a  will. 

TOPICS 

COLONIAL  MANUFACTURES:  Coman,  "Industrial  History  of  the 
United  States,"  pp.  62-72;  Wright,  "Industrial  Evolution  of  the 
United  States,"  pp.  23-60,  80-103;  Beer,  "Commercial  Policy  of 
England  toward  the  American  Colonies,"  66-90. 

COLONIAL  PAPER  MONEY:  Dewey,  "Financial  History  of  the 
United  States,"  pp.  21-30;  White,  "Money  and  Banking,"  103- 
114;  Sumner,  "History  of  American  Currency,"  14-43;  Bullock, 
"Monetary  History  of  the  United  States, "  I,  Chapter  IV. 


1 75°]  Colonial  Conditions  12$ 


STUDIES 

1.  Conditions  in  Germany  that  led  to  emigration  to  America. 
(Bittinger,  "Germans  in  Colonial  Times,"  pp.  11-24.) 

2.  German  redemptioners.      (Bittinger,  "Germans  in  Colonial 
Times,"  pp.  215-229.) 

3.  Maryland    society  in    the    seventeenth   century.     (Browne, 
"Maryland,"  pp.  157-183.) 

4.  Life  in  Virginia  two  centuries  ago.     (Fiske,  "  Old  Virginia," 
II,  pp.  174-269.) 

5.  Conditions  in  the  English  colonies  (1688).     (Andrews,  "Co- 
lonial Self-Government,"  pp.  293-304.) 

6.  The  true  Captain  Kidd.    (Champlain,  in  Harper's  Magazine, 
106  (1902),  pp.  27-36.) 

7.  Meat  and  drink  in  colonial  times.     (Earle,  "Home  Life  in 
Colonial  Days,"  pp.  142-165.) 

8.  Dress  of  the  colonists.  (Earle,  "  Home  Life  in  Colonial  Days," 
pp.  281-299;  Eggleston,  in  Century,  XXIX  (1885),  pp.  882-892.) 

9.  The  colonial  theater.     (Eggleston,  in  Century,  XXX  (1885), 
pp.  403-407.) 

10.  Church  and  meeting  house  before  the  Revolution.  (Egglesr 
ton  in  Century,  XXXIII  (1887),  pp.  901-912.) 

n.  Sunday  in  the  colonies.  (Earle,  "Home  Life  in  Colonial 
Days,"  pp.  364-387.) 

12.  American   prose    (1701-1764).     (Trent,    "American   Litera- 
ture," pp.  98-130.) 

13.  The  colonial  governor.    (Hart  (ed.),  "  Contemporaries,"  Nos. 

54-6o-) 

14.  Local  government  in  the  southern  colonies.     (Fiske,  "Civil 
Government,"  pp.  71-78.) 

15.  Middle    colonies    in    colonial    times.      (Lee    (ed.),     "North 
America,"  VI,  pp.  29-39.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Show  how  physical  conditions,  climate,  and  rainfall  affected 
slavery  in  the   North,  in  Virginia,  and  in  South  Carolina.     What 
advantage  did  the  South  derive  from  slavery? 

2.  To  what  extent  were  the  colonies  alike  in  1750  ?    Why  did  they 
remain  isolated  ?    What  was  the  result  of  their  separateness  on  their 
dealings  with  Great  Britain  ? 

3.  What  are  the  chief  differences  between  the  houses,  food,  dress, 
and  manner  of  living  in  1 750  and  to-day  ?    Name  several  conveniences 
that  are  now  considered  necessaries  which  were  unknown  in  1750. 

4.  Explain  why  England  and  the  colonies  each  took  the  course 


126  American  History  [1750 

they  did  in  reference  to  paper  money  ?  Was  paper  money  necessary  ? 
What  influence  did  it  have  on  the  opening  of  new  lands,  commerce, 
on  business  in  general  ? 

5.  Note  the  important  changes,  political,  legal,  social,  and  indus- 
trial, that  have  taken  place  in  America  in  the  last  century  and  a  half. 

6.  In  what  respect  had  the  colonists  more  or  less  political  liberty 
than  the  English?    Why  did  the  local  governments  of  the  colonies 
influence  our  later  history  more  than  the  central  colonial  governments  ? 


PART   II 

THE    FORMATION   OF   A    UNION 

(1763-1789) 

CHAPTER   VII 
THE  BEGINNINGS  OF   REVOLUTION   (1763-1775) 

ENGLISH  KING 
George  III  (1760-1820) 

114.  Colonial  Self -Government  and  English  Control  be-  Leniency  of 
fore  1763.  — The  Seven  Years'  War,  which  added  to  Great  English  con- 
Britain  immense  possessions  in  America  and  gained  for  her 
the  control  of  India,  may  be  said  to  mark  the  real  beginning 
of  the  British  empire  and  of  a  new  colonial  policy.  Previ-  ^  J'  .  . 
ously,  the  American  colonies  had  been  governed  accord-  38-42. 
ing  to  no  uniform  rule,  but  in  the  most  diverse  ways.  As 
they  had  been  founded  at  different  times  and  under  differ- 
ent conditions,  each  had  developed  a  government  more  or 
less  different  from  that  of  its  neighbors,  and  had  political 
traditions  to  which  it  was  greatly  attached.  Owing  to 
the  condition  of  affairs  before  1763,  the  colonies  had  been 
left  much  to  their  own  devices,  and  the  political  changes 
under  the  Stuarts  and  the  early  Hanoverians  had  accord- 
ingly been  favorable  to  colonial  self-government.  Prac- 
tically all  the  contests  between  the  governors  and  assemblies 
(§  87)  had  resulted  in  victories  for  the  latter,  and  the  colo- 
nists had  come  to  look  upon  Great  Britain  as  the  power 
which  protected  them  from  foreign  nations,  which  passed 
laws  for  the  regulation  of  external  commerce,  and  which,  in 
some  cases,  selected  their  administrative  officials. 

127 


128 


American  History 


[1763 


Four  possible 
methods  of 
control. 


Board  of  Trade 
and  colonial 
secretary. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
V.  3172. 


Control  of 
charters. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II,  No.  48. 


THE  OLD  COLONIAL  POLICY  OF  ENGLAND 

115.  General  Methods  of  Colonial  Control.  —  There  were 
four  ways  in  which  the  king  or  parliament  might  control 
the  colonies:    (I)  by  changing  the  internal  government  of 
any  province;    (II)   by  exercising  a  general  oversight   of 
legislation  and  the  administration  of  laws  within  a  colony; 

(III)  by  the  regulation  of  colonial  trade  and  industry;  and 

(IV)  by  levying  internal  taxes.    Not  all  of  these  means  had 
been  used  by  Great  Britain  previous  to  1763,  and  in  fact  in- 
ternal taxation  had  never  been  considered  seriously.    The 
few  regulations  that  did  exist  were  of  a  very  mild  description, 
and  were  enforced  laxly. 

As  it  was  necessary  to  have  some  set  of  English  officials 
who  should  give  especial  attention  to  American  affairs, 
a  board  of  commissioners  was  selected  from  among  the 
king's  private  councillors.1  This  Board  of  Trade  was 
required  to  correspond  with  the  colonies  so  as  to  keep  in 
touch  with  them  and  informed  about  colonial  affairs,  to 
hear  appeals  and  complaints,  and  to  set  aside  laws  that  were 
repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England  or  distasteful  to  the  crown. 
In  addition  there  was  a  British  secretary  of  foreign  affairs, 
who  devoted  a  large  part  of  his  attention  to  colonial  matters. 
Most  of  the  colonies  also  maintained  in  London  agents  who 
looked  after  their  respective  interests. 

In  order  to  learn  the  extent  of  the  supervision  exercised 
by  England,  especially  through  the  Board  of  Trade,  let  us 
examine  a  little  more  in  detail  the  regulations  belonging 
under  the  first  three  heads  enumerated  above. 

1 16.  England's  Interference  with  Colonial  Government.  — 
(I)   To  a  certain  extent,  the  king  was  able  to  control  most 
of  his  American  provinces  through  the  right  to  alter  their 
governments.     In  1763  seven  of  the  colonies  were  under 
the  direct  supervision  of  the  crown,  i.e.  were  royal  colonies, 
whereas  only  six  retained   their  seventeenth-century  char- 


1  The  board  was  created  in  1696,  see  §  79. 


*763]        The  Old  Colonial  Policy  of  England        129 

ters.1  These  charters  were  forfeitable  to  the  crown  if  violated 
by  the  colonies,  but  could  not  be  revoked  except  upon  clear 
proof  that  the  colonies  had  failed  to  keep  their  charter  agree- 
ments with  the  king.  Indeed,  to  modify  an  article  of  a 
charter  which  would  interfere  with  a  colonial  right  was  to 
exercise  a  power  that  had  been  unused  since  the  days  of 
Andros  and  James  II,  and  one  that  no  wise  monarch  would 
lightly  undertake. 

The  alteration  of  the  government  in  a  royal  colony  was  a  Control  in 
different  matter.    New  instructions  were  issued  to  each  royal  colonies« 
governor  and  the  installation  of  a  new  governor  would  seem 
to  be  a  favorable  opportunity  for  strengthening  the  king's  Hart-  Contem- 
authority  in  America.    On  the  contrary,  the  appointment  j^  No«'s3  c- 
of  a  governor  was  almost  invariably  the  signal  for  a  renewed 
effort  to  increase  legislative  power  at  the  expense  of  the 
executive.     Fully  occupied  with  their  efforts  to  maintain 
their  influence  at  home,  the  ministers  of  the  first  two  Georges 
gave  their  governors  but  a  half-hearted  support  and  allowed 
the  assemblies  to  encroach  on  the  powers  of  the  royal 
representatives,  until  in  practically  all  of  the  colonies  a 
serious  attempt  to  curtail  popular  privileges  had  become  a 
dangerous  experiment. 

117.    England's  Control   through   Colonial    Officials. —  Control 
(II)  Colonial  administration  and  legislation  could  be  con-  through  execu- 

,         ,        tive  officials. 

trolled  in  part  through  the  power  of  the  crown  to  select  for 

most  of  the  colonies  the  governors  who  in  turn  might  appoint 

the  members  of  their  councils,  the  judges,  the  county  sheriffs,  ^ora^es  n 

and  many  other  officials.    These  governors  not  only  selected  NOS.  51, 65, 66. 

persons  for  most  of  the  appointive  positions,  but  commanded 

the  military  forces  of  the  colony,  had  charge  of  public  lands, 

and  pardoned  offenders.    The  legislatures  were  convened  and 

adjourned  at  their  wish,  and  all  bills  passed  by  those  bodies 

failed  unless  approved   by  the  governors.    Many  of  the 

governors  and  a  few  others  were  bankrupt  English  nobles, 

but  the  majority  of  the  officials  appointed  by  the  governors 

1  Not  counting  the  continental  colonies  conquered  from  the  French  and 
Spanish,  or  the  insular  colonies. 
K 


130 


American  History 


Colonial 

judges. 


Howard, 

Preliminaries 
of  Revolution, 
85-87- 


The  "  Parson's 
Cause"  (1763). 


Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 90-101. 

Tyler,  Henry, 
32-49- 


belonged  to  the  aristocracy  of  the  colonies.  Loyalty  to  the 
king  and  a  unity  of  interest  made  these  officeholders  a  class 
of  no  mean  importance  in  upholding  within  the  colonies 
the  authority  of  the  English  government.  The  influence 
of  these  officials  was  at  all  times  considerable  because  of  the 
great  power  conferred  upon  them,  although  the  assemblies 
frequently  hampered  their  work  by  refusing  to  vote  money 
for  their  salaries. 

The  judges,  like  the  other  appointed  officials,  were  de- 
pendent on  the  assemblies  for  their  salaries,  but,  as  the 
judges  were  selected  for  life,  and  not  during  good  behavior, 
as  in  England,  this  dependence  was  more  apparent  than  real. 
To  remove  the  judges  entirely  from  the  control  of  the  people, 
the  crown  decreed  in  1761  that  they  should  be  paid  out  of 
the  king's  land  revenue.  These  instructions  were  resisted 
by  the  legislature  of  New  York  and  disregarded  by  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  Jersey.  In  both  of  these  colonies  a  spirited 
contest  ensued. 

118.  Control  of  Colonial  Legislation.  —  Although  the 
people's  representatives  might  manage  the  governor  and  his 
appointees,  their  laws  might  be  set  aside  by  the  Board  of 
Trade  on  the  ground  that  they  were  unwise  or  contrary  to 
the  laws  of  England.  A  prominent  instance  of  this  use  of 
the  veto  power  is  furnished  in  connection  with  the  pay  of  the 
Virginia  clergy.  According  to  the  law  of,  that  colony  the 
clergymen  were  paid  in  tobacco,  but,  in  1755  and  again  in 
1758,  tobacco  being  very  scarce,  the  Virginia  legislature 
gave  the  people  permission  to  discharge  all  debts  pay- 
able in  tobacco  at  the  rate  of  two  pence  of  currency  for  each 
pound.  This  made  it  possible  for  a  person  to  pay  his  debts 
at  a  small  percentage  of  their  real  amount.  The  parishes 
accordingly  took  advantage  of  the  law  in  paying  their  pas- 
tors. On  complaints  of  the  clergymen,  the  Board  of  Trade 
set  aside  the  law  of  1758  and  announced  that  thereafter  no 
law  which  repealed  or  altered  an  existing  colonial  law  should 
go  into  effect  until  actually  approved  by  the  Board  —  a 
process  that  would  take  months  at  least  and  often  two  or 


1660]       The  Old  Colonial  Policy  of  England         131 

three  years.  The  clergy  at  once  began  suit  for  the  extra 
pay  due  them.  One  case  was  argued  (1763)  for  the  people 
by  a  hitherto  unknown  lawyer,  Patrick  Henry.  In  an 
eloquent  appeal,  Henry  pressed  the  claim  that  the  king, 
"by  annulling  or  disallowing  acts  of  so  salutory  a  nature, 
from  being  the  father  of  his  people,  degenerated  into  a 
tyrant,  and  forfeits  all  rights  to  his  subjects'  obedience." 
Persuaded  by  his  eloquence,  the  jury  fixed  the  amount  of 
the  damages  at  one  penny.  'This  was  one  of  the  first  con- 
spicuous denials  of  the  right  of  England  to  control  colonial 
legislation  through  the  power  of  vetoing  bills. 

Laws  passed  by  the  colonial   legislatures  might  also  be  Parliamentary 
annulled  because  they  were  superseded  by  an  order  issued  laws  regarding 
by  the  Board  of  Trade  or  by  a  law  enacted  in  parliament  paper 
for  the  benefit  of  the  colonies.     For  example,  in  1751,  par- 
liament prohibited  the  issuance  of  paper  money  in  the  four  p^andai  Hist 
New  England  colonies,  and  in  1763  extended  this  prohibi-  §  n. 
tion  to  all  of  the  colonies.     Before  those  dates  the  people  had 
insisted  on  the  need  of  a  cheap  currency,  and  when   the 
governors,  in  accordance  with  instructions  from  the  Board 
of  Trade,  vetoed  the  paper  money  bills  passed  by  the  legis- 
latures, the  assemblies  retaliated  by  refusing  to  vote  money 
for  necessary  expenditures,  thus  forcing  the  governors  to 
sign  the  bills.    The  parliamentary  law  prevented  the  issuance 
cf  more  paper  money,  but  was  a  source  of  considerable 
irritation  to  the  colonists. 

119.    Early  Acts  of  Trade  (1660-1696).  —  (III)  Although  Law  of  1660. 
there  had  been  laws  relating  to  American  trade  before  the 
Restoration  (1660),  the  system  of  restrictions  on'  colonial  MacDonaid 
commerce  really  dates  from  the  accession  of  Charles  II.     It  Charters, 
was  the  purpose  of  this  system  to  develop  English  trade  and 
industry,  and  indirectly  to  aid  those  occupations  of  the 
colonies  which  did  not  interfere  with  similar  interests  in  Coward,  Revo. 

lutton,  50-54. 

England.  The  first  of  these  navigation  acts,  that  of  1660, 
restricted  colonial  importations  and  exportations  to  ships 
built  in  Great  Britain  or  the  colonies,  two  thirds  of  whose 
crews  were  English  subjects.  This  was  in  many  ways  an 


132 


American  History 


[1660 


Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
VI,  5-8. 


Laws  of  1663 
and  1672. 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
Nos.  28,  34. 


Andrews, 
Col.  Self-  Gov't, 
19-21. 


General  char- 
acter. 


Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 57-61. 


advantage  to  the  people  of  America,  because  it  stimulated 
ship-building  to  such  an  extent  that  eventually  more  vessels 
were  built  in  the  northeni  colonies  than  in  England.  The 
law  of  1660  also  gave  a  list  of  articles  which  could  be  ex- 
ported from  the  colonies  to  England  alone,  the  most  impor- 
tant of  these  "enumerated  articles"  being  tobacco.  Although 
American  tobacco  enjoyed  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  Eng- 
lish markets  after  1663,  as  the  growth  of  tobacco  in  the  Brit- 
ish Isles  was  prohibited  and  very  heavy  duties  were  levied  on 
foreign  tobaccos,  this  lirhitation  of  its  market  greatly  re- 
duced the  price  in  Virginia  and  was  injurious  to  that  colony. 

The  law  of  1663  was  a  much  less  reasonable  act,  passed 
for  the  benefit  of  English  exporters.  The  colonies  were  no 
longer  allowed  to  import  goods  direct  from  the  continental 
European  countries,  even  in  English  vessels.  All  products 
of  these  nations  needed  in  America  must  first  pass  through 
the  hands  of  English  merchants,  who  shipped  them  to  the 
colonies  after  adding  their  own  profits  to  the  original  cost. 
The  British  government  soon  found  that  these  acts  of  trade 
were  being  evaded  by  the  shipment  of  enumerated  articles  to 
colonies  in  which  they  could  not  be  produced,  and  exporta- 
tion from  ports  of  the  latter  direct  to  continental  Europe, 
from  which  goods  were  invariably  brought  back.  In  1672, 
therefore,  a  law  was  passed  by  parliament  forbidding  free 
trade  between  the  colonies  in  the  enumerated  articles  by 
levying  duties  on  intercolonial  trade  at  the  place  of  export. 

120.  Later  Restrictive  Legislation  (1696-1766).  —  After 
the  Revolution  of  1689  had  settled  the  dispute  between  the 
Stuarts  and  parliament,  more  attention  was  given  to  colonial 
affairs.  Few  important  alterations  were  made  in  the  navi- 
gation acts,  but  the  list  of  enumerated  articles  was  lengthened 
and  colonial  manufacturing  was  in  several  instances  pro- 
hibited for  the  benefit  of  British  merchants  or  manufacturers. 
In  order  to  make  this  policy  seem  less  one-sided,  bounties 
were  offered  for  certain  articles  which  England  used  but 
did  not  produce  in  sufficient  quantities. 

Qne  of  the  most  important  of  the  additions  to  the  enu- 


1763]        The  Old  Colonial  Policy  of  England        133 

merated  articles  was  that  of  rice.     Before  the  colonists  had   Rice  as  an 
been  obliged  to  ship  all  of  their  rice  to  England,  the  rice  of  enumerated 
South  Carolina  had  control  of  the  European  market,  but  the 
extra  freight  required  upon  reshipment  from  England  de- 
stroyed the  profit  and  practically  ruined  the  rice  planta- 
tions of  the  South.     After  thirty  years  the  law  was  repealed 
partially  so  as  to  allow  the  exportation  of  rice  to  countries 
south  of  Cape  Finisterre.     ' 

Restrictions  on  colonial  manufactures  were  not  numer-  Restrictions  on 
ous  because  manufacturing  never  reached   an   advanced  manufactures- 
state  in  the  colonies,  but  those  that  existed  were  unjust  Lamed  (ed.), 
and  oppressive.    To  protect  the  wool  growers  and  weavers  Ready  Ref-> 
of  England,  the  exportation  of  colonial  manufactures  of 
wool  to  England  or  to  other  colonies  was  forbidden.     For  C°man-  Indus- 
the  benefit  of  English  hat  makers,  no  hats  could  be  shipped  65-72. 
from  the  colonies.    None  but  the  crudest  forms  of  iron  might  T 

Lee  (ed.), 

be  produced  in  America,  although  the  colonists  were  en-  ^  America, 

couraged  to  send  large  quantities  of  bar  iron  to  the  mother  VI,  83-88. 
country. 

One  of  the  most  offensive  acts  of  trade  was  passed  for  the  Molasses  Act 

benefit  of  the  planters  in  the  English  West  Indies,  and  (X733)- 

required  that  the  continental  colonies  should  import  no  MacDonaid 

molasses  from  French  or  Spanish  possessions  unless  they  charters, 

paid  almost  prohibitive  duties.     As  New  England  used  large  No.  50. 
quantities  of  molasses,  principally  in  the  manufacture  of 

....  .          ,  ,  ,,     .    J.T.       Coman,  Indus* 

rum,  it  was  unwilling  to  give  the  increased  prices  that  the  ^^  Hist 
Jamaica  planters  were  able  to  ask  for  their  molasses,  and  82-83. 
systematically  brought  from  the  French  and  Spanish  islands 
large  quantities  on  which  it  paid  no  duties. 

121.    General    Effect    of    the    Commercial    System.  —  Disadvantages 
Unpleasant  as  this  system  of  restrictions  certainly  was  to  the  *°  C(^]o™"tsa 
colonists,  it  was  much  less  arbitrary  and  oppressive  than 
similar  colonial  regulations  made  by  France  and  Spain  for  Leckyi 
their  American  possessions.     At  that  time  colonies  were  Am. Revolution, 
expected  to  aid  the  mother  country  in  disposing  of  her  sur-  42-46. 
plus  products  and  in  developing  her  resources  or  industries. 
Although  the   acts   of  parliament  were  often   selfish  and 


134 


American  History 


[1761 


Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
V.  3180-3181. 


Smuggling. 

Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist.,  82. 


Otis's  plea 
against  the 
writs. 

Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No.  33. 


unjust,  they  did  not  prevent  the  development  of  the  English 
provinces  except  along  certain  lines.  Probably  one  half 
of  the  carrying  trade  between  Great  Britain  and  America 
was  in  colonial  vessels.  Most  of  the  productions  of  the  North 
could  be  exported  to  any  part  of  the  world,  and  the  ships 
never  returned  empty.  A  profitable  commerce  was  per- 
mitted with  the  French  West  Indies.  Bounties  were  paid 
for  masts,  naval  stores,  indigo,  and  a  few  other  articles  sent 
to  England.  Duties  at  English  ports  of  entry  were  often 
reduced  for  the  benefit  of  American  productions,  and,  in 
some  cases,  as  that  of  tobacco,  the  colonists  enjoyed  a 
monopoly  of  the  home  market. 

Of  greater  real  significance  than  the  favorable  provisions 
of  these  laws  of  trade  was  the  lax  way  in  which  they  were 
administered.  At  first  there  were  no  custom  houses,  but 
even  after  these  were  established,  the  laws  were  not  enforced. 
In  spite  of  the  provisions  that  the  customs  officials  should 
be  appointed  by  the  governors  or  king,  that  they  should  not  be 
dependent  on  the  colonial  assemblies  for  their  salaries,  and 
that  revenue  cases  should  be  tried  in  special  admiralty 
courts,  the  collectors  of  customs  permitted  the  most  open 
violation  of  the  acts.  The  smugglers  were  sometimes  per- 
mitted to  land  dutiable  goods  upon  payment  to  the  customs 
officials  of  an  insignificant  sum.  During  the  administra- 
tions of  Walpole  and  Newcastle  in  England,  covering  most 
of  the  reigns  of  George  I  and  George  II,  there  had  been 
almost  no  interference  with  American  commerce,  and  the 
expansion  of  colonial  trade  had  been  very  great.  Never- 
theless the  abuses  of  the  system  were  often  serious,  and 
could  not  be  overlooked  entirely  by  the  successors  of  New- 
castle. 

122.  The  Writs  of  Assistance.- — It  was  especially  neces- 
sary to  prevent  smuggling  because  the  people  of  New  Eng- 
land had  been  persistently  furnishing  supplies  to  the  French 
in  Canada  during  the  Seven  Years'  War.  The  prime  min- 
ister, William  Pitt,  ordered  the  customs  officials  to  stop 
this  practice,  but  they  found  it  impossible  with  the  means  at 


1763]       The  Old  Colonial  Policy  of  England         135 

their    command.    The    collectors    of    revenue    at    Boston  Tudor,  Otis, 
therefore  applied  (1761)  to  the  Superior  Court  ofMassachu-  S2-88- 
setts  to  grant  them  "writs  of  assistance"  —  general  search 
warrants  which  did  not  name  the  accused  person  nor   de-   Howard  Revo~ 

.  11,  lution,  70-83. 

scribe  the  goods  to  be  seized.  A  protest  made  by  the  mer- 
chants of  Boston  against  the  issuance  of  these  writs  was 

,    -         .  ,T  „.  ,  .          ,,.  ..          Cambridge 

argued  for  them  by  James  Otis,  who  resigned  his  position  Mod  Hist 
as  advocate  general  of  the>  colony  for  that  purpose.  Otis  vn.  177-181 
not  only  claimed  that  the 
writs  violated  those  rig'its 
to  which  the  colonists  were 
entitled  "  by  the  British 
constitution,  as  well  as  by 
the  laws  of  nature,  and  their 
own  provincial  charters," 
but  went  so  far  as  to  deny 
that  parliament  had  any 
right  to  pass  an  act  of  trade 
which  levied  a  tax  on  the 
colonies.  This  argument 
created  a  profound  im- 
pression, John  Adams 

declared  that  it  "  breathed 

.   ,     ,,  .         ,.       ,,      ,        ,,  TAMES  OTIS 

into  this  nation  the  breath 

of  life."  The  court,  however,  held  that  the  writs  were 
not  unconstitutional,  but  in  order  to  remove  possible  doubt 
parliament  in  1767  legalized  the  issuance  of  writs  of 
assistance. 

THE  NEW  BRITISH  COLONIAL  POLICY  (1763-1767) 

123.    The  Conditions  in  1763.  —  As  already  stated,  the  Imperial  policy 

close  of  the  war  with  France  and  the  transfer  of  Canada  was  and  opposition, 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era.    The  enlargement  of  the  British 

empire  made  the  adoption  of  a  new  imperial  policy  inevi-  L^y- 

.       ,r        '  Am.Revolutton, 

table,  and  this  policy  would  almost  of  necessity  include  some  X_I2> 
means  of  reforming  the  irregularities  in  the  older  American 
colonies  and  the  removal  of  the  grossest  abuses  of  colonial 


136 


American  History 


[1763 


Lee  (ed.), 
N.  America, 
VI,  3-8. 


George  III  and 
the  "  King's 
Friends." 


Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 25-32. 


administration.  But  however  opportune  colonial  reform 
might  be  from  this  point  of  view,  it  was  eminently  unwise 
from  two  others,  (i)  It  could  not  be  carried  into  effect  with- 
out arousing  opposition  in  the  colonies,  as  we  can  perceive 
easily  from  the  preceding  sections.  The  right  of  the  Eng- 
lish government  to  use  writs  of  assistance  had  been  ques- 
tioned by  Otis 
as  early  as  1761 
and  Henry  only 
voiced  the  wish  of 
large  numbers  of 
colonists  when  he 
claimed  that  no 
colonial  law  could 
be  set  aside  by 
the  imperial  au- 
thorities. (2)  As 
the  chief  danger 
to  the  colonies  — 
the  presence  of 
the  French  in 
Canada  —  had 
been  removed  by 
the  war,  colonial 
opposition  w  a  s 
GEORGE  III  ljkely  to  develop 

into  a  serious  breach  with  the  mother  country.  Discerning 
statesmen,  especially  among  the  French,  did  not  hesitate 
to  predict  that  the  acquisition  of  Canada  by  Britain  would 
mean  the  loss  of  her  older  colonies. 

124.  George  III  and  his  Ministers  (1760-1782). — The 
character  of  the  new  king,  George  III,  was  favorable  alike 
to  a  new  policy  and  its  unsuccessful  administration.  He 
was  upright,  sincere,  and  earnest,  but  without  tact,  narrow, 
and  exceedingly  obstinate.  Coming  to  the  throne  (1760) 
with  the  determination  that  he  should  be  the  real  ruler  of 
Great  Britain,  he  found  it  necessary  to  remove  from  power 


1763]          The  New  British  Colonial  Policy  137 

the  Whig  aristocracy  which  had   gained   the  ascendency  Fiske,  Am. 
during  the  reigns  of  his  predecessors.    To  do  this  he  gath-  Revolutton< 
ered  a  party  of  adherents  who  were  known  as  the  "King's 
friends  "  and  who  were  sufficiently  servile  to  do  his  bidding. 
During  the  first  decade  of  his  reign,  party  lines  were  almost 
destroyed  by  this  policy  of  the  king.     In  consequence,  at 
a  time  when  "great  wisdom,  moderation,  and  tact  were 
needed  if  healthy  relations  were  to  be  established  between 
England  and  her  colonies,  unfortunately  these  qualities  were 
conspicuously  absent  from  English  councils."1 
In  England  from  1765  to  1783,  a  small  minority  were  Contest  over 

striving  continually  to  prevent  the  king  and   his  friends  supremacy  of 

.          .  the  king, 

from  reestablishing  the  supremacy  of  the  crown  over  par- 
liament. At  first  they  seemed  to  fail,  for  the  ministry  and 
parliament  were  the  tools  of  the  king.  Their  final  success 
was  due,  in  large  measure,  to  the  failure  of  the  king  and  his 
friends  to  carry  through  their  colonial  policy  in  America. 

125.    The  Establishment  of  a  Colonial  Army  (1763). —  Plans  for  estab- 
In  1763  the  affairs  of  England  were  in  charge  of  a  cabinet  llshmgan 
whose  chief  was  George  Grenville,  an  industrious  statesman 
and  a  careful  financier,  withal  a  firm  believer  in  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  empire.     In  accordance  with  plans  formulated  America 
by  the  brilliant  Charles  Townshend  and  others  of  the  king's  VI,  15-17. 
friends  as  early  as  1762,  he  first  induced  parliament   to 
establish  twenty  regiments,  with  a  total  of  ten  thousand  men, 
in  America  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  colonies  from 
any  possible  uprising  of  the  French  or  the  Indians  and  of 
looking  after  imperial  interests  in  the  new  world.    The  ex- 
pense of  this  undertaking  was  at  this  time  to  be  paid  from 
the  British  treasury,  with  the  understanding  that  it  should 
be  borne  later  in  part  by  the  colonies  themselves. 

England  had  increased  her  debt  during  the  war  from  Needofregu- 
£70,000,000  to  £140,000,000  and   was  heavily  burdened 
with  taxes  to  pay  the  running  expenses  of  the  government 
and  the  interest  on  the  debt.     It  seemed  only  just  therefore 
that  the  colonies  should  pay  at  least  a  share  of  the  cost  of  57-59. 

1  Lecky  (Woodburn,  ed.),  American  Revolution,  p.  104. 


138 


American  History 


[1763 


American 
dread  of  an 
army. 


Purpose,  pro- 
visions, 
enforcement. 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  56. 

Com  an,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
90-92. 

Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 102-120. 


this  army.  To  the  ministry,  an  army  appeared  necessary 
as  no  dependence  could  be  placed  on  the  colonial  militia 
except  within  a  colony  actually  threatened  with  danger. 
This  opinion  was  probably  correct,  for  during  the  con- 
spiracy of  Pontiac  (1763),  when  the  whole  western  frontier 
was  threatened,  only  a  few  colonies  could  be  induced  to 
furnish  troops. 

But  the  Americans,  having  voted  money  and  men  without 
stint  during  the  war,  opposed  a  military  establishment  for 
two  reasons.  They  wished  to  avoid  the  expense,  and  they 
hated  the  thought  of  an  English  army  in  America.  They 
believed  that  the  militia  could  be  called  out  at  a  moment's 
notice  and  served  every  purpose.  An  army  was  in  their 
opinion  much  less  necessary  for  their  protection  than  before 
the  late  war,  when  raids  by  the  French  and  Indians  were 
constantly  to  be  dreaded.  In  short  the  army  itself,  although 
located  in  the  recently  acquired  provinces,  was  offensive 
as  a  possible  means  of  repressing  colonial  liberty,  and  colo- 
nial distrust  was  intensified  by  the  methods  used  for  its 
payment. 

126.  The  Sugar  Act  of  1764.  —  Grenville  intended  to  pay 
part  of  the  expenses  of  this  army  by  the  more  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  the  laws  of  trade  (§§  119, 120),  and  later  by  a  tax  on 
the  colonies.  After  investigating  the  subject  of  customs 
administration  in  America,  he  learned  that  the  custom  houses 
cost  five  times  as  much  as  the  total  revenue  from  duties. 
Accordingly  he  arranged  first  that  all  naval  vessels  of  Great 
Britain  should  aid  the  customs  officials  in  enforcing  the  un- 
popular navigation  acts.  Later  he  secured  the  passage  of 
a  new  Sugar  Act  which  reduced  the  duties  on  molasses 
imported  from  non-English  colonies  to  three  pence  per 
gallon  and  on  sugar  to  two  and  one  half  shillings  per  hun- 
dred pounds,  hoping  thus  to  discourage  smuggling  and 
secure  large  revenues.  To  counteract  the  opposition  to  this 
measure,  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  whale  fisheries  was 
given  to  American  seamen,  and  bounties  were  offered  for 
the  cultivation  of  flax  and  hemp.  The  enforcement  of  the 


1765]  The  New  British  Colonial  Policy  139 

act  would  have  interfered  greatly  with  the  trade  in  fish  which 
New  England  carried  on  with  the  West  Indies,  would  have 
reduced  the  supply  of  specie  which  the  shippers  always 
brought  back  with  them,  and  would  have  increased  the  price 
of  liquors  distilled  from  molasses  so  that  the  rum  industry  of 
the  northern  colonies  would  have  suffered  greatly.  The 
opposition  that  was  aroused  in  New  England  by  these  threat- 
ened dangers  may  be  imagined  easily. 

127.    The  Stamp  Act/  —  Grenville  relied  much  more  on  a   Proposal  and 
stamp  tax  for  the  necessary  revenue.     In  1764  he  proposed  protest. 
a  tax  similar  to  one  then  in  use  in  England,  giving  the  colo- 
nies until  the  next  session  of  parliament  to  suggest  a  better  Lecky*  Am- 
means  of  raising  the  money.     He  was  not  left  long  in  doubt  ""*' 


as  to  the  feelings  of  the  colonists.    Neither  king  nor  parlia- 

ment had  previous  to  this  time  attempted  to  levy  an  internal   Howard  Revo. 

colonial  tax  for  any  purpose,  and  the  colonies  claimed  that  lution,  121-135. 

one  of  the  fundamental  rights  of  Englishmen,  to  which 

they  were  entitled,  was  the  exclusive  right  of  the  people's 

representatives  to  raise  revenue  through  taxation.     In  one 

colony,  Pennsylvania,  the  charter  gave  parliament  the  power 

of  taxation,  but  this  had  never  been  exercised.     Walpole 

had  been  wise  enough  to  reject  a  proposal  that  he  tax  the 

colonies.     He  is  reported  to  have  said,  "I  have  old  England 

set  against  me  by  this  measure,  and  do  you  think  I  will  have 

new  England,  too?"     But  Grenville,  more  financier  than 

statesman,  was  blind  to  the  consequences  of  taxing  America. 

Protests  came  in  from  several  of  the  colonial  assemblies,  but 

this  he  expected.    The  colonial  agents  in  London  met  the 

prime  minister,  and  Benjamin  Franklin  requested  him  to 

make  requisitions  of  the  colonies  for  the  sums  needed. 

"Can  you  agree,"   asked  Grenville,   "on  the  proportions 

each  colony  should  raise?"    As  the  agents  were  unable 

to  give  a  satisfactory  reply,  Grenville  clung  to  his  original 

plan. 

The  Stamp  Act  for  the  purpose  of  "defraying  the  expenses  Provisions. 
of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing"  the  colonies  was 
passed  by  parliament  practically  without  opposition  in  March, 


140 


American  History 


[1765 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  57. 

Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 135-139. 


Quartering  Act 
(1765). 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  58. 


Protests  and 
mob  violence. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II,  No.  139. 

Lecky,  Am. 

Revolution, 
79-84. 

Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 149-154. 


I765.1  It  required  that  all  pamphlets,  newspapers,  deeds, 
wills,  licenses,  court  papers,  and  many  other  legal  docu- 
ments should  be  printed  or  made  out  on  stamped  paper,  sold 
by  distributers  appointed  for  the  purpose.  All  cases  arising 
under  the  act  were  to  be  tried  in  the  admiralty  courts  with- 
out juries. 

A  month  later  parliament  passed  the  Quartering  Act, 
which  supplemented  the  Stamp  Act  as  a  measure  for  meeting 

military  expenses,  by 
compelling  the  colo- 
nists to  supply  the 
troops  with  quarters, 
and  with  bedding, 
cooking  utensils,  fire, 
candles,  vinegar,  salt, 
and  beer. 

128.  Reception  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  —  As 
the  Stamp  Act  did 
not  go  into  effect  until 
November  i ,  there 

PATRICK  HENRY  was  at  first  compar- 

atively little  excite- 
ment. Late  in  May,  however,  Patrick  Henry,  who  had 
won  considerable  local  fame  in  the  "Parsons  Cause" 
(§  118),  introduced  in  the  Virginia  legislature  several 
resolutions  asserting  that  the  general  assembly,  subject 
to  the  veto  of  the  crown,  had  the  exclusive  right  of  tax- 
ation. These  resolutions  were  adopted  after  a  heated 
debate.  Other  assemblies  voiced  their  opposition,  but 
quiet  reigned  for  two  months,  until  the  names  of  the  stamp 
distributers  were  announced.  Then  the  storm  broke. 
Mob  violence  compelled  most  of  the  distributers  to  resign. 
In  Boston  the  people  destroyed  the  homes  of  Oliver,  sec- 
retary of  the  province  and  distributer  in  chief,  Hutchinson, 
the  lieutenant  governor,  and  of  several  others.  Whenever 

1  The  vote  in  the  House  of  Commons  was  205  to  49. 


1765]  The  New  British  Colonial  Policy  141 

ships  arrived  with  stamps  and  stamped  paper,  these  were 
seized  or  destroyed.  In  all  of  the  northern  colonies  the 
younger  element  organized  for  active  resistance  under  the 
name  of  the  "Sons  of  Liberty,"  with  the  motto,  "Liberty, 
Property,  and  no  Stamps."  When  the  first  of  November 
came  there  were  neither  stamps  nor  officials  for  their  distri- 
bution in  any  colony.  Newspapers,  which  were  supposed 
to  bear  stamps,  appeared  with  a  death's  head  in  the  place 
left  for  stamps.  Business  was  at  a  standstill.  Even  the 
governors  and  the  courts  soon  realized  that  the  law  was  .a 
dead  letter,  and  accordingly  official  documents  were  drawn 
up  by  government  employees  on  ordinary  paper,  as  no 
stamped  paper  could  be  obtained. 

129.   The  Stamp  Act  Congress.  — Meanwhile  the  colonies  Declaration  of 
had  been  protesting  against  the  Stamp  Act  in  a  much  Rlshts- 
more  dignified  and  lawful  way.     Early  in  June  the  Massa- 
chusetts legislature  had  asked  the  other  colonies  to  meet  Mac  Donald, 
in  Congress  and  consider  the  best  means  of  solving  their  NQa' ' ers' 
difficulties.    On  October  7, 1765,  delegates  from  nine  colonies 
held  sessions  in  New  York  and  adopted  a  Declaration  of  , 

Howard,  Revo- 

Rights  which  denounced  the  Stamp  Act  as  illegal.     After  iutwn,  145-149, 
asserting  their  allegiance  to  the  king  and  "all  due  subor-   J54-i57- 
dination  to  that  august  body,  the  parliament  of  Great  Brit- 
ain," they  claimed  for  themselves  the  rights  of  Englishmen,  Frothingham, 
including  the  one  "that  no  taxes  be  imposed  on  them  but  K^b^c> 
with  their  own  consent,  given  personally,  or  by  their  repre- 
sentatives."   They  asserted  further  "that  the  people  of 

.  ,     ,  i-ii.  Larned  (ed.) 

these  colonies  are  not,  and,  from  their  local  circumstances,  pea<ty  xe/., 
cannot,  be  represented  in  the  house  of  commons  in  Great  V,  3190-3191. 
Britain.    That  the  only  representatives  of  the  people  of 
these  colonies  are  persons  chosen  therein  by  themselves, 
and  that  no  taxes  ever  have  been,  or  can  be  constitutionally 
imposed   on   them,   but  by  their  respective  legislatures." 
They  claimed  also  right  of  trial  by  jury  and  protested  against 
the  injustice  of  the  acts  of  trade.     Several  days  later  the 
Congress  approved  petitions  to  the  king  and  to  the  houses 
of  parliament. 


142  American  History  [i?65 

Reasons  for  130.    The  Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. — The  colonies  fur- 

repeal.  tner  expressecj  their  objections  to  the  Stamp  Act  by  refusing 

to  order  goods  from  England  or  pay  their  debts  to  English 
merchants,  on  the  ground  that  the  Stamp  Act  had  inter 
fered  seriously  with  business.  When  parliament  assembled 
in  December,  1 765,  therefore,  very  great  pressure  was  brought 
to  bear  on  that  body.  The  protests  of  the  colonies  were 
presented,  the  absolute  impossibility  of  enforcing  the  act 
was  emphasized,  and  the  requests  of  the  British  merchants 
for  its  repeal  were  considered. 

Debate  on  During  the  summer  of  1765,  the  ministry  of  Grenville  had 

repeal.  been    superseded  by  an  opposition  cabinet  under  Rock- 

ingham.1    The  majority  of  this  cabinet  favored  repeal,  but 

Hart,  Contem-     hesitated  to  weaken  British  authority  in  America  by  granting 

wanes,    ,       ^  cojonjaj  ciajms<    They  finally  advocated  repeal.     When 
Nos.  142-144.  '  J 

the  question  came  up  in  parliament,  the  late  prime  minister, 

Grenville,  argued  strongly  that  if  the  colonists  objected  to 

Howard,  Revo-    .  6  3  ,  J    . 

lution,  158-173.  internal  taxation  because  they  were  not  represented  in  par- 
liament, they  would  soon  refuse  to  pay  external  taxes  in  the 
Lecky  Am  ^orm  °^  navigation  duties..  Later  they  would  deny  the 
Revolution,  right  of  parliament  to  make  any  laws  whatever  for  them. 
84-94-  If  England  yields  now,  he  said,  she  will  never  be  able  to 

regain  her  authority  in  America.  The  colonial  position  was 
upheld  by  Pitt,  who  had  already  asserted  the  right  of  the 
colonies  to  tax  themselves.  "I  rejoice,"  he  said,  "that 
America  has  resisted."  For  several  weeks  the  debates  con- 
tinued, and  during  this  time  Franklin  was  examined  in 
the  house  of  commons  concerning  the  state  of  affairs  in 
America.  His  answers  probably  had  a  very  decisive  in- 
fluence because  they  showed  the  impossibility  of  enforcing 
a  stamp  act. 

Declaratory  When  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed  in  March,  1766,  par- 

act  (1766).  liament  passed  the  Declaratory  Act  which  asserted  that 
the  colonies  are  "subordinate  unto,  and  dependent  upon 
the  imperial  crown  and  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and 

1  The  Stamp  Act  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  this  change  of 
ministries. 


1766]  The  New  British  Colonial  Policy  143 

that  the  King's  majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  MacDonaid, 
of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons  of  Great   Charter3> 
Britain,  in  parliament  assembled,  had,  hath,  and  of  right 
ought  to  have,  full  power  and  authority  to  make  laws  and 
statutes  of  sufficient  force  and  validity  to  bind  the  colonies 
and   people  of   America,  subjects  of   the  crown  of  Great 
Britain,  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 

131.  English  and  American  Ideas  of  Representation. —  Representation 
During  the  discussions  on  the  Stamp  Act  in  America  and  and  suffrage  in 
England,  the  differences  between  the  English  and  American 
ideas  of  representation  were  brought  out  with  considerable 
clearness.  It  will  be  well  to  examine  the  question  because 
the  Americans  claimed  that  they  were  being  taxed  without 
representation,  while  the  English  denied  that  the  Stamp 
Act  provided  "taxation  without  representation."  At  this 
time  the  house  of  commons  was  composed  of  over  five 
hundred  members  from  England  and  Wales,  less  than  one 
hundred  of  whom  were  elected  by  the  counties,  the  remainder 
being  chosen  from  boroughs.  These  boroughs  had  gained 
centuries  before  the  right  to  elect  members  and  at  least  one 
half  were  at  this  time  unimportant.1  For  this  reason  a  large 
proportion  of  those  composing  the  house  of  commons  were 
appointed  practically  by  a  few  hundred  persons  of  wealth 
and  influence.  Most  of  the  others  were  chosen  by  a  very 
limited  number  of  voters,  for  the  franchise  in  the  boroughs 
was  very  restricted,  and  in  the  counties,  none  but  landowners 
—  at  this  time  a  very  select  class  —  enjoyed  the  elective 
franchise.  Moreover  the  new  towns  of  the  North  were  totally 
unrepresented. 

According  to  the  English  view,  every  member  of  par-  Virtual  repre- 
liament  represented  the  entire  empire,  the  colonies  as  well  sentatlon- 
as  the  British  Isles.     During  the  debate  on  repeal,  this 

1  Several  attempts  were  made  soon  after  to  abolish  the  rotten  boroughs 
and  reform  the  representation  in  parliament,  but  even  in  1832,  when  the 
great  Reform  Bill  was  under  discussion,  the  suggestion  that  representation 
should  be  territorial  and  according  to  population  was  scorned  as  an 
"American  idea." 


144 


American  History 


[1766 


Lecky,  Am. 
Revolution, 
75-79- 


Territorial 
representation 
in  America. 


Provisions. 


Macdonald, 
Charters, 
Nos.  61-64. 


view  was  stated  by  Mansfield,  the  able  chief  justice.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  "that  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  are  as 
much  represented  in  parliament  as  the  greatest  part  of  the 
people  of  England  are  represented,  among  nine  millions 
of  whom  there  are  eight  who  have  no  votes  in  electing  mem- 
bers of  parliament."  He  claimed  that  there  was  no  differ- 
ence between  "virtual  and  actual  representation,"  and  that 
any  attempt  to  make  such  distinction  would  alter  the  British 
constitution. 

The  American  idea  of  representation  was  entirely  differ- 
ent. The  colonial  assemblies  were  composed  of  represent- 
atives from  towns,  in  the  North,  or  counties,  in  the  South. 
No  territory  was  thought  to  be  represented  unless  it  actually 
elected  and  sent  to  the  assemblies  members  chosen  by  popu- 
lar vote.  The  franchise  —  although  limited  to  landowners 
and  very  restricted  according  to  our  present  notions  —  was 
much  more  liberal  than  that  of  England  because  in  America 
most  of  the  heads  of  families  owned  land. 

132.  The  Townshend  Acts,  1767.  —  For  nearly  a  year 
the  relations  between  England  and  the  colonies  were  almost 
cordial.  Then  a  new  series  of  measures  for  colonial 
control  were  introduced  by  Charles  Townshend,  an  ardent 
advocate  of  imperial  supremacy  and  the  ruling  member 
of  the  new  ministry  to  which  that  of  Rockingham  had  given 
place,  (i)  The  first  of  these  laws  provided  for  duties  on 
glass,  lead,  painters'  colors,  paper,  and  tea.  Townshend 
hoped,  by  avoiding  any  form  of  internal  taxation,  to  gain  a 
revenue  without  arousing  colonial  opposition.1  (2)  All 
revenue  raised  under  this  customs  law  was  to  be  used  for  the 
purpose  of  paying  the  governors  and  judges  in  the  colonies 
in  order  that  they  might  be  independent  of  the  assemblies. 
In  a  day,  therefore,  the  colonies  lost  a  right  for  which  many 


1  This  act  was  connected  with  one  reducing  the  land  tax  in  England 
from  four  shillings  to  three  shillings  a  pound.  Merchants  exporting  tea 
to  America  were  allowed  for  five  years  a  drawback  of  the  shilling  a  pound 
paid  at  English  ports  of  entry,  so  that  tea  was  sold  cheaper  in  America 
than  in  England. 


1767]  The  New  British  Colonial  Policy  145 

of  them  had  contended  a  half  century  (§  87).  (3)  For  the 
proper  enforcement  of  this  act,  writs  of  assistance  were 
legalized.  (4)  A  board  of  commissioners  was  appointed  to 
supervise  the  administration  of  all  navigation  acts.  (5)  About 
the  same  time  the  assembly  of  New  York  was  forbidden 
to  make  any  laws  until  that  province  complied  with  the  terms 
of  the  quartering  act  of  1765  (§  127),  which  it  hitherto  had 
refused  to  do. 

In  the  fall  of  1767  Townshend  died,  but  the  ministry  Cabinet 
maintained  his  policy,  and  the  cabinet  changes  that  took  chanses 
place  were  favorable  to  the  full  maintenance  of  imperial  au- 
thority.    In  1770  Lord  North,  an  amiable  and  peace-loving 
man,  but  a  willing  tool  of  the  king,  became  prime  minister,  a 
position  which  he  held  until  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary 
War  (1782). 

During  the  years  from  1763  to  1767  a  new  colonial  system  Summary  of 

had  been  created.    This  was  not  so  much  the  result  of  a  the  new  col°" 
--...,        ..  ,  nial  system, 

definite  fixed  policy  as  the  outgrowth  of  the  spasmodic  at- 
tempts on  the  part  of  the  English  ministers  to  make  the 
colonies  pay  a  part  of  the  expenses  incurred  for  their  pro- 
tection, with  a  general  intent  to  strengthen  British  authority 
in  America.  Marked  by  an  invasion  of  the  rights  which  the 
colonists  held  most  dear,  this  new  colonial  system  must  be 
considered  most  unwise.  Possibly  any  attempt  to  reform 
the  abuses  of  colonial  administration  would  have  ended  as 
disastrously,  but  certainly  care  should  have  been  taken  to 
avoid  antagonizing  the  colonies  by  selecting  the  least  ob- 
jectionable instead  of  the  most  offensive  measures. 

DISORDER  AND  ORGANIZED  OPPOSITION  (1767-1775) 

133.    The  Reception  of  the  Townshend  Acts.  —  As  might  Change  of 
easily  have  been  foreseen,  the  Townshend  Acts  were  not  ° 
acceptable  to  the  colonists.    The  old  distinction  between 

.  .  -111      Howard,  Revo- 

external  and  internal  taxation  was  now  ignored ;  the  col-  lutiottt  185-19* 
onists  supported  the  view  that  all  taxation  for  the  benefit  of 
England  was  unjust  and  unconstitutional.     In  most  of  the 


146 


American  History 


[1767 


Circular  letter 
of  Massachu- 
setts. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  65. 

Fiske, 

Am.  Revolu- 
tion, I,  47-50. 

Frolhingham, 

Republic, 

211-231. 


Boston  "  Mas- 
sacre" (1770). 

Lecky,  Am. 
Revolution, 
118,  126-131. 

Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 193-198, 
202-205. 

Fiske,  Am.  Rev- 
olu!ion,\, 51-52, 
57-59,  66-72. 


Non-importa- 
tion agreement 
(1769). 


Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 198-201. 


colonies  organizations  were  suggested  for  the  non-importa- 
tion of  British  manufactures. 

The  Massachusetts  assembly,  which  was  now  for  a  numbei 
of  years  under  the  influence  of  that  adroit  leader,  Samuel 
Adams,  issued  in  February,  1768,  a  circular  letter  to  the 
colonies,  asking  their  cooperation  in  protesting  against  the 
Townshend  acts,  and  sent  a  petition  to  the  king  and  ad- 
dresses to  the  people  of  Great  Britain.  The  circular  letter 
was  so  offensive  to  the  British  government  that  all  of  the 
governors  were  instructed  to  prevent  their  assemblies  from 
giving  it  consideration  and  Massachusetts  was  ordered  to 
rescind  it.  By  a  vote  of  ninety-two  to  seventeen  the  house 
of  representatives  in  Massachusetts  refused  to  rescind,  and 
was  immediately  dissolved,  as  were  the  assemblies  in  several 
other  colonies. 

134.  Growing  Disorder  (1768-1770).  —  For  the  purpose 
of  enforcing  the  Townshend  Acts  and  other  navigation  laws 
in  Massachusetts,  troops  were  now  sent  to  Boston.  Before 
their  arrival,  the  customs  officials  seized  (1768)  the  sloop 
Liberty  whose  officers  were  accused  of  smuggling.  The 
vessel  was  rescued  by  a  mob  and  two  additional  regiments 
were  ordered  to  Boston.  Disputes  arose  regarding  the 
quartering  of  these  troops.  In  March,  1770,  the  citizens 
and  some  soldiers  came  to  blows  in  the  streets  of  Boston. 
The  soldiers  at  length  fired  upon  the  citizens,  killing  five 
and  wounding  six  others.  A  meeting  was  called  at  once, 
and  at  the  request  of  Samuel  Adams,  Governor  Hutchinson 
removed  all  the  regiments  to  a  fort  in  the  harbor.  Several 
of  the  soldiers  were  tried  in  a  local  court,  being  defended 
by  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy.  All  were  acquitted 
but  two. 

The  result  of  this  trial  is  the  more  noteworthy  because 
of  the  furore  produced  in  1769,  after  the  Liberty  affair, 
by  the  attempt  of  the  British  government  to  revive  an  old 
law  of  Henry  VIII,  according  to  which  crimes  committed 
outside  of  the  realm  should  be  tried  in  England.  When 
the  house  of  commons  favored  this,  the  Virginia  burgesses 


'773]        Disorder  and  Organized  Opposition  147 

protested  against  it  and  persuaded  the  legislatures  in  several  Coman,  Indus- 
other  colonies  to  do  the  same.    The  non-importation  agree-  w/'' 

ments  were  renewed  in  several  colonies  and  this  boycott 

.  Frothingham, 

exerted  a  considerable  influence  on  the  repeal  of  the  Town-  Republic, 

shend  revenue  act  (1770).  231-241. 

135.  The  Committees  of  Correspondence  (1772-1773). —  Gaspee  affair 
For  two  or  three  years  comparative  quiet  reigned  in  America.1  (J772)- 

In   1772,  however,  a  British  revenue  cutter,  the  Gaspee, 

whose  commander  had  been  enforcing  the  navigation  laws  Revolution' 

in  Narragansett  Bay  with  far  more  zeal  than  judgment,   136-138. 

ran  aground  near  Providence.    The  citizens  of  that  town 

immediately  seized  and  burned  the  ship.     Enraged  by  this 

act   the   British   government   appointed   a   commission   to 

investigate  the  Gaspee  affair.     According  to  a  law  passed 

early  in  1772,  any  person  who  destroyed  imperial  property 

was  guilty  of  treason.     Under  this  law  the  offenders  if 

captured  were  to  be  taken  to  England  for  trial. 

In  Massachusetts,  Samuel  Adams  had  already  organized  Town  and 
a  number  of  town  committees  of  correspondence  which  were  colonial  com- 

,.,.,  ...  ..  ,.        mittees. 

keeping  alive  the  spirit  of  opposition.     As  soon  as  the  in- 
structions of  the  Gaspee  commission  became  known,  the    ,      ,   ' 

o.  Adams, 

Virginia  house  of   burgesses  adopted  resolutions  proposed  196-206. 

by  Thomas  Jefferson,  for  the  appointment  of  colonial  com-  piske, 

mittees    of    correspondence.     Rhode    Island,   Connecticut,  Am.  Revoiu- 

New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,   and   South  Carolina  re-  tlon' l'  77~8°- 

sponded  by  appointing  similar  committees,  the  beginning  Frothingham, 

r  •  i       •   i  <•     t        i  •   i  Republic, 

of   an   intercolonial  organization  that  was  of  the  highest  26s_29a 
value  in  the  perfection  of  a  colonial  union. 

136.  The   Tea  Tax.  —  Influenced   by   the   petitions   of  History 
English  merchants  whose  business  had  suffered  from  the   ^I77°~I773>' 
non-importation  agreements  of  1767  and  1769,  and  by  the 

lack  of   revenue  produced  by  the  Townshend  act,  parlia- 


1  This  was  not  true  of  North  Carolina.  Some  frontiersmen  called 
"regulators,"  who  believed  that  justice  had  been  denied  to  them,  refused 
to  pay  taxes  and  attempted  to  gain  their  asserted  rights  by  force  of  arms. 
They  were  finally  defeated  by  Governor  Tryon  in  the  battle  of  the  Ala- 
mance  (1774). 


148 


American  History 


[1773 


Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 266-269. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 

vii,  157-159- 


Boston  Tea 
Party  (1773). 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II,  No.  152. 

Froth  ingh  am, 

Republic, 

303-312. 

Old  South 
Leaflets, 
No.  68. 


Punishment  of 
Massachusetts. 


MacDonald, 
Charters, 
Nos.  68-71. 

Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 272-279. 

Lecky,  Am. 
Revolution, 
164-170. 


ment  had  in  1770  repealed  all  of  the  duties  except  that  on 
tea.  This  was  maintained  for  the  purpose  of  asserting  the 
right  of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonies,  but  it  was  valueless 
as  a  source  of  revenue,  because  the  colonists  either  refrained 
from  drinking  tea  or  smuggled  it  from  Holland.  In  1773 
the  East  India  company,  being  in  financial  straits,  asked 
parliament  for  permission  to  send  tea  direct  to  America, 
paying  the  colonial  tax  of  three  pence  per  pound  only,  and 
being  relieved  of  the  one  shilling  tax  at  English  ports  of 
entry.  When  this  was  granted,  tea  was  immediately  shipped 
to  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Charleston. 

At  Boston  meetings  were  held  to  prevent  the  landing  of 
the  tea,  and  when  the  ships  arrived,  a  number  of  patriots 
were  placed  on  guard  over  the  vessels.  As  the  ships  re- 
mained in  the  harbor  and  it  was  the  intention  to  land  the 
tea  December  17,  on  the  preceding  evening  a  band  of  about 
fifty  men  dressed  as  Indians  boarded  both  ships  and  threw 
the  tea  into  the  water.  There  was  no  tumult  and  no  at- 
tempt to  prevent  this  action.  At  Philadelphia,  and  later  at 
New  York,  the  vessels  were  sent  back  to  England  at  once. 
The  tea  was  landed  at  Charleston,  only  to  be  sold  after  the 
outbreak  of  war  for  the  benefit  of  the  patriots. 

137.  The  Repressive  Acts  (1774). — The  rejoicing  in 
America  and  the  indignation  in  England  on  account  of  the 
Boston  Tea  Party  were  alike  universal.  On  both  sides  of 
the  water  the  people  were  becoming  more  united.  Within 
a  few  months  several  measures  were  passed  by  parliament 
for  the  purpose  of  punishing  Massachusetts,  but  with  the 
result  of  uniting  the  colonies  much  more  firmly,  (i)  The 
first  of  these  was  the  Boston  Port  Bill  which  closed  Boston 
harbor  to  commerce  and  made  Marblehead  the  port  of  en- 
try for  the  colony.  (2)  The  most  important  of  these  acts 
was  that  altering  the  charter  of  Massachusetts.  The  coun- 
cil was  in  future  to  be  chosen  by  the  crown,  and  all  local 
executive  or  judicial  officers  were  to  be  selected  by  the 
governor  or  the  highest  judges.  Sheriffs,  themselves 
appointees  of  the  governor,  were  to  choose  jurymen,  and  no 


I774]        Disorder  and  Organized  Opposition          149 


town  meetings  were  to  be  held  without  the  consent  of  the 
governor,  except  for  the  annual  election  of  town  officers. 
(3)  All  persons  in  government  employ  who  were  charged 
with  murder  were  to  be  tried  in  another  colony  or  in  Great 
Britain.  (4)  Troops  were  quartered  on  the  inhabitants  of 
Boston.  (5)  By  the  new  Quebec  Act  the  boundaries  of  that 
province  were  extended  to  the  Mississippi,  on  the  west,  and 
the  Ohio  on  the  south,  and  the  allegiance  of  its  inhabitants 
was  strengthened  by 
reviving  the  old 
French  civil  law  and 
granting  new  privi- 
leges to  the  Catholic 
church. 

138.  The  First  Con- 
tinental Congress 
(1774). — This  coer- 
cion of  Massachusetts 
had  been  attempted  in  the  belief  that  severe  measures 
were  needed  and  that  the  opposition  to  British  authority 
was  confined  almost  solely  to  that  province.  The  falseness 
of  this  impression  was  soon  evident.  Sympathy  and 
offers  of  help  came  to  Boston  from  all  quarters.  Delegates 
for  a  continental  Congress  were  chosen  by  the  assemblies 
or  committees  of  correspondence  in  all  of  the  thirteen 
colonies  except  Georgia.  On  September  5,  1774,  the 
Congress  met  at  Philadelphia  with  fifty-three  delegates 
present,  among  them  the  ablest  of  the  American  leaders.1 

The  Congress  adopted  a  Declaration  of  Rights  asserting 
that  as  the  colonies  are  not,  and  cannot  be,  represented  in 
parliament,  "they  are  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive  power 
of  legislation  in  their  several  provincial  legislatures,  where 
their  right  of  representation  can  alone  be  preserved,  in  all 

1  These  included  John  and  Samuel  Adams  of  Massachusetts,  Roger 
Sherman  of  Connecticut,  John  Jay  of  New  York,  George  Washington, 
Patrick  Henry,  Peyton  Randolph,  and  Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia, 
and  John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina. 


Meeting. 

Howard,  Revo* 
lution,  280^287, 


Wilson, 

Am.  People,  II, 

193-199. 


Work. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  72. 


150 


American  History 


[1774 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, II, 
No.  153. 

Howard,  Revo- 
lution, 287-294. 

American 
Association. 

MacDonald, 
Charters, 
No.  73. 
Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, II, 
No.  154. 

Concluding 
work. 


Continued 
policy  of  coer- 
cion. 


North's  plan  of 
conciliation. 


cases  of  taxation  and  internal  polity,  subject  alone  to  the 
negative  of  their  sovereign,  in  such  manner  as  has  been 
heretofore  used  and  accustomed."  The  Congress  con- 
ceded, however,  the  right  of  parliament  to  regulate  external 
trade  if  no  duties  were  levied. 

A  little  later  the  members  of  the  Congress  organized  an 
"American  Association,"  to  carry  out  non-importation  agree- 
ments. A  committee  was  to  be  selected  for  each  town  which 
should  supervise  the  action  of  all  citizens  and  organize 
resistance  to  British  domination.  The  union  of  the  colonies 
was  accomplished  at  last. 

Having  drawn  up  a  petition  to  the  king  and  addresses 
to  the  colonists,  to  the  Canadians,  and  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain,  the  Congress  made  provision  for  another  Congress 
to  meet  in  May,  1775,  and  adjourned. 

139.  The  Inevitableness  of  War.  —  News  of  the  opposi- 
tion to  the  acts  of  parliament  and  warlike  preparations  in 
New  England  created  a  profound  impression  in  Great 
Britain.  With  the  exception  of  the  small  body  of  Whigs 
who  had  consistently  supported  the  colonial  position,  the 
country  was  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  punishing  the 
refractory  spirit  among  "our  subjects  in  America."  George 
III  probably  voiced  the  popular  belief  in  his  words,  "I 
have  not  the  smallest  douot,  when  once  vigorous  measures 
appear  to  be  the  only  means  left  of  bringing  the  Americans 
to  a  due  submission  to  the  mother  country,  that  the  colonies 
will  submit."  Parliament  refused  to  consider  the  petitions 
of  Congress  to  the  king,  repeatedly  voted  down  concessive 
measures  proposed  by  the  Whigs,  shut  New  England  off 
from  the  fisheries,  which  had  been  an  important  source  of 
revenue  to  the  people,  prohibited  the  New  England  colonies, 
and  afterward  most  of  the  others,  from  trading  with  Great 
Britain  or  her  other  colonies,  declared  Massachusetts  in 
rebellion,  and  voted  six  thousand  additional  men  for  sup- 
pressing this  rebellion. 

Parliament  was  persuaded  with  difficulty  to  indorse  Lord 
North's  suggestions  for  conciliation.  By  the  prime  minister's 


I775]        Disorder  and  Organized  Opposition  151 

plan,  England  agreed  to  forego  the  taxation  of  America   Lecky,  Am. 

except  by  commercial  duties,  so  long  as  each  colony  con-  Revolution, 

tributed  a  fixed  amount  satisfactory  to  parliament  for  the 

support  of 'the  army  and  colonial  officials.     At  the  same  time,  Frothingham, 

North  informally  suggested  to  Franklin  that  the  English  ReP"blic> 

government  might  be  willing  to  repeal  the  tea  tax  and  the 

Boston  Port  Bill,  but  not  the  Massachusetts  Government  Act. 

Lord  North's  plan  met  with  no  favor  in  America,  and  his   Preparation  for 
suggestions  drew  immediately  the  reply  from  Franklin : "  The  war- 
people  of  Massachusetts  must  suffer  all  the  hazards  and 
mischiefs  of  war,  rather  than  admit  the  alterations  of  their  Frothingham, 

charter    and    laws    by    parliament."    Massachusetts    had      e*u  u> 

413-419. 

already  held  a  provincial  congress,  which  was  a  revolutionary 

body  because  it  was  not  chosen  according  to  the  new  govern-  American 

ment  act,  and  had  made  careful  preparations  for  defense  by  Eloquence, 

organizing  the  militia  and  gathering  munitions  of  war.     A     ' *  ~23' 

few  of  the  other  colonies  as  well  made  ready  for  hostilities, 

and  it  was  generally  believed  that  war  was  inevitable,  though  Winsor  (ed.)t 

little  had  been  said  on  the  subject,  when,  in  March,  1775,   yj  IM-IM 

Patrick  Henry  startled  the  people  of  the  colonies  by  his 

public  declaration,  "We  must  fight !  I  repeat  it,  sir,  we  must 

fight !    An  appeal  to  arms,  and  to  the  God  of  hosts,  is  all 

that  is  left  us." 

140.    Summary.  —  Before  1763  the  English  government  Contrast  be- 
had  done  very  little  toward  controlling  her  colonies  in  Amer-  twecn  the  old 

colonial  policy 

ica.  A  few  officials  were  appointed  to  represent  Great  andthenew. 
Britain  in  the  colonies.  In  many  instances  colonial  laws 
had  been  set  aside  and  parliament  had  made  special  laws 
regulating  the  trade  or  industry  of  the  American  provinces, 
but  this  supervision  or  control  did  not  interfere  seriously  with 
government  by  the  people  in  most  of  the  colonies.  After 
1 763  the  English  statesmen  desired  to  regulate  American 
affairs  by  compelling  the  colonists  to  pay  part  of  the  expense 
incurred  for  their  defense.  First  by  the  Sugar  Act  (1764) 
they  aroused  New  England  by  interfering  with  business  in 
that  section.  Then  the  Stamp  Act  brought  all  of  the  older 
colonies  into  direct  opposition  tp  {he  English  government 


152  American  History 

Repeal  of  this  act  was  followed  by  a  milder  method  of  taxa- 
tion, by  which  the  friends  of  the  king  sought  to  gain  a  more 
perfect  control  of  American  affairs. 

The  crisis  Both  the  English  and  the  colonists  had  gone  too  far  now 

precipitated.  tQ  wjtn(jraw  easijyg  When  the  people  of  Boston  protested 
against  the  attempt  to  enforce  imperial  control  through  the 
sale  of  tea,  and  the  English  government  sought  to  punish 
the  city  of  Boston  and  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  the  union 
of  the  colonies  was  assured.  Unwise  counsels  overruled 
conciliatory  plans,  and  feeling  both  in  England  and  Amer- 
ica became  so  bitter  that  a  clash  was  avoidable  only  through 
the  complete  surrender  of  one  side. 


TOPICS 

1.  CHARACTER   AND  POLICY  OF  GEORGE  III:  Hart,  "Contempo- 
raries," II,  No.  130;    Fiske,   "American  Revolution,"  I,  pp.  38-45; 
Lecky,   "England    in    the    Eighteenth    Century,"   III,   pp.    11-25; 
Trevelyan,  "American  Revolution,"  I,  pp.  30-33,  85-90. 

2.  THE  REPRESSIVE  ACTS  OF  1774:    MacDonald,  "Charters," 
Nos.  68-71 ;  Frothingham,  "Rise  of  the  Republic,"  pp.  317-327,  344- 
358;   Trevelyan,   "American  Revolution,"  I,  pp.  175-203. 

STUDIES 

1.  Union  before  1750.     (Frothingham,  "Rise  of  the  Republic," 
pp.  100-120.) 

2.  Otis's  speech  on  the  writs  of  assistance.     (Johnston  (Wood- 
burn)  eds.  "American  Eloquence,"  I,  pp.  11-17.) 

3.  Chatham's  speech  on  Taxation  of  America.     ("British  Ora- 
tions," I,  pp.  98-119.) 

4.  Mansfield's  speech  on  Taxation  and  Representation.    ("  British 
Orations,"  I,  pp.  150-171.) 

5.  Franklin's  examination •  before  the  house  of  commons  (1766). 
(Larned,  "History  for  Ready  Reference,"  V,  pp.  3192-3201.) 

6.  Dickinson's   Farmers  Letters.     (Tyler,   "Literary  History  of 
American  Revolution,"  I,  pp.  234-239.) 

7.  The   West   during  the   period  of   1767  to   1775.     (Howard, 
"Preliminaries  of  the  Revolution,"  pp.  222-241.) 

8.  The  North  Carolina  regulators. 

9.  Lord  Dunmore's  War.      (Roosevelt,  "Winning  of  the  West," 
I,  Chapters  VIII  and  IX.) 


The  Beginnings  of  Revolution  (1763-1775)     153 


QUESTIONS 

1.  What    was    the    European    idea    of   a    colony?     (Thwaites, 
"Colonies,"   §§   18-22).     Compare  with  the  Greek  and  the  Roman 
ideas.    Compare  the  English  rule  with  Spanish  rule  (Moses,  "  Spanish 
Rule"  pp.  17-26). 

2.  What  were  the  chief  political  features  of  the  old  colonial  sys- 
tem, in  royal  colonies?   in  other  colonies?    To  what  extent  were  the 
colonies  actually  governed  by  England  through  the  different  means 
enumerated  in  §§  115-118? 

3.  What  were  the  principal  commercial  features  of  the  old  colonial 
system?     Was  the  system  theoretically  unjust?    Was  it  oppressive 
in  practice  ? 

4.  Why  was  a  new  colonial  system  adopted  during  the  period 
1 763-1 767  ?     How  was  the  Sugar  Act  of  1 764  different  from  the  earlier 
laws  of  trade,  in  its  purpose  and  in  the  methods  proposed  for  its  en- 
forcement ? 

5.  Had  the  colonies  a  legal  right  to  exemption  from  taxation  by 
parliament  ?     Explain  your  answer  and  state  as  fully  as  possible  the 
American  claim. 

6.  What  provisions  of  the  Townshend  Acts  violated  American 
principles  of  government,  and  in  what  ways? 

7.  Did  the  English  government  have  sufficient  cause  for  passing 
the  repressive  acts  of  1774?    Which  was  the  most  offensive  of  the 
acts  ?     Why  ?     Why  did  they  influence  the  action  of  the  other  colonies 
if  they  applied  only  to  Massachusetts  ? 

8.  Compare  the  congresses  of  1765,  1774,  and  1775  as  to  reasons 
for  which  they  were  called,  number  of  colonies  represented,  method 
of  choosing  delegates  (see   Howard,  "Revolution,"   pp.  154,  282), 
degree  of  unity  shown,  work  of  the  congress,  and  influence  on  per- 
manent union.     Make  table. 

9.  What  is  a  revolution?     Show  the  difference  between  a  social 
revolution  and  a  political  revolution?     (Ashley,  "American  Federal 
State,"  §  36.)     Is  it  true  that  a  "revolution  is  a  successful  rebellion"  ? 

10.  What  was  the  fundamental  cause  of  the  revolution  ?   Name  the 
successive  changes  in  British  policy  which  led  directly  to  separation 
from  England,  showing  how  each  change  marks  an  advance  on  the 
policy  in  force  previously. 


CHAPTER   VIII 


Lexington  and 
Concord. 


Fiske,  Am. 
Revolution, 
I,  117-127. 


Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
I-  25-52. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II,  No.  191. 


Bunker  Hill. 


THE   REVOLUTIONARY  WAR    (1775-1783) 
REVOLT  AND  INDEPENDENCE 

141.  Events  around  Boston  (1775).  —  In  the  spring  of 
1775  General  Gage,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  determined 
to  capture  the  military  stores  which  had  been  gathered  at 
various  points  near  Boston  by  the  companies  of  militia, 
"minute  men"  as  they  were  called.  Early  on  the  morn- 
ing of  April  19,  eight  hundred  men  were  dispatched  secretly 

to  Concord,  sixteen  miles  from 
Boston.  But  the  Americans 
were  on  the  alert  and  Paul 
Revere  aroused  the  "minute 
men,"  about  seventy  of  whom 
met  the  British  vanguard  at 
Lexington.  Upon  this  com- 
pany the  regulars  fired,  kill- 
ing seven  —  the  first  blood- 
shed of  the  war.  Marching  on 

to  Concord  the  British  seized  the  town  and  the  bridge,  at  which 
a  skirmish  was  fought,  but  most  of  the  stores  were  removed, 
and  finally  the  soldiers  were  obliged  to  retreat  before  the 
ever  increasing  number  of  militiamen.  Although  ree'n- 
forced  at  Lexington,  their  retreat  was  humiliating  and  dis- 
astrous, as  the  "minute  men"  fired  at  them  from  behind 
every  tree  and  fence.  Within  a  short  time,  a  force  of  fif- 
teen hundred  Americans  had  gathered  around  Boston. 

In  order  to  protect  Boston  more  adequately,  General 
Gage  decided  to  fortify  the  hills  on  Charlestown  peninsula 
which  commanded  both  the  city  and  the  harbor.  Before 
this  could  be  done,  Colonel  Prescott,  with  six  cannon 

154 


1775]  Revolt  and  Independence  155 

and    a   force   of   about   fifteen    hundred,   seized    Breed's  Lecky, 

Hill  on  the  night  of  June  16,  1775,  and  threw  up  earth-  Am-  Revolu- 

works.     At  daybreak  the  war  vessels  in  the  harbor  began  wn>!K> 
bombardment,  and  General  Gage,  ignoring  the  possibilities 

of  cutting  off  the  American  retreat,  ordered  Howe  to  make  ^lske;  ?m' 

Revolution, 

a  front  attack  with  three  thousand   soldiers.     When  the   1, 136-146. 
British  charged  up  the  sides  of  the   hill,  the    militiamen 
reserved  their  fire,  their  supply  of  ammunition  being  lim-  Carrington, 
ited.     A  first  time  and  a  second  the  British  line  withdrew  Battles, 
from  the  withering  fire,  but  the  Americans'  ammunition  was   I02~"5- 
already  giving  out,  and  the  third  assault  was  successful. 
Fortunately  the  militiamen  were  able  to  withdraw  in  fair 
order    though   with    considerable    loss  across  Charlestown 
"neck."    The  British  force  lost  over  a  thousand  men,  killed 
and  wounded,  and  General  Howe,  who  was  soon  after  made 
commander   in    chief    for   America,  ever    after   displayed 
particular  fondness  for  flank  attacks.    The  moral  effect  of 
this  English  victory  was  undoubtedly  with  the  American  side, 
for  it  showed  the  ability  of  raw  troops  to  meet  a  much  larger 
number  of  regulars,  and  was  correspondingly  encouraging  to 
the  colonists  and  disheartening  to  the  British. 

142.   The  War  on  the  Northern  Border  (1775-1776). —  Ticonderoga, 
As  soon  as  the  news  of  Concord  and  Lexington  reached  the 
"Green  Mountain  Boys"  in  Vermont,  they  attacked  and 
easily  captured   the   important  forts   of  Ticonderoga  and   1,129-132. 
Crown  Point  on  Lake  Champlain  (May  10,  1775). 

Later  in  the  summer  an  invasion  of  Canada  was  planned,   invasion  of 
One  expedition  under  Richard  Montgomery  proceeded  up  Canada. 
Lake  Champlain,    captured  Montreal,  and    united   before 
Quebec  with  a  division  under  Benedict  Arnold,  which  had   Fiske,  Am. 
forced  its  way,  after  almost  inconceivable  hardships,  through  Devolution, 
the  woods  of  Maine.     An  attack  upon  Quebec  in  a  snow- 
storm, December  ?i,  1771;,  resulted  in  the  death  of  Mont-  _ 

Lamed  (ed.), 

gomery  and  consequent  confusion  and  defeat.    The  failure  Ready  Re/., 
of  the  expedition  against  Canada,  much  as  success  might  V,  3228-3229. 
have  encouraged  the  colonists,  was  not  an  unmixed  misfor- 
tune.   With  their  imperfect  military  organization  and  lack 


I56 


American  History 


[i775 


Siege  of 
Boston. 


Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
42-49. 

Lecky,  Am. 
Revolution, 
226-234. 

Old  South 
Leaflets,  No.  86. 


Capture  of 
Boston. 

Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
I,  110-117. 

Carrington, 

Battles, 

I47-I54- 

War  in  the 
South  (1776). 


of  munitions  of  war  the  Americans  were  illy  prepared  to 
assume  the  offensive  and  could  not  afford  to  separate  their 
forces.  With  the  coming  of  summer,  moreover,  the  energetic 
governor  of  Canada,  Carleton,  made  a  determined  effort  to 
gain  control  of  Lake  Champlain  and  recapture  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point.  His  plans  were  foiled  by  Arnold,  who 
with  skill  and  foresight  as  remarkable  as  his  resources  were 
limited,  collected  a  fleet  and  delayed  Carleton  so  that  the 
doughty  governor,  victorious  in  a  naval  battle  and  yet 
baffled,  was  obliged  to  withdraw  to  Canada  without  captur- 
ing the  forts. 

143.  Change  in  the  Theater  of  War  (1776).  — The  sum- 
mer and  autumn  of  1775  passed  without  any  movement  on 
the  part  of  the  British  army  in  Boston  which  was  now 
commanded  by  Howe.  Washington,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed commander  in  chief  through  the  influence  of  John 
Adams,  maintained  his  lines  about  the  city,  although  the 
terms  of  enlistment  for  his  soldiers  expired.  He  himself 
commented  on  the  inactivity  of  the  British.  "It  is  not  in 
the  page  of  history,  perhaps,  to  furnish  a  case  like  ours: 
to  maintain  a  post  within  musket-shot  of  the  enemy  for  six 
months  together  without  powder,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
disband  an  army  and  recruit  another  within  that  distance,  of 
twenty  odd  English  regiments."  But  at  length  he  was 
able  to  assume  the  offensive. 

During  the  winter  of  1775-1776  many  of  the  cannon  cap- 
tured at  Ticonderoga  were  dragged  over  the  snow  to  Boston. 
With  these  in  his  possession,  Washington  fortified  Dorches- 
ter Heights,  about  two  miles  south  of  the  city.  Owing  to  a 
storm,  Howe  was  unable  to  attack.  Not  daring  to  remain 
in  Boston,  he  now  evacuated  that  city,  carrying  his  ten 
thousand  soldiers  and  marines  besides  many  loyalists  to 
Nova  Scotia. 

Part  of  this  army,  greatly  reenforced,  made  an  attack 
on  New  York  during  the  middle  of  the  summer  (§  154). 
Another  part  under  Clinton,  joining  with  a  fleet  from 
Ireland,  sailed  against  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  In  view 


1776]  Revolt  and  Independence  157 

of  the  large  number  of  loyalists  in  the  southern  colonies,   Lodge, 
this  seemed  to  be  a  wise  move.     Yet  it  failed.    The  fleet  Sfory°fRev: 
was  much  injured,  and  effectually  repulsed  by  the  batteries    ' I2 
of  Charleston  harbor,  June  (1776),  and  after  several  weeks  Battles, 
of  inaction  the  British  abandoned  attacks  upon  the  South  185-190. 
until  late  in  the  war. 

144.  The  Second  Continental  Congress  (1775-1776). —  Acts  of  Con- 
On  the  day  that  Ticonderoga  was  captured  (May  10,  1775)  gress  (X775)- 
the  members  of  the  second  Continental  Congress  met  in 
Philadelphia.    As  hostilities  had  begun  already,  the  Con-  *f ck?'  Am' 

0  Revolution, 

gress  did  not  devote  itself  to  discussions  only,  as  had  its  205-209. 
predecessors,  but  proceeded  to  act.     Without  great  delay  it 
organized  a  continental  army,  borrowed  money,  issued  bills  Hart,  Contem- 
of  credit,  and  drew  up  a  second  petition  to  the  king.    When  P°ra^ies> 
news  was  received  in  October,  1775,  that  the  king's  answer 

to  their  petitions  was  a  proclamation  declaring  them  rebels 

•A-        c       ^  •          c      u  n-        •      A          •          Frothingham, 

and  providing  for  the  suppression  of  rebellion  in  America,  j?e^u^ic,  428- 

Congress  moved  with  much  less  caution.  A  navy  was  437. 45°-45i- 
authorized  and  privateers  fitted  out,  a  committee  was  se- 
lected to  correspond  with  other  nations,  the  ports  along  the 
Atlantic  were  thrown  open  to  the  commerce  of  the  world, 
reversing  the  policy  of  the  navigation  acts,  and  preparations 
were  made  for  declaring  the  United  States  independent  of 
Great  Britain. 

During  the  six  years  that  elapsed  before  the  completion  Authority  of 
of  a  confederation,  the  Continental  Congress  was  the  only  C0"^655- 
central  government  existing  in  America.  It  was  com- 
posed of  delegates  elected  at  first  by  assemblies,  conventions, 
or  committees  of  correspondence,  but  after  1776  by  the  state 
legislatures.  At  no  time  did  it  possess  any  legal  authority 
for  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  sovereignty  which  it  actually 
used.  Such  rights  as  it  had  were  derived  from  the  in- 
structions given  by  the  states  to  their  delegates,  the  unques- 
tioned need  of  a  central  government,  and  the  hearty  approval 
of,  and  public  acquiescence  in,  the  acts  of  Congress. 

145.  The  Movement  toward  Independence. — The  major-  Preliminary 
ity  of  the  members  of  Congress  were  unwilling  to  consider  5tePs- 


158  -American  History  [1776 

Hart,  Contem-     the  question  of  independence  from  Great  Britain,  for  the 
poranes,  people  of  the  United  States  dreaded  separation.    Memorials 

II,  No.  186. 

came  from  several  patriotic  organizations  before  the  close 
of  1775,  but  they  received  scant  attention  until  the  king 
devolution         proclaimed  the  Americans  to  be  rebels  and  news  was  re- 
50-71.  ceived  that  several  thousand  Hessians  had  been  hired  to 

reduce  the  colonies  to  submission.     Early  in  January,  1776, 
Lodge,  there  appeared  a  pamphlet  entitled  Common  Sense,  written 

story  of  Rev.,  by  an  English  immigrant,  Thomas  Paine,  and  emphasizing 
.  14  I55-  tne  necessity  and  the  benefits  of  independence.  At  this 
time  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  separation  was  pronounced 
only  in  New  England,  while  the  middle  states  and  the 
South  looked  with  abhorrence  on  such  an  action.  Gradu- 
ally a  change  took  place  in  the  feelings  of  the  people.  They 
had  gone  too  far  to  draw  back.  The  king  stubbornly  refused 
concessions,  and  there  was  no  alternative  but  complete  sub- 
mission or  independence.  Congress  recognized  this  sooner 
than  most  of  the  people,  and  on  May  10,  1776,  urged  the 
colonies  to  form  state  governments,  adding  five  days  later 
as  justification  for  this  step  a  resolution  that  the  British 
government  had  withdrawn  its  protection  and  that  the  people 
must  look  to  themselves. 

Resolutions  for       When  this  resolution  became  known,  the  legislatures  of 
independence.    &jj  kut  Qne  Q£  tne  coion;es  instructed  their  delegates  to 
vote  for  a   declaration   of  independence.    Meanwhile,  on 
Van  Tyne,         June  7,  Richard  Henry  Lee  introduced  his  famous  resolu- 
tions "that  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent  states,  that  they  are  absolved 
from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown,  and  that  all  political 

Fiske,  Am. 

Revolution,  connection  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is, 
1, 183-192.  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved,"  and  "that  a  plan  of  con- 
federation be  prepared  and  transmitted  to  the  respective 
Frothingham,  colonies  for  their  consideration  and  approbation."  A  com- 
Repubhc,  mittec  of  five,  composed  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams, 

Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  R.  Living- 
ston, was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  declaration  and  a  commit- 
tee was  chosen,  June  12,  to  prepare  articles  of  confederation. 


1776]  Revolt  and  Independence  159 

The  report  of  the  committee  on  independence,  written  Declaration  of 
principally  by  Jefferson,  was  debated  in  Congress  for  two  IndePendence. 
days,  altered  in  some  of  its  details,  and  finally  adopted  by  Van  Tyne> 

„  T    ,  ,       r™  .  Revolution, 

Congress,  July  4,  1776.    The  committee  on  confederation  79_86. 
reported  July  12,  but  no  legal  union  was  formed  until  long 
after  (§  173). 

146.    The  Character  of  the  Declaration.  —  Independence  its  principles 
of  Great  Britain  had  been  asserted  because  the  colonies  and  statements, 
believed  that  they  had  a  right  to  govern  themselves  in  their 
own  way,  and  the  mother  country  had  not  permitted  them  M  clnN 
to  do  this.     We  can  perhaps  see  most  clearly  why  our  fore-  Am.  Review, 
fathers  took  this  stand  if  we  examine  certain  parts  of  the  l63  (l896), 
Declaration.      The    second    paragraph, 
for  example,  gives  some  of  their  views 
upon    government.      "We    hold    these 
truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men 
are   created   equal,    that   they  are   en- 
dowed  by    their  Creator   with   certain 
unalienable  rights,  that  among  these  are 

life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

•"  FIRST  U.  S.  FLAG 

That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments 

are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from   Cf.  Channing 

the  consent  of  the  governed.    That  whenever  any  form  and  Ha,rt> 

Guide,  §  137. 

of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to 
institute  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  prin- 
ciples and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness." 
After  enumerating  a  long  list  of  acts  of  George  III  which 
had  aimed  to  overthrow  these  rights,  the  signers  "in  the 
name  and  by  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these  colonies, 
solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that  these  united  colonies, 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  states, 
that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British 
crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and 
the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dis- 
solved; and  that,  as  free  and  independent  states,  they  have 


i6o 


American  History 


[1776 


Disorder  of  the 
state  govern- 
ments (1775). 

Hart,  Union, 
$39- 


Frothingham, 

Republic, 

401-496. 


Congressional 
resolution  of 
May  10,  1776. 

Frothingham, 

Republic, 

496-499. 


Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
136-142. 


Composition. 

Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
142-152. 


full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances, 
establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things 
which  independent  states  may  of  right  do." 

147.  The  First  State  Governments.  —  While  the  colonies 
collectively  were  declaring  their  independence  of  Great 
Britain,  the  colonial  governments  were  being  replaced  by 
separate  state  governments.  As  the  war  spread,  the  royal 
governors  and  their  assistants  and  the  judges  frequently 
found  it  wise  to  leave  the  country.  This  left  only  a  part 
of  a  government  in  several  of  the  colonies,  in  some  of  which 
the  assemblies  asked  Congress  what  they  should  do.  In 
July,  1775,  Massachusetts  had  been  advised  to  use  her  old 
charter  and  to  disregard  the  governor.  In  the  following 
November,  New  Hampshire  had  been  urged  to  call  a  con- 
vention representing  the  whole  people  in  order  to  frame  a 
state  constitution,  which  she  did  gladly. 

On  May  10, 1776,  Congress  took  a  great  step  forward  which 
marked  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  independence,  union, 
and  constitutional  development.  It  recommended  that  each 
colony  "adopt  such  a  government  as  shall  in  the  opinion  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people  best  conduce  to  the  happi- 
ness and  safety  of  their  constituents  in  particular  and  of 
America  in  general."  This  suggestion  was  quickly  fol- 
lowed by  Virginia,  which  in  convention  adopted  a  constitu- 
tion embodying  not  only  a  plan  for  the  state  government, 
but  also  a  bill  of  rights.  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island 
merely  continued  their  charters,  which  were  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  republican  constitutions,  while  most  of  the  other 
states  called  conventions  for  the  purpose,  but  only  Massa- 
chusetts submitted  the  constitution  framed  by  her  conven- 
tion to  the  people  for  ratification. 

These  governments  were  similar  in  form  to  those  of  the 
colonies,  but  now  both  houses  of  the  legislature  were  chosen 
by  the  people  and  the  governors  were  elected  by  the  legis- 
latures, except  in  New  England  and  New  York,  where  they 
were  chosen  by  popular  vote.  The  powers  of  the  legislatures 
were  increased  greatly  at  the  expense  of  the  executive,  the 


1776]      Conditions  affecting  American  Success        161 

governors  being  deprived  of  the  veto,  for  example,  in  almost 
all  of  the  revolutionary  governments. 

CONDITIONS  AFFECTING  AMERICAN  SUCCESS 

148.    The  Theater  of  War.  —  Whatever  may  have  been  General, 
the  purpose  of  the  patriot   leaders  before  1776,  there  was 
now  no  doubt  that  the  struggle  was  one  which  would  admit  of 
no  compromise.    Let  us  consider  therefore  the  conditions 
that  were  favorable  or  unfavorable  to  the  American  cause. 

The  thirteen  colonies  that  revolted  against  British  rule  Natural  diffi- 
extended  along  the  Atlantic  coast  over  a  thousand  miles  cuities  in  con. 
and  inland  usually  two  or  three  hundred.  This  was  in 
some  respects  an  advantage  to  the  British,  because  they  at 
all  times  controlled  the  ocean  and  by  seizing  one  or  two 
seaports  might  transport  their  armies  to  any  part  of  the  coast 
they  pleased.  But  the  hold  on  a  few  seaport  towns  was  in 
itself  of  very  little  importance  to  the  English  government. 
Unless  the  English  generals  could  gain  control  and  retain 
possession  of  the  interior,  their  attempt  to  subdue  the 
colonies  would  fail.  Movements  on  land  from  one  colony 
to  another  were  prevented  by  the  numerous  rivers  which 
flowed  at  right  angles  to  the  coast  line.  Moreover,  any  in- 
vasion of  the  interior  was  disastrous,  because  the  American 
armies  could  withdraw  easily  to  the  frontier,  being  aug- 
mented by  the  militia  which  was  always  most  patriotic  in 
the  inland  counties.  The  British,  unable  to  maintain  direct 
water  communication  from  the  ocean  to  their  armies,  found 
it  practically  impossible  to  maintain  an  advanced  position 
for  any  length  of  time. 

In  one  quarter  only  did  circumstances  seem  to  be  in  their  Control  of 
favor.    The  island  of  Manhattan  with  its  magnificent  har-  the  Hudson- 
bor  could  not  be  defended  by  the  Americans,  and  was  seized 
therefore  and  held  by  the  British,  who  might  proceed  up  the 
Hudson  to  Albany.    On  the  north  they  controlled  Montreal 
and  the  outlet  of  Lake  Champlain  as  well  as  Lake  Ontario. 
But  even  here  the  almost  unbroken  wilderness  between  the 
head  of  Lake  Champlain  and  the  Hudson  River  and  be- 


1 62 


American  History 


[1776 


Possible 
policies. 


British 

and  Hessian 

troops. 

Lecky,  Am. 
Revolution, 
240-244. 

Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
96-101. 


British  leaders. 


Native  leaders. 


tween  Lake  Ontario  and  the  Mohawk  valley  was  an  ally 
of  incalculable  benefit  to  the  patriots. 

149.  British    Military   Organization   and    Policy. — To 
insure  success  the   British  needed  either   to   exclude  the 
colonies    from    communication    with    the    outside    world 
until  they  were   willing  to  make  terms,  or  to  gain  con- 
trol  of   the   territory    as    far    inland    as    the    mountains. 
The   first,  which   might    have   been   accomplished   by  an 
effective    blockade,    they   did    not    attempt,    probably   on 
account  of  the  numerous  harbors.    The   second   required 
a  large  army  skillfully  led,  and  the  second  was  the  policy 
followed. 

Supported  at  all  times  by  a  large  fleet,  which  remained 
inactive,  the  British  army  in  America  numbered,  during  the 
first  half  of  the  war,  about  forty  thousand,  and  during  the 
second  half,  about  twenty-five  thousand  men.  Most  of 
these  were  experienced  soldiers,  but  many  of  them  were  not 
English.  Finding  it  difficult  to  enlist  the  necessary  soldiers 
at  home,  George  III  hired  from  the  dukes  of  the  small 
German  states,  especially  Hesse  Cassel,  about  eighteen 
thousand  veterans.  The  employment  of  these  "Hessians" 
undoubtedly  intensified  the  feeling  of  the  colonists,  not  alone 
because  the  king  was  willing  to  use  those  so- called  mercenaries 
for  their  subjugation,  but  on  account  of  the  many  outrages 
perpetrated  by  the  Hessian  troops. 

The  soldiers  of  the  British  army  on  all  occasions  proved 
their  courage,  but  were  unfortunate  in  their  leaders.  Ap- 
pointed from  a  certain  class  of  the  nobility  without  ref- 
erence to  military  fitness,  the  English  generals  and  other 
officers,  with  notable  exceptions,  exhibited  an  incapacity 
for  their  duties  that  is  appalling  and  is  perhaps  the  chief 
cause  of  the  complete  failure  of  the  English  plan  of  sub- 
jection. 

150.  The  American  Army.  —  Our  military  leaders  repre- 
sented the  two  extremes  of  superior  ability  and  extreme 
incapacity.    They  were  appointed  by  Congress  and  were 
often  selected  for  reasons  other  than  proved  ability.     For- 


1776]      Conditions  affecting  American  Success        163 

tunately  George  Washington  was    chosen  as    commander  Fiske,  Am. 

in  chief.     Hampered  as  he  was  by  the  unwillingness  of  Revolution> 

Congress  to  give  him  full  direction  of  affairs,  and  constantly  3  ' 


handicapped  by  the  lack  of  trained  soldiers,  he  was  without 
question  chiefly  responsible  for  the  final  establishment  of 
American  independence.  Although  at  the  time  of  his  ap- 
pointment he  had  seen  comparatively  little  fighting,  this 
Virginia  planter  proved  himself  an  able  general  and  a  skill- 
ful strategist  —  much  more  than  a  match  for  any  of  his 
English  antagonists.  He  could  strike  hard  when  his  chance 
came,  but  he  could  also  wait,  and  a  waiting  policy  was  usually 
his  only  hope  of  success,  because  of  the  superiority  of  the 
British  in  numbers  and  discipline.  Moreover,  his  foresight, 
generosity,  and  broadmindedness  united  the  factions  at 
home  —  foes  more  dangerous  than  the  foreign  armies. 
Among  his  assistants  Nathanael  Greene  is  accorded  the 
highest  place,  although  many  others,  like  Benedict  Arnold 
and  Daniel  Morgan,  exhibited,  within  a  more  limited  radius, 
conspicuous  ability. 

Many  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  army  were  bestowed  Foreign 
upon  foreigners  who  had  not  resided  long  in  America  or  leaders> 
had  come  here  after  the  beginning  of  war.     Some  of  these 
men,  like  LaFayette,  Steuben,  and  Kosciusko,  were  heartily 
and  unselfishly  in  sympathy  with  the  revolution;    others, 
like  Conway  and  Charles  Lee,  were  adventurers  who  im- 
posed upon  Congress  and  interfered  with  American  chances 
of  success. 

One  of  the  chief  difficulties  encountered  by  the  Americans  American 
was  their  inability  to  maintain  a  permanent  army.     At  the  s 
beginning,  enlistments  were  for  a  term  of  one  year  or  less. 
As  the  troops  were  poorly  fed  and  clothed,  paid  in  depre-  Hart-  C°ntem~ 

,  ,  ,  .  ,         i  poraries,  II, 

ciated  currency  or  not  at  all,  most  farmers  objected  to  leav-  Nos  I70_I74< 

ing  their  crops  during  the  summer  campaigns  when  the  grain 

would  suffer  greatly.    Later  in  the  v/ar  soldiers  of  the  "con- 

tinental line"   enlisted  for  three  years.    Although  few  in 

number   they   formed    the  nucleus   of  a   regular   fighting 

force.     They  were  the  only  well-trained  American  soldiers. 


164 


America  ft  History 


[1776 


Numbers 
and  elements. 


Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 
VII,  185-192. 


Loyalists 
and  patriots. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, II, 
Nos.  166-169. 


Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
265-278. 


Because  of  the  short  terms  of  the  others,  it  was  often  im- 
possible to  obtain  men  enough  to  oppose  the  advance  of 
the  enemy,  although  in  times  of  great  danger  many  joined 
the  army  for  a  few  days  or  weeks.  Except  at  these  intervals 
the  number  of  American  soldiers  in  the  field  was  smaller 
than  that  of  the  British. 

151.  The  Loyalists.  —  As  we  noticed  in  a  previous  sec- 
tion (§  145),  a  large  part  of  the  population  agreed  to  a  dec- 
laration of  independence  from  the  mother  country  with  great 
reluctance.     Another    part    was    never    convinced    of    the 
wisdom  of  the  step  and  remained  throughout  the  war  loyal 
to  Great  Britain.    Many  of  these  loyalists  simply  refrained 
from  taking  sides,  but  many  others  were  active  in  their 
opposition  to  the  patriot  party.     Few  of  them  were  found 
in  New  England  and  Virginia,  but  in  the  other  states  they, 
probably  included  one  half  of  the  population,  being  especially 
numerous  and  virulent  in  New  York,  Georgia,   and   the 
Carolinas.    The  inhabitants  of  the  large  towns,  the  office- 
holders, the  clergy  in  the  Anglican  church,  the  members 
of  the  professions,   most  of  the  merchants,  and  owners  of 
large  estates  usually  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  loyalists  rather 
than  with  the  patriots. 

The  persecution  of  the  loyalists  began  before  the  outbreak 
of  war,  an  effort  being  made  by  the  use  of  tar  and  feathers 
and  by  similar  outrages  to  intimidate  the  wavering,  and 
make  open  espousal  of  the  English  cause  unpopular.  After 
the  establishment  of  the  state  governments,  the  more  promi- 
nent loyalists  were  deprived  not  only  of  political  and  civil 
rights  but  often  of  their  estates  as  well.  Where  they  were 
sufficiently  numerous  the  loyalists  retaliated  with  spirit, 
outdoing  the  patriots  in  brutality.  In  South  Carolina 
and  in  some  other  states  a  partisan  warfare  of  extreme 
bitterness  was  kept  up  even  after  the  close  of  the  war.  In 
these  fierce  contests  hundreds  of  persons  were  killed,  the  in- 
nocent and  defenseless  suffering  quite  as  frequently  as  the 
guilty. 

152.  The  Finances  of  the  Revolution. — The  difficulties 


1776]       Conditions  affecting  American  Success        165 

of  achieving  independence  were  financial  rather  than  mili-  The  problem, 
tary.    The  lack  of  an  established  central  government  with 
well- recognized  means  of  raising  money  for  the  payment  of  Dewey,  Finan- 
war  expenditures  caused  continued  anxiety  to  the  American  cial  Hist-> 
leaders.    Without    a    certain    minimum    of    congressional      I4> 
revenue  the  prosecution  of  the  war  was  impossible.     But 
how  was  this  to  be  obtained  ?    The  states  were  of  course 
unwilling  that  Congress  should  exercise  the  right  of  taxa- 
tion, for  after  1777  Congress  enjoyed  almost  as  little  confi- 
dence as  parliament  had  done  before  the  war.     Few  would 
lend  to  Congress  because  it  had  no  definite  sources  of  in- 
come, no  legal  status,  no  international  standing,  and  there- 
fore no  credit.    Nothing  was  left  but  for  Congress  to  issue 
paper  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  and  to  ask 
the  states  for  annual  contributions  with  which  to  pay  its 
most  pressing  needs.     As  the  states  were  getting  deeply  into 
debt  on  account  of  their  own  war  expenses,  these  requisitions 
were  usually  ignored.     Paper  money  was  in  consequence 
the  chief  reliance  of  Congress. 

During  the  most  trying  years  of  the  war,  Congress  opened  Loans, 
loan  offices  through  which  the  people  loaned  to  the  govern- 

Dewey,  Finan- 

ment  over  $10,000,000.     Foreign  nations,  especially  France,  cial  Hi3t  ^ 
helped  us  some,  but  most  of  the  foreign  loans  were  made  §$  19, 20. 
after  the  victory  at  Yorktown,  so  that  they  were  not  of  direct 
value  in  conducting  the  campaign. 

153.    Continental    Currency.  —  When    Congress    began  Issues  and 
printing  paper  money  in  June,  1775,  it  was  expected  that     epre 
after  a  few  issues  the  presses  would  be  stopped.     But  on  Lecky,  Am. 
account  of  the  difficulties  of  raising  a  revenue  from  other  Revolution, 
sources,   the   issues  grew  constantly  larger.     By  1779  the  287-292- 
face  value  of  the  bills  printed  amounted  to  nearly  $250,000,-  Dewey 
ooo,  although  they  had  been  worth  to  the  treasury  less  than  cial  Hist., 
one  fifth  of  that  amount  in  cash.    Congress  had  provided  §$  *$' l6- 
for  the  payment  of  the  bills  by  pledging  the  credit  of  the  White 
United   States  and  apportioning  to  each  state  the  share  Money, 
it  should  redeem,  but  on  account  of  repeated  issues  and  "S-126- 
little  other  revenue,  depreciation  was  inevitable.    Congress 


166 


American  History 


[1776 


sought  to  prevent  this  by  fixing  the  prices  which  should  be 
paid  for  commodities,  naturally  without  effect.  Before  the 
last  year  of  fighting  a  hundred  dollars  in  continental  currency 
would  purchase  less  than  one  dollar  in  silver.  A  little  later 
continental  bills  were  used  jokingly  for  papering  rooms 
and  for  suits  of  clothing.  It  is  not  strange  that  toward  the 
close  of  the  war  valueless  articles  were  said  to  be  "not 
worth  a  continental." 


Justification. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
{17. 


White. 
Money, 
126-129. 


A  CONTINENTAL  BILL 

An  attempt  was  made  to  justify  the  issuance  of  paper 
money  on  the  ground  that  it  was  a  form  of  tax  which  could 
be  escaped  by  no  one  who  did  business.  But  it  imposed  a 
most  unfair  burden  on  those  least  able  to  bear  it,  and  was 
not  only  a  most  unjust  tax,  but  a  serious  injury  to  business 
enterprise.  If  justified  at  all,  it  must  be  as  a  military 
necessity,  for  the  states  refused  to  pay  the  requisitions 
made  on  them  by  Congress,  and  that  body  should  not  be 
blamed  for  using  the  only  practicable  means  it  had  for  con- 
tinuing the  war. 


1776]  The  Campaigns  of  1776  and  7777  167 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  OF  1776  AND  1777 

154.  The  Movement  against  New  York  (1776). — The 
eighteen  months  following  the  declaration  of  American  inde- 
pendence witnessed  the  most  active  campaigns  of  the  entire 
war.  The  British  government  had  already  resolved  to 
make  an  attack  upon  the  middle  colonies  with  a  large  army, 
seize  New  York,  gain  possession  of  the  Hudson  and  Lake 
Champlain,  thereby 
cutting  off  New  Eng- 
land from  the  other 
states,  and  subduing 
the  middle  states, which 
they  considered  an  easy 
task  because  of  the 
large  number  of  loy- 
alists. 

Late  in  June,  1776, 
General  Howe  landed 
at  Staten  Island  and 
was  soon  joined  by 
his  brother,  Admiral 
Howe,  with  a  fleet  and 
reinforcements.  To  the  British  army  of  over  thirty  thou- 
sand regulars  Washington  was  able  to  oppose  a  force 
but  two  thirds  as  large,  few  of  whom  were  well  armed 
or  experienced.  His  was  indeed  a  most  difficult  task. 
Public  sentiment  demanded  that  he  should  not  abandon 
New  York  without  a  contest,  although  it  was  absolutely 
indefensible  against  the  larger  force  and  fleet,  which  could 
cut  him  off  easily  from  retreat.  Moreover  he  was  obliged 
to  fortify  and  hold  Brooklyn  Heights,  which  commanded 
the  city  but  was  exposed  to  a  combined  land  and  water 
attack.  For  nearly  two  months  the  British  allowed  him 
to  strengthen  his  position.  Howe  then  landed  twenty 
thousand  men  at  the  southern  end  of  Long  Island,  and  by 
concerted  movements  overpowered  the  eight  thousand  men 


Plan  of 
campaign. 


OF  NEW  1OUK 

(1770) 


Campaign  on 
Long  Island. 


Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
102-108. 


Fiske,  Am. 
Revolution, 
I,  204-212. 


Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev 
I,  184-195. 


168 


American  History 


[1776 


left  by  Washington,  captured  General  Sullivan  with  one 
thousand  men,  and  drove  the  remainder  back  to  the 
East  River.  From  this  position  Washington  was  fortunate 
enough  to  extricate  his  men  before  the  fleet  cut  off  his 
retreat. 

By  two  other  flank  movements  Howe  compelled  Washing- 
ton to  abandon  first  New  York  and  later  Harlem  Heights. 
Then  the  American  army  was  withdrawn  to  White  Plains, 
where  an  indecisive  battle  took  place.  When  Howe  cap- 
tured the  two  forts,  Washington  and  Lee,  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  Hudson,  Washington  retreated  skillfully 
through  New  Jersey,  destroying  bridges  as  he  went.  Seiz- 
ing all  the  boats  on  the  Delaware,  he  placed  that  river  be- 
tween himself  and  the  enemy,  and  blocked  their  advance  to 
Philadelphia. 

155.  The  Trenton-Princeton  Campaign. — The  Ameri- 
can cause  seemed  now  almost  hopeless.  In  spite  of  Ar- 
nold's brave  defense  of  Lake  Champlain  (§  142),  Carleton 
had  gained  control  as  far  south  as  Ticonderoga.  New- 
port had  been  captured  by  the  British  fleet  in  Decem- 
ber, 1776.  The  army  under  Washington,  having  several 
times  barely  escaped  destruction,  had  been  driven  from 
New  York  and  New  Jersey.  Large  numbers  had  taken 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Great  Britain  and  apparently 
the  backbone  of  the  revolution  had  been  broken  effectu- 
ally. 

As  the  terms  of  enlistment  for  most  of  his  soldiers  would 
expire  the  first  of  January,  Washington  decided  to  assume 
the  offensive  —  apparently  a  most  foolhardy  attempt.  But 
as  usual  the  British  were  their  own  worst  enemies  and  had 
left  their  vanguard  scattered  at  a  half-dozen  posts.  The 
advance  at  Trenton  was  held  by  Colonel  Rahl  and  a  body 
of  Hessians.  On  Christmas  eve  Washington  crossed  the 
Delaware,  and  attacked  this  force  in  the  midst  of  their 
festivities.  With  the  loss  of  two  men  killed  and  two  wounded 
he  captured  over  a  thousand  prisoners,  only  two  hundred 
escaping. 


J777]  The  Campaigns  of  if]6  and  7777  169 

The  effect  of  this  victory  was  instantaneous.    The  sol-  Washington  in 
diers  reenlisted.     Hundreds  of  militiamen  joined  Washing-   New  Jersey 
ton,  and  the  people  of  New  Jersey,  aroused  by  the  brutality 
of  the  British  and  Hessian  soldiers,  again  gladly  espoused 
the  American  cause.      Meanwhile  Washington,  who  had 
withdrawn  to  Pennsylvania,  returned  to  Trenton,  disputing  131-135. 
the  advance  of  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  greatly  superior 
force.    As  the  Americans  occupied  a  fairly  strong  position  Lodge, 
and  as  night  was  at  hand,  Cornwallis  postponed  his  attack  story  of  Rev., 
until  morning,  only  to  find  that  Washington  had  slipped  2I7~227> 
away  in  the  night,  leaving  his  campfires  burning.     Wash- 
ington had  in  fact  marched  around  Cornwallis's  main  army 
and  had  attacked  three  regiments  stationed  at  Princeton, 
routing   them   without   great   difficulty.     He   then   retired 
to  the  foothills  in  the  northern  part  of  New  Jersey,  com- 
pelling Cornwallis  to  abandon  the  western  part  of  the  state. 
In  the  face  of   defeat  Washington    had  outmaneuvered  a 
force  several  times  as  large  as  his  own  and  regained  most 
of  the  ground  he  had  lost.     Frederick  the  Great,  one  of  the 
highest  military  authorities  in  Europe,  is  said  to  have  called 
this  the  greatest  campaign  of  the  century. 

156.    The  Plan  of  Campaign,  1777  ;   Philadelphia.  —  In  Plan  to 
1777  the  English  government,  still  believing  that  the  opposi-  sei)arate 
tion  outside  of  New  England  was  half  hearted,  determined 
to  put  an  end  to  the  war  by  gaining  control  of  the  Hudson 
and  separating  New  England  entirely  from  the  southern 
and  middle  states.     For  this  purpose  Sir  John   Burgoyne  157-159. 
was  selected  to  lead  the  northern  army  down  Lake  Cham- 
plain  to  Albany,  cooperating  with  Howe,  who  was  to  ascend  Fiske,  Am. 
the  river  and  make  the  separation  of  New  England  com-  Revolution, 
plete.     This  plan   had   been  outlined   the  previous  year 
and  did  not  meet  with  the  full  approval  of  Howe.     By 
some  inexcusable  carelessness,   the  instructions  to  Howe 
were  mislaid  in  a  pigeonhole  by  the  English  colonial  secre- 
tary, Lord  Germain,  and  did  not  reach  New  York  until 
August  1 6.     Long  before  that  date  Howe  had  left  New 
York,  intending  to  capture  Philadelphia,  the  ''rebel  capital." 


I/O 


American  History 


[i777 


Capture  of 
Philadelphia. 


Accordingly  he  failed  to  cooperate  with  Burgoyne,  and  the 
latter  was  unable  to  carry  out  his  plans. 

Washington  supposed  that  Howe's  destination  would  be 
Philadelphia,  but  held  himself  in  readiness  to  move  to  any 
point  threatened.  Howe  appeared  first  off  Delaware  Bay, 
but  did  not  ascend  that  river  on  account  of  the  forts  erected 


^s 


REVOLUTION 

IS  THE 

NORTH 

Battlefields X 

Sie;et ® 


Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
I,  280-302. 


below  Philadelphia.  Late  in  August  he  landed  at  the  head 
of  Chesapeake  Bay.  At  Brandywine  Creek  his  way  was 
blocked  by  Washington,  who  had  sent  some  of  his  best 
troops  to  the  north.  A  flank  attack  made  by  Howe  across 
the  fords  above  Washington's  main  body  was  successful 
on  account  of  the  overwhelming  superiority  of  the  British 
in  numbers  and  discipline  The  way  now  lay  open  to  Phila- 


i?77]  The  Campaigns  of  1776  and  1777  171 

delphia,  which  gave  Howe  a  cordial  welcome.  But  Wash- 
ington was  not  content,  and  on  October  4  attacked  the  British 
army,  now  stationed  at  Germantown,  but  without  success. 
Howe  captured  the  forts  below  the  city,  although  they  were 
defended  with  great  skill.  The  British  then  gave  themselves 
up  to  the  enjoyment  of  winter  festivities,  while  Washington 
went  into  winter  quarters  at  Valley  Forge  only  a  short 
distance  up  the  Schuylkill  River. 

157.    Burgoyne's  Advance  (1777).  —  Early  in  the  summer  Advance  to 
Burgoyne  had  left  Canada  with  about  ten  thousand  English  the  Hudson- 
regulars,   Hessians,  Canadian   militia,  and    Indians.     His 
advance  down  Lake  Champlain  was  undisputed  until  he  Lodge, 
reached  Ticonderoga.     By  seizing  some  commanding  heights  ^ory      f""1 
that  were  left  undefended  he  compelled  the  abandonment 
of  that  fortress  without  serious  fighting,  the  garrison  join- 
ing another  detachment  under  General   Schuyler.     Real-  Revolution, 
izing  that  his  opportunity  lay  in  the  comparatively  unsettled   I,  268-275. 
region  between  Lake  Champlain  and   the  Hudson  River, 
Schuyler  withdrew  slowly,  felling  trees  across  the  roads  or 
converting  them  into  swamps,  destroying  bridges,  making 
the  way  impassable  to  an  army  encumbered  with  baggage 
and    artillery.     He   accomplished    his   purpose  admirably, 
for  Burgoyne  spent  fifty  days  covering  seventy-five  miles. 
The  American   army  meanwhile   was   strengthened   daily 
by  arrivals  from  New  England  and  the  Hudson  valley. 

Having  reached  the  Hudson  and  being  short  of  provisions,   Bennington. 
Burgoyne  sent  Colonel  Baum  with  six  hundred  Hessians 
into  what  is  now  Vermont.    To  the  support  of  this  division  Fiske,  Am. 
he  dispatched  another  four  days  later.    The  first  was  met 
near  Bennington,  August  16,  by  John  Stark  and  a  body  of 
New  Hampshire  farmers.     Stark  attacked  the  Hessian  camp, 
capturing   practically  the  entire  force.      Barely  was  this 
engagement  finished  when  the  second  detachment  arrived. 
This  was  beaten  off  after  hard  fighting.     Burgoyne  had 
gained  nothing  and  had  lost  a  thousand  men. 

At  this  time  Colonel  St.  Leger,  who  had  advanced  from   Defeat  of 
Lake  Ontario  in  order  to  move  down,  the  Mohawk  valley  St>  L  S'r 


172 


American  History 


['777 


Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
I,  236-242. 


and  cooperate  with  Burgoyne,  was  besieging  Fort  Stanwix 
near  the  western  end  of  the  valley.  Herkimer,  with  some 
Dutch  settlers,  attempted  to  raise  the  siege,  but  was  ambushed 
and  driven  back  ;  but  when  news  came  that  Arnold  was 
approaching  with  another  force,  the  siege  was  raised,  and 
St.  Leger  retreated.  In  this  way,  Burgoyne  was  left  to 
meet  the  constantly  increasing  American  army  without 
hope  of  support  from  any  quarter. 


Battles  of  158.    The   Surrender  of  Burgoyne   (1777). — The  com- 

Bemis  Heights.  man(j  of  tne  American  army  which  faced  Burgoyne  had 
been  transferred  from  Schuyler  to  General  Horatio  Gates, 
who  was  more  popular  among  the  New  England  soldiers. 
Gates  was  not  an  experienced  commander,  and  took  very 
little  part  in  directing  the  campaign.  He  drew  up  his  army 
at  Bemis  Heights  directly  in  the  line  of  the  British  advance. 
In  this  neighborhood  two  engagements  were  fought.  The 
first,  on  September  19,  was  indecisive,  but  in  reality  an 
American  victory,  as  the  British  advance  was  practically 
checked.  As  the  news  of  this  battle  brought  still  larger 
numbers  of  farmers  to  the  American  ranks,  and  as  Burgoyne's 
communications  were  threatened  by  the  American  com- 


Winsor  (ed.), 
America,  VI. 


Fiske,  Am. 
Revolution, 
I,  325-334- 


i?77]          The  Campaigns  of  1776  and  1777  173 

mands  in  his  rear,  he  undoubtedly  would  have  retreated 
but  for  the  news  that  Clinton  was  ascending  the  Hudson 
with  aid.  On  October  7  an  attempt  to  reconnoiter  brought 
on  another  battle.  Arnold,  although  deprived  of  his  com- 
mand, and  Morgan,  broke  the  British  line  and  made  Bur- 
goyne's  position  untenable. 

He  attempted  to  withdraw,  but  was  surrounded  by  the  The  surrender 
American  forces,  which  outnumbered  him  three  to  one.   atSarat°ea- 
Finally  October  16,  at  Saratoga,  he  agreed  to  surrender  his 
army,  now  diminished  to  5791  soldiers  and  camp  attendants,   Devolution 
These  were  to  be  sent  back  to  England  on  condition  that   I,  335-344. 
they  should  not  serve  again  in  America,  but  Congress  kept 
them  as  prisoners  of  war,  because  the  claim  was  made  that 
the  British  had  broken  the  Saratoga  Convention.    Thus  the 
general  who  had  boasted  that  he  would  never  retreat  yielded 
the  last  of  his  army  of  veterans  to  a  temporary  force  of  mili- 
tia and  farmers  called  together  by  the  attempted  invasion, 
and  directed  by  an  inefficient  commander.    This  was  really 
the  turning  point  of  the  war,  for  the  victory  at  Saratoga 
had  momentous  consequences  in  America  and  Europe. 

CHANGED  CONDITIONS  (1778-1779) 

159.    French    Aid    before   1778. — The  most  important  French  hatred 
result  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  was  the  open  alliance  of  the  of  Ensland- 
French  and  Americans.     France,  keenly  alive  to  the  dis- 
graceful defeats  of  the  last  war  with  England,  was  anxious  Lecky. Am- 

if.  .-...,  ,,  Revolution, 

to  improve  the  first  opportunity  of  injuring  her  old  enemy.  296_3II> 
Turgot,  the   comptroller   general,    realizing   the   financial 

condition  of  the  country,  advised  King  Louis  to  hold  aloof  Van  Tyne, 

from  interference,  but  a  more  active  party  under  the  lead  Revolution, 

of  Vergennes,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  urged  that  help  20^~217- 
should  be  given  to  the  United  States  secretly.     This  was 

done  as  early  as  1776,  but  American  interests  were  not  Da™e  D(e,  '' 

Keaay  Kef,, 

managed  well  until  the  appointment  of  Benjamin  Franklin  y,  3241-3244. 
to  the  court  of  France. 

Franklin  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  of  our  en- 
tire history.    Of  unaffected  manner  and  a  most  practical 


174 


American  History 


[1778 


Benjamin 
Franklin. 


Appleton, 
Cyclopedia 
of  Am.  Biog. 


Terms  of  the 
alliance. 


mind,  he  was  an  astute  philosopher  and  a  far-sighted  states- 
man. His  contributions  to  the  cause  of  education  and  science 
entitle  him  to  a  high  position  among  the  leaders  in  those 
branches,  and  as  a  diplomat  he  is  unexcelled  among  Ameri- 
cans. Beginning  life  as  a  journeyman  printer  in  Boston, 
he  had  run  away  to  Philadelphia,  established  a  paper  of  his 
own,  founded  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  and  brought 
the  administration  of  the  municipal  government  in  his 

adopted  city  to  a  high 
state  of  efficiency. 
He  had  gained  a 
world-wide  reputa- 
tion for  his  discov- 
eries of  electricity, 
had  been  assistant 
postmaster-  general 
for  the  colonies,  and 
during  the  trying 
period  immediately 
preceding  the  w  a  r 
had  rendered  invalu- 
able service  to  the 
colonies  as  a  colonial 
agent  in  London.  No 
one  had  done  more 
than  he  to  promote 
colonial  union,  and 
when  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  drawn  up,  he 
was  one  of  those  selected  for  the  task.  His  appointment 
to  France  was  wise  beyond  expectation,  for  no  one  could 
have  foreseen  that  his  services  to  America  in  the  next  six 
years  would  be  the  most  valuable  of  his  remarkable  career. 
160.  The  French  Alliance  (1778).  —  Franklin  was  very 
popular  in  France,  and  would  probably  have  secured  an 
alliance  because  of  the  bitterness  toward  England.  After 
Saratoga,  however,  his  task  was  extremely  easy,  and  on 
February  6,  1778,  a  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed  by  which 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN 


1778]  Changed  Conditions  175 

France  agreed  to  aid  the  United  States  in  order  to  maintain  Van  Tyne, 
her  "liberty,  sovereignty,  and  independence,  absolute  and  Kevoluhon< 
unlimited."    France  renounced  all  possessions  on  the  main- 
land of  America,  but  was  to  retain  any  islands  in  the  West 
Indies  captured  from  Great  Britain.     The  allies  were  not  to 
make  peace  or  "lay  down  their  arms  until  the  independence 
of  the  United  States  shall  have  been  formally  or  tacitly 
assured  by  the  treaty  or  treaties  that  shall  terminate  the  war." 
On  the  same  day  a  commercial  treaty  was  signed. 

The  French  Alliance  and  the  subsequent  war  between   Results  of  the 
France  and    England    had  a   threefold   influence  on   the  alliance- 
contest  in  America,     (i)  It  brought  us  substantial  help  in  the 
form  of  a  fleet  and  regular  bodies  of  troops.     (2)  It  also  Lecky-  Am- 
compelled  the  British  to  withdraw  from  the  United  States  393-399. 
a  large  number  of  troops.    This  crippled  the  English  and 
made  extensive  operations  difficult,  so  that  the  fighting  was 
thereafter  more  desultory,  except  in  the  South  during  1780 
and  1781.     (3)  As  there  were  no  invading  armies  to  oppose 
and  no  possibility  of  driving  the  British  from  the  few  sea- 
ports that  they  held,  the  Americans  took  less  interest  in  the 
war,  and  depended  more  on  their  French  allies. 

161.    Attempted  Conciliation  by  the  British  (1778).  —  An-  Terms  pro- 
other  result  of  Saratoga  was  the  attempt  made  by  the  Brit-  posed  by  Eng' 
ish  government  to  end  the  war  by  conceding  all  American 
demands  except  that  of  independence.     In  1776  Admiral 
Howe  had  been  instructed  to  offer  pardon  to  all  who  would  Rev0iutimt 
return  to  their  allegiance,  but  he  had  failed  through  un-  227-233. 
willingness  to  recognize  Congress  as  an  American  govern- 
ment.   The  full  effect  of  Burgoyne's  defeat  may  be  apparent 
if  we  notice  the  offers  which  were  made  by  Lord  North 
in  February,  1778,  a  few  days  after  the  treaty  with  France 
was  signed,  but  before  England  knew  of  the  alliance.    The 
tea  act  and  the  Massachusetts  government  act  were  repealed, 
and  the  right  of  parliamentary  taxation  renounced  except 
for  duties  on  commerce,  the  revenue  of  which  was  to  be 
expended  by  each  colony  for  itself.    The  peace  commis- 
sioners were  to  have  power  to  treat  with  Congress,  grant 


1 76 


American  History 


[177? 


Inefficiency  of 
Congress. 


pardons,  and  suspend  all  colonial  laws  passed  by  parlia- 
ment after  1763.  In  short,  England  agreed  to  return  to  the 
old  colonial  system  if  her  former  American  possessions  would 
resume  their  colonial  relations. 

These  efforts  came  to  naught.  Had  the  same  offers  been 
made  even  two  years  earlier  they  would  have  been  accepted 
gladly,  but  now  independence  alone  was  satisfactory  to  the 
United  States.  Congress  rejected  all  offers  made  by  the 
commissioners,  who  returned  to  England,  after  announcing 
that  thenceforth  a  war  of  destruction  would  be  waged. 

162.  Intrigue   and   Neglect    (1778).  —  A   third,  though 
much  less  important,  result  of  Saratoga  was  the  attempt  to 
remove  Washington    from  his  position  as  commander  in 
chief.    The  repeated  defeats  which  he  had  sustained  during 
the  fall  of  1777  contrasted  strangely  with  the  victory  in  the 
North,  and,  to  persons  unacquainted  with  the  facts,  seemed 
proof  that  Gates  was  the  greater  general.     In  November, 
1777,  a  war  board  had  been  appointed  with  Gates  at  the 
head.     An  Irish  adventurer,  named  Conway,  who  had  seen 
some  service  in  France,  and  whose  promotion  Washington 
had  opposed,  thought  this  a  favorable  moment  to  intrigue 
against  the  commander  in  chief.     With  Gates  and  a  few 
others  he  sought  to  gain  control  of  Congress;  but  the  plot 
was  exposed,  Conway  resigned  from  the  army,  Gates  was 
detailed  to  the  forts  on  the  Hudson,  and  Washington  en- 
joyed even  greater  confidence  than  before. 

Congress  meanwhile  found  itself  incapable  of  meeting 
the  situation.  Paper  money  was  almost  worthless,  and  there 
was  no  proper  organization  to  care  for  the  army.  The 
soldiers  were  not  only  unpaid,  but  unprovided  with  clothes 
and  food.  The  suffering  at  Valley  Forge  during  the  winter 
of  1778  was  extreme  and  inexcusable!  Many  of  the  men 
went  barefoot  in  the  snow,  but,  in  spite  of  obstacles,  under 
the  supervision  of  Steuben,  a  small  force  of  regulars  was 
being  trained  that  was  to  form  the  nucleus  of  the  army 
during  the  uninteresting  campaigns  that  followed. 

163.  The  Naval  War  (1776-1782).  —  At  the  beginning 


1778]  Changed  Conditions  177 

of  the  war  the  United  States  had  no  fleet  and  little  attempt   Lack  of  a  navy. 
was  made  to  create  one.    There  being  no  fleet  to  oppose, 


comparatively  few  English  men-of-war  were  sent  to  America,          'r-  °' 
although   Admiral   Howe   and   others   advocated   a   strict   n,  NO.  194. 
blockade  of  our  coasts  as  the  best  and  quickest  means  of 
bringing  the  colonies  to  submission. 

Numerous  privateers  were  fitted  out  to  prey  upon  Eng-  Victories  of 
lish  commerce,  an  undertaking  that  was  considered  perfectly  Paul  Jones- 
proper,    and    was    highly    profitable.     Several    American 
captains  inflicted  great  damage  on  the  shipping  of  the  British   Flske-  Am- 

Devolution, 

Channel  and  the  North  Sea.     Among  these  was  Paul  Jones,  j^  I20-i30. 
who  in  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  (1779)  engaged  in  a  fierce 
and  bloody  contest  with  the  Serapis,  conquering  his  antag- 
onist but  losing  his  own  vessel. 

After  1778   the  war  on   the  ocean  assumed  a  different   Naval  war  aftei 
character  on  account  of  the  French.     Possessed  of  a  power-   17?8' 
ful  navy,  she  joined  to  this  the  navy  of  Spain,  making  an 
alliance  with  that  nation  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the   Flske>  Am- 
English  from  Gibraltar,  and  invading  the  British  Isles.     A   u  I30_I62. 
year  later  England  declared  war  against  Holland,  because 
that  country  had  indirectly  given  sympathy  and  aid  to  the 
United   States.    The  war  against  these  three  continental 
countries  England  carried  on  principally  through  a  naval 
contest  aimed  at  their  colonies  in  the  West  Indies. 

164.    The  War  in  the  North  and  West  (1778-1779).  —  Withdrawal 
While  at  Philadelphia,  Howe  was  superseded  by  Sir  Henry  from  Phila~ 
Clinton.     As  his  army  was  reduced  to  provide  troops  for 
the  West  Indies,  and  as  the  possession  of  the  "capital"  was 
of  no  value,  he  withdrew  in  June,  1778,  to  New  York.     At   story  of  Rev^ 
Monmouth   courthouse,  he  was  attacked  by  Washington.   1,316-324. 
The  American  van,  led  by  General  Charles  Lee,  an  Eng- 
lishman who  had  been  highly  honored  by  Congress,  retreated 
at  the  beginning  of  the  battle,  and,  but  for  the  personal  efforts 
of  Washington,  the  army  would  have  been  badly  disorgan^ 
ized.    As  it  was,  the  chance  of  victory  had  been  lost  and 
Clinton  reached  New  York  in  safety.     A  little  later  an 
elaborate  attempt  to  capture  Newport  ended  in  a  fiasco. 


1/8 


American  History 


[i779 


Minor  events. 

Fiske,  Am. 
Revolution,   II, 
85-90,  109-115. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
V,  3258-3260. 

Clark's  con- 
quest of  the 
Northwest. 


Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
280-284. 

Ogg,  Missis- 
sippi* 354-367- 

Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
II,  7-28. 


Capture  of 
Charleston 
(1780). 

Van  Tyne, 
Revolution, 
293-299. 

Winsor  (ed.), 
America, 

vi.  469-475- 

Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
II,  29-42. 


During  these  years  occurred  the  revolting  massacres  at 
Wyoming  and  Cherry  valleys,  perpetrated  by  Indians  and 
loyalists.  Clinton  began  also  a  series  of  raids  along  the 
coast,  burning  and  destroying  the  seaports.  Brilliant  and 
successful  but  comparatively  valueless  assaults  were  made 
by  General  Wayne  and  Major  Lee  on  Stony  Point  and 
Paulus  Hook. 

The  region  directly  west  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina 
and  beyond  the  mountains  had  been  settled  gradually  by 
pioneers  led  by  Boone  and  Robertson.  These  had  success- 
fully repelled  Indian  attacks  made  upon  them  in  the  first 
half  of  the  war,  but  they  did  not  assume  the  offensive  until 
1778.  In  that  year  George  Rogers  Clark,  with  the  sanction 
and  aid  of  Virginia  officials,  descended  the  Ohio,  surprised 
and  captured  Fort  Kaskaskia  near  the  Mississippi,  and 
marched  overland  to  Vincennes.  Hamilton,  the  British 
commander  in  the  West,  with  headquarters  at  Detroit,  had 
already  attached  the  Indians  to  the  English  cause.  He 
again  gained  Vincennes,  but  Clark,  after  a  heroic  march  in 
melting  snow,  recaptured  the  fort  (February,  1779),  broke 
up  the  Indian  confederacy,  and  established  American  rule 
over  the  entire  Ohio  valley. 

THE  CLOSE  or  THE  WAR  (1780-1781) 

165.  British  Success  in  the  South  (1780). — During  the 
year  1778  Savannah  had  been  captured  by  the  British  and 
the  strongly  loyalist  state  of  Georgia  had  been  overrun. 
Clinton  now  decided  that  the  chief  hope  of  success  lay  in 
following  up  the  British  victories  in  the  South.  Taking 
most  of  the  men  at  his  disposal,  he  advanced  from  Savan- 
nah to  Charleston,  to  which  the  American  commander, 
Lincoln,  retreated,  foolishly  attempting  to  defend  the  town. 
In  May,  1780,  Charleston  surrendered  with  its  army  of 
about  five  thousand,  a  blow  that  was  especially  serious 
because  there  was  no  other  organized  American  force  in 
the  southern  states.  Clinton  at  once  occupied  the  strate- 
gic points  in  the  interior  and  threatened  confiscation  of 


1780]  The  Close  of  the    War  179 

property  to  all  who  did  not  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  He 
then  left  Cornwallis  with  about  half  of  his  army  to  hold  the 
country.  A  violent  contest  broke  out  between  the  patriots 
and  the  loyalists,  as  the  latter  were  now  strong  enough  to 
retaliate.  The  American  guerrilla  commanders,  Sumter 
and  Marion,  kept  up  their  annoying  attacks,  but  the  British 
had  good  reason  to  feel  that  Georgia  and  South  Carolina 
had  been  completely  subdued. 

A  new  southern  army  was  being  collected  by  de  Kalb,   Camden. 
who  had  some  of  Washington's  continental  soldiers  and 
was  joined  by  militia  from  North  Carolina  and  Virginia.   Winsor  (ed.), 
The  command  of  this  force  was   intrusted   to  Gates,  the  m*"*** 
inefficient,  although  Washington  wished  to  have  Greene 
chosen  for  the   position.    Gates   moved  against  Camden,   Fiske  Am 
where  he  was  met  by  Cornwallis  (August  15,  1780).      Each  Revolution, 
general  had  attempted  to  surprise  the  other  by  an  early  n-  l85~I93- 
morning    attack.    The    continentals    stood    their    ground, 
but  the  militia  fled  at  the  first  fire,  and  the  battle  ended  in   T;°dge'    . 

Story  of  Kev.t 

the  complete  rout  of  the  patriot  army.    The  prospects  of  n;  49-55. 
the  Americans  were  indeed  dim,  and  this  time  is  called  quite 
appropriately  "the  darkest  hour  of  the  Revolution." 

166.    The  Treason  of  Arnold  (1780).  —  A  disaster  greater  Arnold's  careei 

than  the  capture  of  Lincoln  or  the  defeat  of  Gates  was  and  fallure- 
narrowly  averted  a  month  after  Camden.     Had  Benedict 

Arnold's  plan  to  betray  West  Point  succeeded,  even  Wash-  R™*  »/•• 

ington  might  not  have  been  able  to  save  the  North  from  the  v,  3272-3273. 
fate  that  threatened  the  South.     West  Point  was  the  best 

fortified  and  much  the  most  important  of  the  forts  constructed  Lecky,  Am. 

by  Washington  to  hold  the  Hudson.       It  had  a  garrison  K™°lution. 

4°3~4I9- 

of  three  thousand  men,  and  had  been  commanded  by  Ar- 
nold since  July,  1780.  Arnold  was  a  brave,  energetic,  and 
efficient  officer,  but  of  overbearing  manner,  extravagant 
ways,  and  an  unfortunate  tendency  to  make  enemies.  He 
earned  the  cordial  dislike  of  most  persons  with  whom  he 
associated,  and  had,  perhaps  for  this  reason,  been  promoted 
very  tardily  by  Congress.  In  1778  as  commander  at  Phila- 
delphia, he  had  indulged  in  a  number  of  sharp  practices 


i8o 


American  History 


[1780 


Kings  Moun- 
tain (1780). 


Carrington, 
Battles,  520- 
522. 


which  led  to  an  investigation,  and  finally  a  court-martial, 
in  both  of  which  he  was  acquitted.  He  had  already  made 
overtures  to  Clinton  before  applying  for  the  position  at 
West  Point.  Command  was  given  to  him  gladly  by  Wash- 
ington, who  believed  him  ill  treated.  The  plot  to  betray 
the  fortress  came  to  light,  as  is  well  known,  through  the 
capture  of  Major  Andre,  Clinton's  aid.  Arnold  fled  and 


Oreene'i  route,  J«n.-Sept.  1781 

, Jan.-Sept.  1781 


was  afterward  employed  by  Clinton  in  attacking  and  burn- 
ing sea-coast  towns.  Andre  was  tried  as  a  spy,  convicted, 
and  hanged. 

167.  Campaigns  in  the  South  (1780-1781). — The 
tide  of  British  success  was  now  at  its  flood,  but  Corn- 
wallis  was  destined  to  lose  two  divisions  in  the  Carolina 
foothills  during  the  six  months  following  Gates's  defeat. 
The  first  of  these  was  a  body  of  loyalists  and  regulars 
under  a  skillful  partisan  leader,  Major  Ferguson.  Penetrat- 
ing too  far  into  the  uplands,  he  was  surrounded  at  Kings 


1781]  The  Close  of  the   War  181 

Mountain  by  several  bands  of  patriots,  who  captured  the 
British  force. 

Nathanael  Greene  was  now  placed  in  command  of  the  TheCowpens 
southern  army,  part  of  which  under  General  Morgan  was   (X78i). 
widely  separated  from  his  own  force.    Thinking  to  destroy 
each  section  separately  Cornwallis  sent  Colonel  Tarleton   Flske>  Am- 

1  1          /"I  -rr-  -*  r  Revolution. 

against  Morgan,  who  was  at  the  Lowpens  near  Kings  Moun-   jj  252-251; 
tain.      By   skillful   flank   movements   and   sharp   fighting 
Morgan  surrounded  Tarleton  and  captured  or  destroyed 
over  three   fourths  of  his  men 
(January     17,     1781).      Corn- 
wallis was  rapidly  losing  the 
army  that  he  needed   for  the 
occupation  of  the  South. 

Morgan   did   not    remain  at  -JfS^^J'^^.  Maneuvering 

the    Cowpens,    but     marched      .  ./^jP^^m^       j^orth  Caro 
north  rapidly  in  order  to  join 
Greene.      Cornwallis    followed 
with  all  speed,  aiming  to  strike 
before  they  united.      He  even 

destroyed  -his   heavy  baggage,  NATHANAEL  GREENE 

but,  as  the  rivers  were  swollen 

with  the  winter  rains,  and   as   Greene  had  boats,  which   Fiske,  Am. 
he    lacked,    he    gave    up    the    chase   at    the   river   Dan.   Rev°luiion, 
Greene,  having  secured  reinforcements  in  Virginia,  offered 
him  battle  at  Guilford  Court  House.    Cornwallis's  men, 
although  greatly  outnumbered,  fought  with  great  courage 


and  remained  in  possession  of  the  field.     But  their  losses   vi,  482-487. 
were  so  heavy  that  the  British  general  could  not  hold  this 
advanced  position.     Unwilling  to  retreat  to  South  Carolina, 
he  withdrew  to  Wilmington,  North  Carolina,  from  which  he 
marched  into  Virginia,  expecting  Greene  to  follow. 

Greene,  however,   resolved  to  regain  control  of  South  Reconquest 
Carolina.     At  Hobkirk's  Hill,  just  outside  of  Camden,  he  of  South 
fought  an  indecisive  battle  (April  25,  1781)  with  the  force 
left  by  Cornwallis,  but  compelled  the  abandonment  of  that   ^Iske;  Am< 

J  ,       ,  Revolution, 

important  center  by  cutting  his  opponent's  communications.   IIf  26i-268. 


182 


American  History 


[1781 


In  September  he  engaged  the  British  in  another  battle  at 
Eutaw  Springs,  much  nearer  Charleston.  Again  he  could 
claim  no  victory,  but  the  British  as  usual  found  it  neces- 
sary to  withdraw. 

168.  Yorktown  (1781). — Meanwhile  Cornwallis  had 
reached  Virginia,  where  he  found  himself  opposed  by  a  much 
inferior  force  under  LaFayette.  After  endeavoring  in  vain 
to  bring  on  an  engagement,  since  he  found  the  people  ac- 
tively hostile,  he  withdrew  to  the  seacoast  in  order  to  be 

ready  to  cooperate  with 
Clinton.  Cornwallis's  position 
on  York  peninsula  was  de- 
fended quite  easily  from  land 
attacks,  and  seemed  a  safe 
one  because  the  English  had 
never  been  prevented  from 
moving  their  armies  by  water 
whenever  they  pleased. 

But  the  British  commanders 
failed  to  take  into  considera- 
tion the  French  fleet  under 
de  Grasse  which  had  been  in 
the  West  Indies,  but  now 
sailed  for  Chesapeake  Bay.  Washington  so  deceived 
Clinton  that  he  expected  an  attack  on  New  York  by  the 
combined  French  and  American  armies,  cooperating  with 
the  French  fleet.  Too  late  Clinton  discovered  that  most 
of  Washington's  army  was  well  on  its  way  to  Virginia. 
A  fleet  was  sent  to  aid  Cornwallis,  but  was  met  near  the 
entrance  to  Chesapeake  Bay  and  compelled  to  retire 
after  a  short  naval  engagement.  Retreat  from  York- 
town  was  shut  off  now  on  all  sides.  Daily  the  Ameri- 
can lines  on  the  peninsula  were  brought  nearer  the  forti- 
fications of  the  enemy,  and,  on  October  14,  the  British 
outworks  were  taken  by  assault.  October  17  Cornwallis 
surrendered,  and  two  days  later  his  army  of  over  seven 
thousand  men  marched  out  while  the  the  band  played 
the  old  English  tune,  "The  World  turned  Upside  Down." 


LAFAYETTE 


1782]  The   Treaty  of  Peace  183 

THE   TREATY   OF   PEACE  (1782-1783) 

169.    Conditions  affecting  the  Treaty  of  Peace. — The   Problems  of 
victory  at  Yorktown  made  further  prosecution  of  the  war   England, 
impossible.     Lord  North,   who,   as   prime   minister,   had 
carried  on  the  war  since  1778  against  his  own  personal  wishes,   Van  Tyne> 

'    Revolution, 

resigned,  and  Rockingham  formed  a  new  ministry  on  con-  309-316, 319- 
dition  that  the  independence  of  America  should  be  acknowl-  320,  328. 
edged.  His  cabinet  was  confronted  with  a  very  difficult 
task.  England  was  at  war  with  four  countries,  the  United 
States,  France,  Spain,  and  Holland.  In  almost  every 
quarter  her  enemies  had  been  successful,  most  of  all  in 
America.  England's  sole  hope  of  success  lay  in  persuading 
either  France  or  the  United  States  to  make  a  separate  treaty,1 
as  she  would  then  be  in  a  better  position  to  dictate  to  the 
others.  For  this  separate  treaty  the  ministry  labored  un- 
ceasingly. 

For  the  United  States  the  negotiations  were  conducted  American 
by  three  of  her  ablest  statesmen,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Tohn   comm'ssi°r 

*  J  J  ers  and  their 

Jay,  and  John  Adams.    They  were  bound  by  the  French   instructions, 
treaty  not  to  conclude  peace  with  Great  Britain  without  the 
consent  of  France,  and  were  seriously  hampered  by  the   Morse, 
instructions  of  Congress  to  do  nothing  without  the  "knowl-  J°hn  Adams, 
edge  and  concurrence"  of  the  French  king  "and  ultimately 
to  govern  yourselves  by  their  [the  French  ministers']  advice 
and  opinion."    As  France  had  agreed  in  the  treaty  with 
Spain  (1779)  to  continue  the  war  until  Gibraltar  should  be 
captured,  and  to  share  the  American  fisheries  with  Spain 
alone  if  Newfoundland  were  reduced,  these  instructions  were 
in  the  interest  of  France  and  not  of  the  United  States.     Fur- 
thermore there  is  no  doubt  that  the-  French  government 

1  Even  with  the  separate  treaty,  success  could  be  attained  by  England 
only  with  a  united  ministry,  yet  the  negotiation  of  the  treaties  with  the 
continental  nations  was  intrusted  to  the  foreign  secretary,  Charles  Fox, 
and  of  that  with  the  United  States  to  his  political  and  personal  enemy, 
the  colonial  secretary,  Lord  Shelburne.  To  complicate  matters  still 
further,  Rockingham  died  in  July,  1782,  and  his  place  was  taken  by  Shel- 
burne, who  did  not  enjoy  the  full  confidence  of  his  associates. 


1 84 


American  History 


[1782 


American 
claims. 


English 
claims. 


Negotiation 
of  the  prelimi- 
nary treaty. 

Lecky,  Am. 

Revolution, 

466-471, 

477-482. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
V,  3282-3287. 

Lodge, 
Story  of  Rev., 
II,  206-216. 

McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

11-28. 


desired  to  have  the  United  States  weak  enough  to  be  de- 
pendent on  France  for  continued  aid.1 

170.  Claims  and  Negotiations  (1782). — The  claims  se- 
riously presented  by  the  American  commissioners  were 
four  in  number:  (i)  complete  recognition  of  American  inde- 
pendence; (2)  the  Mississippi  River  as  a  western  boundary, 
and  on  the  north  the  Great  Lakes  or  a  line  through  Lake 
Nipissing  to  the  source  of  the  Mississippi ;  (3)  the  right  to 
fish  off  Newfoundland ;  and  (4)  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi River. 

The  English,  on  the  other  hand,  wished  to  have  the 
Alleghanies  as  the  western  boundary  of  the  United  States, 
and  did  not  care  to  share  the  fisheries  with  the  Americans. 
They  insisted  that  there  could  be  no  peace  until  the  United 
States  agreed  to  pay  all  debts  due  to  British  merchants 
in  1775,  and  to  compensate  the  loyalists  for  losses  sus- 
tained during  the  war.  They  intended  to  acknowledge 
American  independence,  but  held  the  acknowledgment  in 
reserve  with  the  hope  of  trading  it  for  valuable  concessions. 

With  remarkable  skill  and  good  fortune,  Franklin  opened 
the  negotiations  for  peace  by  persuading  the  English  secre- 
tary, Lord  Shelburne,  to  select  as  England's  representative, 
Richard  Oswald,  an  unsuspicious,  open-minded  man, 
easily  influenced  by  the  great  philosopher.  Through  Os- 
wald he  succeeded  in  obtaining  recognition  of  almost  all 
the  American  claims  before  the  arrival  of  Jay  from  Madrid 
in  July,  1782.  On  account  of  his  experience  in  Spain,  Jay 
had  grown  distrustful  of  all  Europeans,  and  declared  that 
he  would  not  proceed  until  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  was  accepted  as  the  basis  of  the  treaty  rather  than  as 
one  of  its  provisions.  Shelburne  expressed  his  willingness 
to  do  this,  on  condition  that  we  make  a  separate  treaty. 
When  Franklin  asked  Jay  if  he  would  break  his  instructions 
to  follow  the  advice  of  the  French  ministers,  Jay  replied, 
"as  readily  as  I  break  this  pipe,"  throwing  the  fragments 

1  France  also  wished  to  have  the  American  boundaries  limits  to  the 
Alleghanies,  See  map  opposite  p.  185. 


1783]  The  Treaty  of  Peace  185 

into  the  fire.  With  the  aid  of  Adams,  who  became  the 
champion  of  the  American  fisheries,  negotiations  now  pro- 
ceeded, and  a  preliminary  treaty  was  signed  November  30, 
1782,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  French.  This  was, 
however,  to  become  operative  only  when  accepted  by  par- 
liament and  when  the  French  and  the  English  agreed  upon 
terms  of  peace.  Although  rejected  by  parliament,  on 
September  3,  1783,  a  new  treaty  almost  identical  with  that 
of  1782  was  signed  at  Paris. 

171.    Provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  (1783).  —  In  Boundaries, 
the  opening  section  of  the  treaty,  Great  Britain  acknowledged 
the  independence  of  the  United  States.    The  boundaries  Winsor-  (ed 
agreed  upon  were  as  follows:  on  the  north  from  the  mouth  America, 
of  the  St.  Croix  to  the  source  of  that  river,  north  to  the  high-  VI1-  ^i-iSo 
lands  that  separated  the  rivers  flowing  into  the  St.  Lawrence 
from  those  flowing  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  along  those 
highlands  to  the  Connecticut  River,  parallel  45  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  the  middle  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Great 
Lakes  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods,  and  thence  to  the  source 
of  the  Mississippi,1  on  the  west,  the  Mississippi  River  to 
parallel  31,  and  on  the  south  parallel  31  to  the  Chattahoochie 
River,  and  along  the  present  north  boundary  of  Florida  to 
the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  were  to  have  the  right  other 
to  fish  off  Newfoundland.    Creditors  were  to  be  paid  bona  provisions. 
fide  debts  in  sterling  money.    Congress  was  to  recommend 
to  the  state  legislatures  restitution  of  all  estates,  rights,  and   ^eckf  'Am' 

Revolution, 

properties  to  loyalists,  and  the  treaty  declared  that  there  471-474. 
should  be  no  further  persecution  of  that  class.  The  British 
armies  were  to  be  withdrawn  at  once  from  all  posts  in  the 
United  States,  no  negroes  being  taken  with  them.  Finally, 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  declared  to  be  free  to 
subjects  of  both  countries.  The  greatest  victory  of  the 
Revolution  had  been  won,  not  by  armies  in  America,  but  by 
statesmen  in  Europe. 

1  "A  due  west  course  to  the  river  Mississippi."  It  was  supposed  at  that 
time  that  the  source  of  the  Mississippi  was  north  of  the  latitude  of  the  Lake 
of  the  Woods.  Later  it  was  discovered  that  it  was  almost  directly  south. 


i86 


American  History 


[1775- 


Problems  of 
union  and  in- 
dependence. 


First  period 
of  the  war 
(1775-1777)- 


Second  period 
of  the  war 
(1778-1783). 


172.  Summary. — The  war  between  the  colonies  and 
Great  Britain  made  independence  inevitable  during  the 
second  year  of  the  conflict.  Although  the  colonies  were 
united  from  the  beginning,  the  union  was  represented  until 
1781  solely  by  Congress,  which  exercised  less  authority 
year  by  year.  With  a  large  percentage  of  the  people  loyal 
to  Great  Britain,  the  political  leaders  were  obliged  not  only 
to  form  a  national  government  but  to  organize  state  govern- 
ments, create  an  army  on  limited  financial  resources,  secure 
recognition  of  the  United  States  abroad,  and  finally  make 
peace  on  favorable  terms. 

During  the  first  year  of  the  war  all  battles  were  confined 
to  New  England  or  the  northern  border.  When  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1776  the  theater  of  action  was  transferred  to  the 
middle  states,  the  English  armies  began  a  serious  struggle 
for  the  control  of  the  Hudson,  and  incidentally  the  Delaware. 
Gaining  a  foothold  on  New  York,  which  was  maintained  to 
the  end  of  the  war,  the  British  occupied  New  Jersey  until 
repulsed  by  Washington,  and  sought  in  1777  to  gain  control 
of  the  Hudson  and  of  Philadelphia. 

With  the  failure  of  these  plans  and  the  French  alliance, 
the  English  generals  began  active  campaigns  in  the  South. 
Although  attended  by  success  at  first,  they  lost  gradually 
all  the  southern  colonies  that  they  had  occupied  until,  after 
York  town,  they  held  only  Charleston  and  Savannah.  When 
peace  was  made,  everything  seemed  to  favor  the  American 
commissioners,  who  gained  extensive  territories  in  the 
West,  besides  the  concession  of  almost  all  other  demands 
except  those  relating  to  commerce  with  Great  Britain. 


TOPICS 

1.  THE  LOYALISTS:    Winsor  (ed.),  "America,"    VII,  pp.  185- 
214;    Van  Tyne,  "Loyalists  in  the  Revolution;"  Flick,  "Loyalism 
in  New  York." 

2.  BURGOYNE'S  CAMPAIGN  (1777):    Fiske,   "American  Revolu- 
tion," I,  pp.  262-343;  Lodge,  "Story  of  the  Revolution,"  I,  pp.  228- 
278;   Carrington,  " Battles  of  the  Revolution,"  pp.  303-354. 


1783]  The  Revolutionary    War  187 

3.  THE  TREATY  OF  PARIS  (1782-1 783):  Winsor(ed.),  "America," 
VII,  pp.  89-165;  Lee  (ed.)  (Veditz  and  James),  "North  America," 
VI,  pp.  423-442;  Bigelow,  "Franklin,"  Part  III,  Chapters  III-V; 
Pellew,  "John  Jay,"  pp.  144-228. 


STUDIES 

1.  Loyalists    at    the    beginning    of    the    Revolution.     (Howard, 
"Preliminaries  of  the  Revolution,"  pp.  313-326.) 

2.  Struggle  for  Lake  Champlain  (1776).     (A.  T.  Mahan  in  Scrib- 
ners,  XXIII  (1898),  pp.  147-160.) 

3.  New  York  and   the  independence  movement.      (Van  Tyne, 
"Revolution,"  pp.  88-95.) 

4.  Battle  of  Long  Island.     (Carrington,  "  Battles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion," 199-219.) 

5.  Finances  of  the. War.    (Lee  (ed.)  (Veditz  and  James),  "North 
America,"  VI,  pp.  443-456.) 

6.  The  genius  of  Franklin.     (W.MacDonald  in  Atlantic  Monthly, 
Vol.  96  (1905),  pp.  450-462.) 

7.  Arnold's  career  (1778-1781).    (Fiske,  "American  Revolution," 
II,  pp.  206-239.) 

8.  Battle  of  Kings  Mountain.      (Lodge,  "Story  of  the  Revolu- 
tion," II,  56-66.) 

9.  French  influence  over  Congress.     (Pellew,  "  Life  of  John  Jay," 
124-127,  150-165.) 

10.  Jay's  suspicions  of  France.      (Pellew,   "Life   of  John  Jay," 
pp.  179-200.) 

11.  The   military  ability  of  Washington.     (Ford,    "True  George 
Washington,"  pp.  274-292.) 

12.  Meaning  of  the  Revolution.      (Lodge,  "Story  of  the  Revolu- 
tion," II,  pp.  224-248.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Why  did  the  Americans  desire  to  gain  possession  of  Canada? 
What  plans  were  suggested  to  that  end  ?     Why  was  the  failure  of  the 
expedition  of  1775  not  an  "unmixed  misfortune"? 

2.  Were  the  Americans  fighting  the  battles  of  English  freedom? 
Was  independence  inevitable  ?     How  far  had  the  desire  for  separation 
spread  by  April,  1775  ?  by  July,  1776?    What  effect  did  the  Declara- 
tion have  on  parties  in  the  United  States?  on  our  standing  abroad? 

3.  Make  a  study  of  the  Declaration.     What  do  you  think  of  the 
bases  of  the  argument  in  §  2  ?  of  the  argument  itself  ?     Point  out  what 
reasons  were  illegal  in  English  law ;  which  were  contrary  to  colonial 
practices  before  1763?    Did  the  Declaration  make  the  states  inde- 
pendent individually,  or  collectively? 


1 88  American  History 

4.  What  was  the  importance  of  the  first  state  governments  (a) 
in  our  constitutional  history?     (b)    in  reference  to  independence? 
Why  were  the  legislatures  predominant  during  the  quarter  century 
following  1776? 

5.  What  does  the  proportion  of  the  loyalists  show  as  to  the  feeling 
of  the  colonists  regarding  the  war  ?     What  rights  had  the  Tories  ? 
Was  the  policy  of  the  states  toward  the  loyalists  after  1781  wise  ? 

6.  Name  the  different  sources  of  congressional  revenue  during  the 
war.     Why  did  not  Congress  levy  duties  on  imports  ?     What  diffi- 
culties did  it  encounter  in  borrowing  ?     Discuss  the  wisdom  of  issuing 
continental  currency. 

7.  What  causes  produced  the  French  alliance  ?     What  obligations 
were  imposed  on  each  side  by  the  alliance  ?     What  was  the  difference 
in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  feeling  of  the  people,  and  theater  of  action 
before  the  alliance  and  after  ? 

8.  Of  what  value  to  the  British  was  the  control  of  the  Carolinas 
and  Georgia  ?     What  territory  was  controlled  by  the  British,  March 
I,  1781  ?     November  i  of  the  same  year? 

9.  Compare  the  reasonableness  of  the  British  and  American  claims. 
Compare  the  claims  with  the  provisions  of  the  treaty.     How  do  you 
account  for  American  success  ? 

10.  Give  in  outline  a  history  of  the  international  changes  of 
territory  from  1654  to  1784. 


CHAPTER  IX 

CREATION   OF  A  GENERAL   GOVERNMENT 

(1781-1789) 

ARTICLES   OF   CONFEDERATION 

173.  Formation  of  the  Confederation.  —  In  June,  1776,   Proposal 
when  the  movement  for  independence  was  well  under  way,   in  Congress. 
Congress  appointed  a  committee  of  one  from  each  state  to 

Van  Tyne, 

draft  articles  of  union.    The  first  report  of  this  committee  Revolution, 

was  made  by  the  chairman,  John  Dickinson,  on  July  12,  183-186, 

1776,  but  the  question  of  completing  a  confederation  was  I98~202- 

treated  with  indifference  by  most  of  the  delegates,  and  it  ^mer.  Hist. 

was  not  until  November,  1777,  that  Congress  agreed  upon  Leaflets, NO.  *a 
Articles  of  Confederation. 

These  articles  were  to  go  into  effect  when  ratified  by  all  Ratification 

of  the  states,  but  three  and  a  half  years  elapsed  before  the  by  the  states> 
last  of  the  states  gave  her  consent.    During  this  interval 

the  old  Congress,  with  its  powers  undefined,  and  its  author-  const' I  Hist., 

ity  growing  less  year  by  year,  cared  as  best  it  could  for  the  1,86-97. 
interests  of  the  United  States.  By  February,  1779,  however, 
only  Maryland  had  neglected  to  sign,  and  for  two  years  the 
little  commonwealth  refused  until  Virginia  promised  that 
her  claims  to  the  land  northwest  of  the  Ohio  River  (§  180) 
should  be  surrendered  to  the  central  government. 

174.  Provisions  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  —  The  Composition 
government  of  the  United  States  under  the  Articles  consisted  a"d  powers 

of  Congress. 

of  a  Congress  composed  of  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than 
seven  delegates  from  each  state.    There  was  no  separate  Fiske  Criticai 
executive  or  judiciary.    Congress  had  the  right  to  make  Period,  93-98. 
treaties,  and  in  fact  took  charge  of  all  foreign  affairs,  but 
it   had   no  authority  whatever  to  enforce  any  article  of  a 
treaty  which  a  state  refused  to  respect,    Congress  was  per- 

189 


190 


American  History 


[1781 


MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No.  2,  Arts.  V, 
VII-X. 


State  and 
interstate 
regulations. 


Nature  of  the 
Confederation. 
Fiske,  Critical 
Period,  y8-ioi. 
Curtis, 
Const' I  Hist., 
I,  98-103. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, III, 
Nos.  39-41. 

Importance  of 
the  Confed- 
eration. 


mitted  to  declare  war  and  make  peace,  to  construct  a  navy, 
to  organize  an  army,  to  borrow  and  issue  money,  and  to 
make  requisitions  on  the  states  for  sums  sufficient  to  pay 
all  current  expenses.  When  a  vote  was  taken,  each  state 
had  one  vote,  and  the  support  of  nine  states  was  required 
for  all  measures  of  importance.  Congress  was  also  the  court 
of  final  resort  in  interstate  disputes. 

The  attempt  was  made  by  the  framers  of  the  Articles  to 
render  these  powers  effective  by  prohibiting  to  the  states 
the  sending  of  ambassadors,  the  making  of  treaties,  the  lay- 
ing of  duties  which  violated  any  treaty  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  making  of  war.  One  especially  valuable  article 
provided  for  the  establishment  of  an  interstate  citizenship, 
making  it  possible  for  a  citizen  of  one  state  to  become  a 
citizen  of  another  by  a  bona  fide  residence  in  the  latter. 

175.  The  League  of  States  formed  under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  was  in  no  sense  a  nation.  The  states  were 
as  yet  unwilling  to  establish  a  true  central  government  or 
give  Congress  the  powers  necessary  to  secure  an  international 
standing  and  to  gain  respect  at  home.  The  union  was  crude 
and  unsatisfactory.  As  has  been  well  said,  the  Confederation 
seemed  to  have  been  designed  to  accomplish  a  minimum 
of  result  with  a  maximum  of  effort. 

Jealousy  of  any  government  which  exercised  its  rule 
beyond  the  limits  of  any  one  state  led  the  states  to  assert 
their  separate  sovereignty  and  independence.  In  every 
way  the  union  was  sacrificed  to  the  states,  because  of  their 
deep-seated  dread  of  a  government  that  was  not  local. 
Yet  when  we  consider  the  situation,  the  intense  spirit  of 
localism,  the  narrowness  that  marked  many  of  the  political 
actions  of  the  people,  the  fear  of  oppression  through  union 
which  was  constantly  present  during  colonial  times,  and 
the  inexperience  in  forming  a  legal  union  of  the  states,  we 
cease  to  wonder  that  the  Confederation  was  so  imperfect. 
Indeed,  if  we  compare  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation 
with  the  Second  Continental  Congress,  considering  that  the 
latter  was  exercising  war  powers  without  any  direct  legal 


Articles  of  Confederation 


191 


authority,  —  powers  that  in  time  of  peace  might  disappear 
entirely,  —  we  can  realize  perhaps  that  the  Confederation 
was  a  more  perfect  union  than  the  one  existing  in  1776. 

176.  The  Amendment  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation. — 
No  amendment  of  the  Articles  was  to  become  a  part  of  that 
document  until  ratified  by  all  of  the  states.  For  this  reason 
the  imperfections  which  were  inevitable  in  any  first  gov- 
ernment, and  especially  marked  in  the  Confederation,  could 

not    be   eradicated    easily.      The     

Confederation  was  in  consequence 
short-lived. 

Since  no  government  can  long 
maintain  its  authority  on  an  in- 
sufficient revenue,  the  most  serious 
need  of  amendment  was  notice- 
able in  connection  with  the 
finances.  Congress  had  exhausted 
its  paper  money  early  in  the  war 
(§  153).  It  was  not  allowed  to 
levy  taxes,  and  was  able  to  borrow 
very  little  abroad  (§  152).  Prac- 
tically therefore  its  sole  resource  was  the  requisitions  made 
on  the  states.  As  these  were  paid  with  increasing  reluctance 
and  in  decreasing  proportions,  Congress  tried  twice  to 
amend  the  Articles.  On  February  3,  1781,  it  asked  that 
Congress  be  allowed  to  collect  a  five  per  cent  ad  valorem 
duty  on  imports  to  be  used  exclusively  for  the  interest 
and  principal  of  the  public  debt.  To  this  all  consented 
except  Rhode  Island.  The  second  proposed  amendment, 
accepted  by  Congress  April  30,  1783,  provided  for  a  duty 
for  twenty  five  years  of  five  or  more  per  cent  on  seven 
enumerated  articles,  to  be  applied  to  the  interest  only 
of  the  public  debt.  It  took  four  years  to  gain  consent 
of  twelve  states,  and  the  thirteenth,  New  York,  finally 
refused  to  ratify  the  amendment. 

If  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  a  legal  change  in  the  Articles 
when  the  need  was  so  great,  we  can  see  that  the  Articles 


The  process  oi 
amendment. 


ROBERT  MORRIS 


Financial 
amendments. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hut., 

§§  21,  22. 

Curtis, 
Const' I  Hist., 
I,  157-167. 

Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No.  28. 


192 


American  History 


[1781 


Temporary 
character  of 
the  Articles. 


Dangers  and 
problems. 

McLaughlin, 
Confederation, 
39-46.  55-60. 

Fiske,  Critical 
Period, 
142-147,  189. 


Complaints  of 
the  soldiers. 


Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
105-114. 

McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

59-68. 


were  unsuitable  for  a  permanent  constitution,  and  would 
of  necessity  be  replaced  by  a  more  satisfactory  document 
in  the  course  of  a  few  years. 

THE   CRITICAL  PERIOD   (1781-1787) 

177.  Critical    Conditions. — The    period    following    the 
establishment  of  the  Confederation  has  very  properly  been 
named   "the  critical  period  of  American  history."    The 
union  produced  by  the  struggle  for  independence  was  to  be 
tested  by  the  much  more  trying  problems  of  peace.      Jeal- 
ous of  one  another,  yet  not  daring  to  separate;   burdened 
by  debts,  with  resources  greatly  impaired  by  the  war,  the 
states  were  forced  to  make  good  their  claim  that  they  were 
capable  of  the  self-government  they  desired  —  a  task  that 
was  especially  difficult  because  the  revolt  against  British 
domination  had  developed  a  spirit  of  protest  against  author- 
ity of  every  kind.     Still  more  serious  were  the  refusal  of  the 
states  to  subordinate  their  interests  to  those  of  the  Union  and 
the  difficulties  of  cooperation  among  the  states.     Foreign 
powers  refused  to  treat  with  a  people  who  formed  "one 
nation  to-day  and  thirteen  to-morrow."     The  vast  terri- 
tory beyond  the  Alleghanies,  in  which  the  claims  of  the 
states  overlapped,  was  a  perpetual  menace  to  continued 
harmony.    Trade  between  the  states  was  in  a  most  chaotic 
condition,  since  each  regulated  its  commerce  to  its  own 
advantage.     With  good  reason  might  European  statesmen 
believe  that  the  new  republic  would  be  dissolved  within 
a  few  years. 

178.  The  Old  Soldiers.  —  Not  the  least  of  the  dangers 
feared  by  the  people  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  the  conti- 
nental army.    To  us  these  fears  seem  almost  without  foun- 
dation, but  there  was  a  chance  that  in  the  disordered  con- 
dition of  affairs,  the  army,  which  was  the  only  well-organized 
body  in  America,  might  seize  the  reins  of  power.    The  sol- 
diers felt  that  they  had  been  treated  badly  and  were  dis- 
satisfied on  account  of  the  failure  of  Congress  to  pay  them 
promptly.     In   1781  two  regiments  had  revolted  because 


1781]  The  Critical  Period  193 

they  thought  Congress  had  broken  faith  with  them,  and 
Congress  was  driven  from  Philadelphia  in  June,  1783,  by 
a  company  of  half-drunk  and  mutinous  soldiers.  To  this 
was  added  the  popular  distrust  caused  by  the  Newburgh 
address  —  an  anonymous  appeal  to  the  officers  of  the  army 
to  seek  redress  for  neglect  and  wrongs.  Although  this  came 
to  nothing,  on  account  of  the  tact  and  wisdom  of  Washing- 
ton, it  increased  the  dread  of  military  interference. 

The  army  was  disbanded  in  June,  1783,  the  soldiers  being  Society  of  the 
paid  in  paper  money.     Before  separating,  the  officers  or-  Cincinnati, 
ganized  a  society  called  the  order  of  the  Cincinnati,  very  un-   . 

Hart,  Contem- 

wisely  providing  that  at  the  death  of  any  member  his  place  poraries< 
should  be  taken  by  his  eldest  son.     So  great  was  the  indig-   n,  No.  218. 
nation  manifested  everywhere  at  this  attempt  to  establish 
a  so-called  aristocracy  that  the  objectionable  feature  was  perio'd  II4_ 
soon  dropped.     In  point  of  fact  the  organization  does  not  119. 
seem  to  have  exerted  a  very  marked  influence   over   the 
politics  of  the  succeeding  years. 

179.    Land  Claims  of  the  States. —  During  the  period  of  Claims  based 
the  Confederation   the  West  exerted  a  constant   influence  on  charters- 
on  the  policy  of  the  United  States.     Although  by  the  Proc-  Fiske 
lamation  of   1763  (§  94)  settlements  had  been  prohibited    Critical  Period, 
west  of  the  mountains,  and  by  the  Quebec  Act  (1774)  (§  137)    l89-i9I- 
the  territory  northwest  of,  the  Ohio  River  had  been  granted 
to  the  province  of  Quebec,  no  less  than  seven  states  laid    old  Northwest 
claim  to  western  lands.1     By  virtue  of  "sea  to  sea"  char-   188-196. 
ters,  four  of  these,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  North  Caro- 
lina, and  South  Carolina,  claimed  the  western  belts  included   Donaldson, 
between  their  northern  and  southern  boundaries  prolonged         " 
to  the  Mississippi.     Virginia  asserted  her  title  not  only  to 
the  lands  west  of  her  but  north  of  the  Ohio  as  well,  because 
her  charter  of  1609  included  the  phrase  "  from  sea  to  sea, 
west  and  northwest." 

New  York  claimed  the  territory  between  the  Ohio  and  the  New  York's 
Great  Lakes,  because  the  Iroquois,  who  kept  in  subjection  claim> 

1  The   map  opposite  p.  185  indicates  these    claims  more    definitely 
and  accurately. 


194 


American  History 


[1781 


Validity  of  the 
claims. 


Attitude  of 
Maryland. 


Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets,  No. 
22,  1-8. 


Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
191-193. 

Donaldson, 
Public  Domain, 
60-63. 

Hinsdale, 
Old  Northwest, 
197-217. 


Cessions  by  the 
states. 


the  Indians  of  that  region,  had  by  treaty  conferred  upon 
New  York  their  claims  to  its  jurisdiction.  Georgia  asserted 
her  right  to  the  Southwest  because  in  1764  royal  instructions 
had  extended  her  jurisdiction  over  this  region. 

The  validity  of  these  claims  was  questioned  with  good 
reason  by  the  states  that  held  no  western  lands.  Not  only 
had  the  charters  been  granted  in  ignorance  of  the  geography 
of  America,  but  with  a  single  exception,  that  of  Connecticut, 
these  charter  grants  had  been  revoked.  Moreover,  Great 
Britain,  by  the  Quebec  Act  (1774),  had  shown  that  none  of 
the  older  colonies  could  claim  jurisdiction  of  any  western 
lands  in  the  North. 

180.  Land  Cessions  (1781-1802).  —  As  early  as  1778 
Maryland  protested  against  the  recognition  of  these  claims, 
which  she  deemed  extravagant  and  unjust.  New  Jersey 
and  Delaware,  when  joining  the  Confederation,  expressed 
the  hope  that  the  large  states  would  be  willing  to  curtail 
their  western  boundaries,  but  Maryland  waited  for  the  states, 
especially  Virginia,  to  give  up  their  claims  before  she  signed 
the  Articles.  She  felt  that  her  future  was  jeopardized  by 
her  neighbor's  ability  to  sell  cheap  lands  and  thereby  re- 
duce Maryland's  population,  which  would  be  drawn  off 
by  the  low  taxes  of  Virginia  or  to  the  fertile  valleys  of  the 
West.  She  took  the  broad,  patriotic  view  that  the  western 
lands  "  if  wrested  from  the  common  enemy  by  the  blood 
and  treasure  of  the  thirteen  states,  should  be  considered  as 
a  common  property,  subject  to  be  parcelled  out  by  Congress 
into  free,  convenient,  and  independent  governments." 
To  meet  the  objections  of  Maryland,  and  to  remove  the  very 
serious  dangers  arising  from  interstate  strife  over  conflict- 
ing claims,  Congress,  on  September  6,  1 780,  urged  the  states 
to  transfer  their  western  land  claims  to  the  United  States. 
When  assurances  were  given  that  this  would  be  done,  Mary- 
land joined  the  Confederation,  March  i,  1781. 

That  same  day  New  York  ceded  her  western  lands  to  the 
United  States,  and  three  years  later  Virginia  gave  up  all 
claim  to  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio  except  for  certain 


1787]  The  Critical  Period  195 

military  lands  along  the  Ohio  River.    In  1785  Massachusetts  Amer.  Hist. 
yielded  her  claims  to  fends  beyond  the  present  western  boun-  Lea^efs> 
dary  of  New  York,  and  the  next  year  the  Connecticut  cession 
was  completed,  a  strip  along  Lake  Erie,  known  in  history  Flske'  Crttical 

J     Period, 

as  the  "Connecticut  Reserve,"  being  retained  by  the  state  193-196. 

until  1800.     South  Carolina  (1787)  gave  up  her  claim  to  a  „.      _,. 

belt  about  thirteen  miles  wide,  and  in  1790  North  Carolina  167-172. 

yielded  to  the  United  States  the  jurisdiction  of  what  is  now  Hinsdale  Old 

Tennessee,  most  of  the  lands  having  already  been  granted  Northwest. 

to  private  parties.    Not  until  1802  did  Georgia  formally  2l8~24°- 

cede  the  last  of  her  western  lands,  the  delay  being  caused  Donaldson, 

by  disputes  over  certain  "Yazoo  claims,"  lands  irregularly  ^u^Domain> 
granted  by  the  Georgia  legislature. 

181 .    Ordinances  for  the  Government  of  Western  Ter-  Ordinance  of 

ritory.  —  Long  before  these  cessions  were  completed,  Con-  I784> 

gress   adopted,   April    23,    1784,   resolutions   proposed   by  Fiske> 

Thomas  Jefferson  for  the  government  of  all  the  western  lq6_1QQ 

territory  ceded  or  to  be  ceded  by  the  various  states.     Small  ...  T      ... 

J  J  McLaughhn, 

states  were  to  be  formed  and  admitted  to  the  Union  as  soon  confederation, 

as  their  population  equaled  that  of  the  least  populous  among  «4-"7- 

the  original  states.    They  were  to  have  republican  govern-  Amer.  Hist. 

ments  and  were  to  remain  forever  a  part  of  the  United  States.1  Leafiels> No-  32- 

No  attempt  was  made  to  put  this  plan  into  operation,  Ordinance  of 

and  the  real  territorial  system  of  the  United  States  dates  I787> 

from  the  much  more  famous  Ordinance  of  1787.     In  that  Fiske, 

document  are  contained  the  principles  of  territorial  govern-  Critical  Period, 

ment  which  the  United  States  has  used  with  slight  modifica-  2°3  2°7' 

tions  from  that  day  to  this.    The  territory  was  to  be  governed  McLaughlin, 

temporarily  in  one  or  two  districts  by  a  governor,  a  secretary,  Confederation, 
and  judges  selected  by  Congress,  but  when  each  district 

1  These  resolutions  followed  in  the  main  the  suggestions  made  by  a 
committee  of  which  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  leading  member.  Although 
the  resolutions  applied  to  all  western  territory,  it  was  quite  evident  that 
only  that  in  the  Northwest  was  contemplated  seriously,  since  names  were 
suggested  for  states  in  that  region  alone.  These  names  were  finally 
omitted  from  the  resolutions,  as  was  also  a  clause  prohibiting  slavery  in 
all  the  western  territory  after  1800,  this  antislavery  clause  being  favored 
by  only  six  out  of  the  ten  states  represented  in  Congress. 


196 


American  History 


[1787 


MacDomld, 
Documents, 
No.  a.. 


Slavery  in  the 
Southwest. 


Donaldson, 
Public  Domain, 
161-163. 


Settlement  of 
the  West. 


Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
199-202. 

McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

128-137. 


Navigation  of 
the  Mississippi. 

Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
907-211. 


contained  five  thousand  free  male  adults,  there  should  be  a 
representative  assembly.  Not  less  than  three  nor  more  than 
five  states  were  to  be  formed  from  the  territory,  as  soon  as 
each  contained  not  less  than  sixty  thousand  free  inhabitants. 
None  of  these  states  were  to  be  separated  from  the  Union, 
perfect  religious  liberty  was  guaranteed,  and  civil  rights  were 
assured  the  inhabitants.  Most  interesting  of  all,  there  was 
to  be  "neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said 
territory,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes, 
whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted"  —  a 
phrase  that  was  to  become  famous  in  American  history. 
By  this  article  and  one  which  provided  for  a  land  system 
much  simpler  than  that  of  colonial  times,  the  Ordinance  of 
1787  exerted  an  inestimable  influence  on  the  later  develop- 
ment of  the  Northwest  and  of  the  nation. 

Jefferson  was  unable  to  extend  his  liberal  antislavery 
ideas  to  the  territory  southwest  of  the  Ohio,  for,  when  Con- 
gress accepted  the  cession  of  North  Carolina  (1790),  it 
agreed  that  "no  regulations  made,  or  to  be  made,  by  Con- 
gress shall  tend  to  emancipate  slaves."  Except  in  this 
particular,  the  Ordinance  of  1787  was  extended  to  the  public 
domain  in  the  South. 

182.  The  West  and  Foreign  Affairs.  —  In  the  years 
following  Yorktown  there  had  been  a  great  exodus  through 
the  passes  of  the  Alleghanies  into  the  fertile  valleys  of  eastern 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  These  hardy  pioneers  had  a 
thinly  veiled  contempt  for  the  inefficient  Congress,  and  when, 
in  1784,  North  Carolina  offered  to  cede  Tennessee  to  the 
United  States,  the  settlers  took  the  law  into  their  own  hands 
and  organized  the  state  of  Franklin.  North  Carolina  there- 
upon withdrew  her  offer,  and  after  two  years  of  fighting 
reestablished  her  control  in  eastern  Tennessee. 

The  same  spirit  that  opposed  government  by  a  Congress 
which  could  give  no  protection  led  those  westerners  to  resent 
interference  by  Spain  with  the  free  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. Spain  was  displeased  with  the  extension  of  United 
States  territory  to  the  Mississippi,  and  had  just  cause  for 


1784]  The  Critical  Period  197 

complaint  in  the  restriction  of  the  West  Florida  boundary  McLaughlin, 

to  the  thirty-first  degree.1     Spain  now  closed  the  entrance  to    Confederation, 

the  Mississippi,  and  seized  the  stock  of  an  American  trader 

who  had  descended  the  river  as  far  as  Natchez.    The  story 

of  his  loss  aroused   the  rough  and  ready  pioneers,  who  ^^-J"* 

sought  to  retaliate.  Their  anger  was  inflamed  still  more  when   III,  No.  45. 

they  learned  that  John  Jay,  the  secretary  for  foreign  affairs, 

had  agreed  that  the  Mississippi  should  be  closed  for  twenty- 

five  years  in  return  for  a  commercial  treaty  with  Spain 

which  would  open  to  our  ships  a  profitable  trade  with  the 

West  Indies.    The  South  heartily  espoused  the  cause  of  the 

West  against  the  commercial  North,  and  the  treaty  was  never 

completed. 

183.    Relations  with  Great  Britain  were  strained  during  Failure  to  ot> 
the  Confederation  because  of  commercial  difficulties  and  the  serve  treaties- 
failure  on  both  sides  to  carry  out  the  treaty  of  peace.    The 
English  army  had  carried  off  many  negro  slaves  and  refused   ^n^riH?e 
to  surrender  the  forts  south  of  the  Great  Lakes,  as  British  yii,  307-308. 
fur  traders  were  unwilling  to  give  up  the  lucrative  trade  of 
that  region.    On  the  other  hand  several  states  passed  laws   Fiske, 
which   prevented   British   creditors   from   collecting  debts   Cri 
incurred  before  the  war.     A  larger  number  took  especial 
delight  in  persecuting  the  loyalists  who  remained  in  the 
United  States  or  sought  to  return.    Many  loyalists  were 


disfranchised.     Estates  which  had  been  left  untouched  in  256-268. 
the  war  were  confiscated,  and  damages  were  sought  for  the 
property  of  patriots  which  had  been  in  the  possession  of  Hart,  Contem- 
the  enemy  in  New  York  and  other  places.     In  South  Caro-  |J!L      '  8  ' 
Una  loyalists  were  compelled  to  emigrate,  and  many  who 

1  In  the  preliminary  treaty  of  peace  (1782),  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  agreed  in  a  secret  article  that  if  Great  Britain  retained  West 
Florida,  the  northern  boundary  of  the  province  should  be  the  parallel  passing 
through  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  River  as  theretofore  ;  but  if  it  was  trans- 
ferred to  Spain,  the  boundary  should  be  parallel  31.  At  that  time  this  in- 
termediate territory  was  controlled  absolutely  by  Spain.  When  the  secret 
article  became  known,  Spain  was  greatly  incensed  ;  but  in  1795  she  agreed 
to  the  thirty-first  degree  as  the  boundary  between  the  United  States  and 
Florida. 


198 


American  History 


[1784 


Attempt  to 
secure  a  com- 
mercial treaty. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist,, 
VII,  309-310. 

McLaughlin, 
Confederation , 
102-107. 

Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
138-144. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  Nos.  50-53. 


Paper  money. 
Trevett  v. 
Weeden 
(1786). 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
VII,  312-313. 
Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
162-165, 
168-177. 


refused  were  killed.  Probably  one  hundred  thousand  per- 
sons left  the  country  for  England  or  the  British  colonies 
during  the  war  and  the  years  succeeding.  As  these  refu- 
gees were  unable  to  secure  compensation  from  the  state 
legislatures  for  their  losses,  the  British  government  appro- 
priated a  large  sum  of  money  for  them,  besides  giving  them 
help  in  other  ways. 

These  violations  of  treaty  obligations  and  acts  of  violence 
not  only  caused  ill  feeling,  but  stood  in  the  way  of  a  com- 
mercial treaty  with  Great  Britain  which  we  desired  greatly. 
In  making  the  treaty  of  peace  in  1783,  no  commercial  agree- 
ments were  made  by  the  two  nations.  In  consequence 
England  prohibited  trade  with  the  British  West  Indies 
except  in  English  ships  and  also  restricted  a  large  part  of  the 
commerce  with  the  British  Isles  to  English  ships.  This 
policy  she  would  not  change  because  her  minister  claimed 
that  we  could  make  no  concessions  of  value  to  them.  Before 
1776  we  had  protested  against  the  British  navigation  acts 
because  they  prevented  our  colonial  trade  with  foreign  coun- 
tries; after  that  date  we  objected  to  them  because  they 
interfered  with  trade  between  the  United  States  and  British 
dependencies.  Many  Americans  desired  by  retaliation  to 
force  Great  Britain  into  granting  us  trade  advantages,  but 
this  was  impossible,  for  Congress  had  no  power  to  place 
restrictions  on  English  commerce  that  would  be  uniform 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  several  of  the  states 
sought  to  attack  English  trade  by  levying  duties  on  goods 
brought  from  Great  Britain. 

184.  Internal  Disorder.  —  Although  times  were  fairly 
prosperous  in  spite  of  state  jealousy  and  foreign  difficulties, 
most  of  the  cash  had  been  exported  to  pay  for  goods  bought 
abroad.  There  had  been  so  much  speculation  following 
the  close  of  the  war  that  debts  were  heavy  and  discon- 
tent rife.  For  relief  the  debtors  demanded  issuance  of 
large  sums  of  paper  money.  This  was  granted  in  seven 
states.  Of  necessity  the  currency  depreciated,  and  aggra- 
vated ihe  evils.  In  Rhode  Island  the  legislature  passed  an 


1787]  The  Critical  Period  199 

act  forcing  men  to  take  the  almost  worthless  paper.     A   McLaughlin, 
butcher  named  Weeden  refused  to  do  this  and  appealed    Co»/e^r"fioM, 
to  the  courts,  which  declared  the  force  act  unconstitutional 
(1786).     Amid  great  excitement,  at  a  special  session,  the 
legislature  removed-  the  obnoxious  judges.     This  was  the 
first  conspicuous  case  in  which  a  court  declared  null  and 
void  an  act  of  a  legislature. 

In  Massachusetts   the  hard-money  party  prevailed,  but  Shays's 
the  advocates  of   a  paper  currency  attacked    the  lawyers  Rebellion- 
and  closed  the  courts  that  had  been  instrumental  in  collect-   „   . 

Hart,  Lontem- 

ing  debts.    Led  by  Daniel  Shays,  formerly  a  captain  in  the  poraries, 
American  army,  the  rioters  gained  possession  of  Worcester  ni-  No-  S8- 
and  towns  to  the  west.     At  length,  being  short  of  arms  and   , 

McLaughlin, 

ammunition,    they    attacked    the    arsenal    at    Springfield,    confederation, 
They  were  finally  defeated  by  the  militia  under  General  I54~l67- 
Lincoln  (1787). 

Meanwhile,  the  states  were  becoming  more  and  more  in-   interstate 
censed  with  one  another  on  account  of  commercial  difficulties.   trade  relatlons- 
Those  that  had  seaports  took  unfair  advantage  of  their  neigh- 
bors, levying  unjust  and  unnecessary  duties.    New  Jersey   critical  Period, 
was  compared  to  a  cask  tapped  at  both  ends.    Connecticut  144-147. 
was  on  bad  terms  with  both  Massachusetts  and  New  York. 
Some  of  the  states  imposed  special  restrictions  on  foreign 
commerce,   some   invited    foreign   trade   by   removing  all 
duties.     Affairs  were  in  a  chaotic  condition  and  becoming 
worse. 

All  of  this  disorder  convinced  people  who  had  hitherto   Need  of  a 
been  indifferent  that  the  authority  of  the  state  governments  strons  union- 
must  be  upheld  in  enforcing  the  law,  and  that  a  stronger  Hart  ConterHf 
central  government  was  absolutely  necessary.    The  country  poraries, 
was  in  a  prosperous  condition  on  the  whole;  the  people  were  in>  Nos-  54. 
becoming  more  united  and  realizing  their  dependence  on  SS>S7'59' 
one  another,  the  churches  were  taking  steps  toward  perfect- 
ing national  organizations,  but  a  new  government  was  re- 
quired for  the  United  States,  and  many  believed  that  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  should  not  be  allowed  to  stand 
in  the  way. 


200 


American  History 


[1786 


Meeting  of  the 
conference. 


Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
213-218. 


McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

172-183. 


Spring  of 
1787. 

Fiske, 

Critical  Period, 
220-222. 


Curtis, 
Const  I  Hist., 
I,  175-185. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION  (1787-1788) 

185.  The  Annapolis  Conference.  —  As  nothing  could 
be  done  under  the  existing  Confederation  toward  remedy- 
ing these  defects,  an  earnest  attempt  was  now  made,  under 
the  lead  of  Alexander  Hamilton  and  James  Madison,  to 
obtain  new  articles  of  union.  Their  opportunity  arrived 
when  in  1786  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  discussing  a 

system  of  tolls  and  com- 
mercial agreements  for  the 
Potomac  River.  Dele- 
gates from  all  of  the 
states  were  invited  to  join 
representatives  from  these 
two  at  Annapolis,  Mary- 
land, and  discuss  ways  of 
•  improving  commerce  be- 
I  tween  the  states.  Nine  of 
the  states  appointed  com- 
missioners, but  only  five 
were  represented  at  the 
conference.  Unable  to 
transact  any  business  of 
importance,  and  believing 
that  the  time  had  come  for  decisive  action,  these  men 
adopted  a  resolution  offered  by  Hamilton  urging  the  state 
legislatures  to  select  delegates  for  a  constitutional  conven- 
tion which  should  revise  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

Congress  was  asked  to  indorse  this  convention,  but  re- 
fused. Without  waiting  for  the  sanction  of  that  body,  the 
state  legislatures  began  to  appoint  representatives.  When 
a  majority  of  the  states  had  taken  this  step,  Congress  yielded 
so  far  as  to  call  another  convention  to  meet  at  the  same  time 
and  place.  During  this  winter  of  1786-1787,  the  defeat 
of  the  second  amendment  of  the  Articles  (§  176),  and  the 
anarchy  accompanying  Shays's  rebellion,  roused  people  to 
the  need  of  a  new  and  better  constitution,  so  that  the  sum- 


JAMES  MADISON 


1787]  Formation  of  Constitution  20 1 

mer  of  1787  was  a  propitious  time  for  changing  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  United  States. 

1 86.   The  Connecticut  Compromise.  —  At  the  old  state-  Members  of 
house  in  Philadelphia,  where  the  Declaration  of  Independ-  the  convention 
ence   had   been  signed,  the  delegates   to    the   convention 
gathered  in  May,  1787.     Many  leaders  of  the  revolution  Flske. 

^i  fir     i  •  T-        IT       T   i       T.    ,       Critical  Period, 

were  there,  among  them  Washington,  Franklin,  John  Rut-  224-220 
ledge,  Charles  and  C.  C.  Pinckney,  Roger  Sherman,  and 
Robert  Morris.     But  the  work  before  them  was  performed   McLau  hlin 
to  a  greater  degree  by  younger  and  perhaps  less  known  men.    Confederation, 
James  Madison,  the  author  of  the  first  outline,  and  Gouver-   J84-i9i- 
neur  Morris,  the  writer  of  the  final  draft,  of  the  Constitution, 
were  among  the  younger  members,  as  were  also  Alexander 
Hamilton  and  James  Wilson,  the  most  ardent  advocates 
of  a  strong  government  in  America.     It  is  probably  the  ablest 
body  of  men  that  ever  assembled  in  this  country.     Its  mem- 
bers represented  many  views  and  classes.     A  few  placed 
local  interest  and  state  pride  before  all  else,  a  small  number 
would  have  sacrificed  every  hope  of  a  better  government 
because  too  narrow-minded  for  such  a  great  undertaking, 
but  the  majority  earnestly  strove  to  subordinate  personal 
preferences  for  the  public  good. 

Before  many  sessions  had  been  held,  the  -delegates  began  Parties  in  the 
to  arrange  themselves  in  two  groups  or  parties.    The  larger  convention, 
of  these  favored  a  new  Constitution,  with  a  Congress  of 

Cambridge 

two  houses,  a  separate  executive  and  judiciary,  and  a  very  Mo<i  Hist  _ 

great  increase  of  national  power.    The  other  wished  to  vii,  246-249. 

revise  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  giving  Congress  power  piske, 

to  levy  duties  and  internal  taxes,  and  allowing  that  body  to  Critical  Period, 

appoint  an  executive  and  judiciary.    The  latter  group  was  235-25°- 

composed  chiefly  of  delegates  from  the  small  states  who  McLaughlin, 

feared  that  concentration  of  power  in  the  central  govern-  Confederation, 
ment  would  be  a  great  advantage  to  the  larger  states  and 
correspondingly  dangerous  to  themselves. 

As  the  advocates  of  the  national  government  were  in  a  Compromise 

majority,  the  small-state  party  consented  to  frame  a  new  overrePre- 

.       .  J  .        sentation. 

Constitution,  and  began  a  contest  for  equal  representation 


2O2 


American  History 


[1787 


Fiske, 
Critical  Period, 


McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

221-235. 


Three  fifths 
compromise. 

McLaughlin, 
Confeder- 
ation, 257- 
260. 


of  the  states  in  the  new  Congress.  The  "national"  party 
(the  delegates  from  the  large  states)  wished  to  have  the  rep- 
resentation in  both  houses  according  to  the  population  of 
the  various  states.  After  a  protracted  contest  the  conven- 
tion adopted  a  compromise,  usually  known  as  the  "  Con- 
necticut Compromise,"  because  proposed  by  the  delegates 
from  that  commonwealth.  Each  state  was  to  have  two 
members  in  one  house  —  the  Senate  —  and  to  be  represented 

according  to  population  in  the 
other  —  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

187.  Later  History  of  the 
Convention.  —  With  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Connecticut  Com- 
promise came  a  new  arrange- 
ment of  parties,  for  the  support 
of  the  small  states  to  the  Con- 
stitution was  now  fully  assured. 
Since  the  most  important  sub- 
jects over  which  there  was 
serious  dispute  were  concerned 
with  slavery,  the  new  parties 
were  almost  sectional,  as  the 


Fiske. 

Critical  Period, 
255-262. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
Ill,  264-269. 


Third  great 
compromise. 


JAMES  WILSON 


North  was  already  quite  opposed  to  the  extension  of  the 
system.  The  first  question  that  came  up  was  about  the 
counting  of  the  slaves.  An  enumeration  of  blacks  was 
necessary  for  representation  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress 
and  for  the  levying  of  direct  taxes,  which  the  states  were  to 
pay  according  to  their  population.  As  the  South  wanted 
slaves  counted  for  representation,  and  the  North  wanted 
them  counted  for  taxation,  it  was  decided  for  purposes  of 
enumeration  to  call  five  blacks  equal  to  three  whites. 

A  little  later  New  England  clashed  with  the  extreme 
South  over  the  questions  of  navigation  acts  and  the  slave 
trade.  The  southern  states,  fearing  that  their  agriculture 
would  be  sacrificed  for  the  commerce  of  the  North,  were 
unwilling  to  give  Congress  the  power  of  enacting  navigation 


1787]  Formation  of  Constitution  203 

laws  except  by  a  two  thirds  vote.    They  likewise  wished  to  Fiske, 
prevent  Congress  from  forbidding  the  slave  trade.    The 
North  opposed  both  of  these  measures.     As  Gouverneur 

.  ,        McLaughlin, 

Morris  said,  this  was  a  chance  for  a  "bargain  among  the   Confed*rationt 
northern  and  southern  states."     A  compromise  was  finally  260-265. 
adopted  which  declared  that  the  foreign  slave  trade  should   Cambridge 
not  be  forbidden  before  i8o8/  prescribing  no  special  majority  Mod.  Hist., 
for  navigation  acts,  and  forbidding  the  taxation  of  exports. 

These  compromises  closed  the  most  heated  sessions  of  Completion  of 
the  convention,  but  did  not  lessen  the  interest  with  which  the  work- 
for  four  months  the  members  grappled  with  the  problems  Fiske, 
before  them.     Finally  on  the  iyth  of  September,  1787,  the   epical  Period, 
completed  draft  of  the  Constitution  was  signed  by  delegates 
from  all  the  states  except  Rhode  Island,  and  the  first  and 
most  important  stage  in  this  momentous  work  was  com- 
pleted. 

188.    Feeling  of  the  People. — The  Constitution  was  to   Objections  to 
go  into  effect  when  ratified  by  conventions  chosen  by  popu-   the  Constltu- 

°          i  -rr  i    i  •  •  tion. 

lar  vote  in  the  states.     If  accepted  by  nine  of  them,  it  was 
to  be  established  "between  the  states  so  ratifying  the  same."   McLaughiin, 
But  the  people  did  not  fully  appreciate  the  evils  of  the  Con-    Confederation, 
federation,  and  dreaded  the  creation  of  a  "consolidated"   2^~2  I>27~ 
government.    They  feared  that  the  president  would  become 
a  dictator,  and  thought  that  the  national  courts  would  be 
an  instrument  of  tyranny,  especially  as  the  Constitution 
contained  no  bill  of  rights,  protecting  the  liberty  of  the  in- 
dividual.   Others  declaimed  against  the  power  of  Congress 
over  both  the  purse  and  the  sword,  urging,  as  did  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  that  they  preferred  a  rope  of  sand  to  a  rod  of 
iron,  but  these  "  Anti-Federalists,"  although  numerous,  were 
not  united. 

Fortunately  the  advocates  of  the   Constitution  included   Conditions 
most  of  the  able  political  leaders,  whose  zeal  never  nagged  favorable  to 
until  eleven  states  had  indorsed  the  new  Union.     They  had 
the  sympathy  and  help  of  the  commercial  and  conservative 

1  So  strong  was  the  sentiment  of  the  people  against  the  foreign  slave  trade 
that  action  was  taken  long  before  1808,  prohibiting  that  slave  trade  in  that 
year. 


2O4 


American  History 


[1787 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
I.  454-472- 

Curtis, 
Const' I  Hist., 
I,  623-640. 


Final  adoption. 

Schouler, 
United  States, 
I,  65-79- 


McLaughlin, 

Confederation, 

283-317. 


Compact 
theory. 


classes,  which  were  disgusted  with  the  inefficiency  of  the 
Confederate  Congress.  Among  the  officers  of  the  continen- 
tal army,  even  before  the  close  of  the  war,  the  favorite  toast 
had  been  "A  hoop  to  the  barrel."  Now  arose  a  demand 
for  a  "new  roof."  Processions  were  held  and  popular  in- 
terest aroused  in  favor  of  the  Constitution.  Thinking  men 
were  convinced  of  the  need  for  a  new  government  by  the 
able  papers  written  by  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Jay,  which 
were  published  under  the  title  of  The  Federalist.  But 
prejudice  against  centralization  of  power  was  deep  seated, 
and  the  Constitution  was  truly  "  drawn  by  grinding  neces- 
sity from  a  reluctant  people." 

189.  Ratification  of  the  Constitution  by  the  States.  — 
The  ratification  began  in  December,  1787,  with  a  unanimous 
vote  in  little  Delaware.  With  the  exception  of  Rhode  Island 
the  small  states  fell  into  line  rapidly,  showing  that  they  were 
satisfied  with  the  Connecticut  Compromise.  In  Massachu- 
setts, Virginia,  and  New  York  fierce  contests  were  waged. 
Objection  was  made  to  the  "  consolidated  "  government  and 
to  the  lack  of  a  bill  of  rights,  but  Patrick  Henry  argued 
with  ability  against  the  absolutism  of  the  president.  These 
states  and  three  others  proposed  amendments  to  the  Consti- 
tution when  giving  their  consent,  but  the  ratifications  were  to 
stand  even  if  the  amendments  failed.  By  the  first  of  Au- 
gust, 1788,  all  of  the  states  had  ratified  except  North  Caro- 
lina and  Rhode  Island,  which  became  members  of  the 
Union  in  November,  1789,  and  May,  1790,  respectively.1 
But  Congress  did  not  wait  for  them,  and  in  September,  1788, 
selected  the  first  Wednesday,  January,  1789,  as  the  day  for 
the  appointment  of  presidential  electors,  and  the  first  Wednes- 
day in  March  for  the  first  meeting  of  the  new  Congress. 

CHARACTER   OF   THE   CONSTITUTION 

190.    Dispute   over  the   Nature   of  the   Constitution. — 

From  the  very  first  there  were  differences  of  opinion  regard- 


1  Rhode  Island  did  not  finally  join  the  Union  until  the  Senate  had 
passed  a  bill  prohibiting  commerce  with  that  state. 


1788]  Character  of  Constitution  205 

ing  the  character  of  the  Constitution ;  differences  which  ex-  Lodge, 
plain  many  of  the  constitutional  disputes  of  the  early  his-    Webster, 
tory  of  the  United  States.    Most  of  those  who  opposed  its  174~x  x* 
ratification,  and  in  fact  a  majority  of  the  others,  held  that 
it  was  a  compact  or  agreement  made  between  sovereign 
states.    To  them  the  United  States  was  still  a  league  from 
which,  many  of  them  claimed,  any  member  might  with- 
draw if  it  desired.     Had  not  the  states  been  sovereign  under 
the  Confederation?   they  asked.     Had  not  each  joined  the 
Union  of  its  own  accord?    How  then  had  any  state  lost  its 
sovereignty?    Right  or  wrong,  the  compact  theory  of  the 
Constitution  was  the  one  indorsed  throughout  the  Union 
for  two  or  three  decades,  and  the  one  that  was  held  by  the 
South  as  late  as  the  Civil  War. 

At  no  time,  however,  did  all  believe  the  Constitution  Nationat 
a  compact,  and  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  any  large  theory- 
proportion  of  American  statesmen  held  that  view  even  in 
our  early  history.  Many  of  the  most  sincere  adherents  of  jm  /&' 
the  state  sovereignty  doctrine,  moreover,  steadfastly  com-  n,  336-343. 
bated  the  idea  that  a  state  might  secede  from  the  Union,  even 
if  the  Constitution  did  not  specifically  deny  such  a  course. 
A  large  number  of  those  who  framed  the  Constitution  or 
formulated  the  earliest  policies  of  the  United  States  thought 
that  document  a  really  national  Constitution,  and  the  United 
States  a  nation,  not  a  league.  They  denied  that  the  states 
had  been  sovereign  from  1776  to  1788,  and  claimed  that  the 
ratifications  in  many  of  the  states  were  not  voluntary  but 
unavoidable. 

191.   The  Nation  and  the  States.  —  Although  the  Consti-   Interde- 
tution  deals  almost  exclusively  with  the  central  government,   Pendence- 
it  really  explains  the  relation  of  the  nation  to  the  states.  Ashl 
It  grants  certain  powers  to  the  government  of  the  United  Am.  Gov't, 
States  and  denies  some  of  these  and  others  to  the  states,   §§  255-263- 

but  all  powers  are  left  to  the  states  which  are  not  dele-  T 

Bryce,  Ant. 

gated    to   the   central    government   or   specifically  denied   commonwealth 
to  the  states.     If  Congress  and  a  state  legislature  make   (abridged), 
conflicting    laws    relating    to    the    same    subject,    those  22S-242- 


206 


American  History 


[1788 


Composition. 


Ashley,  Am. 
Gov't,  f  $  338- 
340,  347-351- 


Powers  of 
Congress. 


Ashley,  Am. 
Fed.  State, 
§$  301-325. 


Election. 

Stanwood, 
Presidency,  1-9. 


enacted  by  Congress  prevail,  for  the  Constitution  says 
that  the  Constitution,  the  national  laws,  and  treaties 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  Yet  the  nation  and 
the  states  are  dependent  on  each  other.  The  two  together 
form  a  whole  —  each  by  itself  an  incomplete  part.  Neither 
state  law  nor  national  law  alone  is  sufficient  for  our  govern- 
ment. Ours  is  "an  indestructible  union  composed  of  in- 
destructible states,"  as  Chief  Justice  Chase  said  in  1868. 

192.  Congress.  —  The  legislative  body  under  the  Con- 
stitution is  called  Congress  as  formerly,  but  is  composed  of 
two  houses,  one  supposed  to  represent  the  states  and  the 
other  the  people.     For  the  smaller,  the  Senate,  each  state 
legislature  elected  —  until   the   seventeenth    amendment 
(1913)  provided  for  election  of  senators  by  the  people  — 
two  members  for  a  term  of  six  years.     Each  state  has 
at  least  one  member  in  the  House  of  Representatives  chosen 
every  two  years,  but  its  number  depends  on  its  population. 

The  new  Congress  obtained  the  right  to  make  laws  for 
all  subjects  which  the  convention  thought  could  not  wisely 
be  left  to  the  states,  because  of  the  disastrous  effect  of  con- 
flicting legislation  on  these  topics.  It  has  power  to  levy 
different  kinds  of  taxes,  borrow  money,  and  regulate  foreign 
and  interstate  commerce.  It  cares  for  some  foreign  relations 
of  the  United  States,  has  the  right  to  declare  war,  and  raise 
an  army  and  navy.  It  may  coin  money,  make  a  rule  for 
naturalization,  .establish  post  offices,  grant  patents  and 
copyrights,  and  perform  other  acts  permitted  by  the  Con- 
stitution. In  order  that  it  might  not  be  hampered  by  too 
narrow  an  interpretation  of  its  powers,  it  has  the  right  "to 
make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carry- 
ing into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers 
vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof." 

193.  The  President. — After  protracted  debate,  the  con- 
vention came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  president  should 
be  chosen  for  a  term  of  four  years  and  be  reeligible  to  the 
office.     Various    methods    of    election    were    considered, 


1788]  Character  of  Constitution  207 

direct  popular  election  meeting  with  no  favor,  and  election  Ashley, 
by  Congress  being  rejected  as  likely  to  make  the  executive  Am-  Gov'f> 
dependent  on  the  legislative  department.    The  choice  was 
given  finally  to  electors,  equal  in  number  to  the  senators 
and  representatives  from  each  state,  who  are  chosen  in  what-  ^^'c 
ever  way  the  states  prescribe.     It  was  intended  originally  monweaith 
that  these  electors  should  exercise  independent  judgment   (abridged), 
when  casting  their  votes,  but  before  many  years  electors  22~3  ' 
found  themselves  obliged  to  vote  as  they  were  directed  by 
the  parties  from  which  they  were  chosen. 

The  powers   intrusted  to  the  president   are  sufficiently  Powers, 
great  to  make  his  position  an  important  one  and  to  show 
that  Henry  did  not  fear  a  dictatorship  needlessly.     Besides  Ashley, 
the  right  to  execute  laws  in  general,  the  president  has  com-      ™'    mf> 
mand  of  the  army  and  navy,  the  right  of  sending  ambassa- 
dors, of  making  treaties  and  appointing  officials  with  the 
consent  of  the  Senate,  the  right  to  veto  bills  passed  by  Con- 
gress, and  many  other  less  important  duties. 

194.  The  Courts.  - —  Under  the  Confederation,  Congress  Judges  and 
was  the  court  of  last  resort  in  interstate  disputes.     It  had  Jurisdiction- 
the  right  also  to  appoint  judges  who  might  try  prize  cases, 

but  there  was  no  regular  judicial  system  for  the  United   Ashley. 
States.    The  Constitution   changed  all  this  by  providing   , ,  4II_422' 
for  a  Supreme  Court,  and  permitting  Congress  to  erect  such 
inferior  courts  as  became  necessary.    The  judges  in  all  these  B 
were  to  be  selected  by  the  president  and  Senate,  holding  Am.  Com- 
their  offices  during  good    behavior.     The  jurisdiction  of  monweaith. 
these  courts  covered  cases  arising  not  only  under  the  national  ^  "  ge 
laws  and  treaties  but  under  the  Constitution  as  well,  thus 
allowing  the  Supreme  Court  to  interpret  finally  the  meaning     . 
of  any  clause  in  the  Constitution.    Cases  affecting  states  or 
arising  between  citizens  of  different  states  or  between  an 
American  and  a  foreigner  as  well  as  cases  affecting  national 
representatives  or  the  United  States  itself  were  to  be  tried 
in  the  courts  of  the  nation. 

195.  Amendment  of  the  Constitution. — The  failure  of 
the  Confederation  was  due  in  great  part  to  the  necessity  of  a 


208 


American  History 


[1788 


Method  of 
amendment 

Meigs, 
Growth  of 
Const., 
272-277. 


National  bill  of 
rights  (1791). 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
I,  113-115. 


Colonial  and 
state  models 
used. 


unanimous  vote  of  the  states  for  all  changes  in  the  Articles. 
A  different  scheme  was  adopted  for  amending  the  Consti- 
tution —  one  which  at  that  time  seemed  too  flexible  if  any- 
thing, but  which  has  proved  much  too  difficult  a  process 
for  ordinary  use.  Amendments  may  be  proposed  by  two 
thirds  of  each  house  of  Congress  or  by  a  convention  called 
on  the  application  of  two  thirds  of  the  states.  These  become 
parts  of  the  Constitution  when  ratified  by  the  legislatures  or 
conventions  in  three  fourths  of  the  states. 

This  method  was  used  at  once  in  fulfilling  the  promises 
made  by  the  friends  of  the  Constitution  that  a  bill  of  rights 
should  be  submitted  to  the  states.  The  amendments  pro- 
posed by  the  ratifying  conventions  in  the  states  were  con- 
sidered carefully  and  revised  in  the  first  Congress,  twelve 
being  adopted  by  that  body.  Two  of  these  were  rejected 
by  the  states  and  the  other  ten  were  declared  in  force  as  part 
of  the  Constitution,  December  15,  1791.  The  first  eight 
enumerate  rights  of  the  individual  with  which  the  national 
government  is  not  to  interfere,  and  the  tenth  declares 
that  all  powers  "not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  states,  are  reserved 
to  the  states  respectively  or  to  the  people." 

196.  The  Sources  of  the  Constitution.  — This  bill  of  rights 
was  to  a  large  extent  copied  from  those  found  in  the  state 
constitutions  of  that  time,  and  is  similar  to  the  bills  of  rights 
of  to-day.1  The  government  established  under  the  Con- 
stitution proper  was  likewise  in  great  measure  an  adapta- 
tion of  a  state  government  to  the  needs  of  a  federal  union. 
The  president  was  in  many  ways  "an  enlarged  copy  of  the 
state  governor."  His  military  powers,  the  right  of  appoint- 
ment and  of  veto,  followed  the  best  practices  in  the  common- 
wealths. Congress  was  composed  of  two  houses  like  the 
legislatures  in  ten  of  the  states.  The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives was  chosen  by  popular  vote  from  districts,  on  a 
plan  similar  to  that  used  by  the  assemblies  even  in  colonial 
times.  The  plan  of  a  continuous  senate  had  been  tried 

1  Ashley,  "American  Federal  State,"  §§  554-567. 


1789]  Character  of  Constitution  209 

successfully  in  New  York,  Delaware,  and  Virginia.  The 
national  courts,  with  their  great  power  of  interpreting  the 
Constitution,  were  not  unlike  those  of  the  states,  which  in 
several  cases  had  exercised  the  right  to  set  aside  unconsti- 
tutional laws.1  These  similarities  are  not  accidental. 
Most  of  the  members  of  the  constitutional  convention  had 
already  sat  in  state  constitutional  conventions  and  had  seen 
that  those  parts  of  the  state  constitutions  worked  best  which 
followed  the  usage  of  the  time.  They  drew  constantly 
upon  the  experience  of  their  own  states,  and  even  the  method 
of  electing  a  president  was  suggested  by  a  practice  employed 
when  choosing  senators  in  Maryland. 

Iri  one  respect  at  least  the  members  of  constitutional  "Original" 
conventions  were  obliged  to  consider  the  needs  of  the  situa-  features- 
tion  without  experience  to  help  them;  namely,  in  deciding 
the  relation  of  the  states  to  the  nation.     It  is  true  they  ran-  J- H-  Robin- 

,      ,    ,  .  ,  ..  .  ..   ,.        .         ,  .   ,         .     ,  son,  in  Annals 

sacked  history  from  the  time  of  the  Amphictyonic  league  Am  Acad  Pol 
to  that  of  the  Swiss  Republic  for  help  in  solving  this  problem,  and  Social 
but  without  result.      In  creating  a  federal  system  they  did   Science, 
the  only  wise  thing  possible,  and  adopted  the  only  system 
that  could  reconcile  conflicting  interests  at  the  same  time 
that  it  established  a  stable  government.     We  owe  much  to 
the  men  who,  with  the  wish  of  experimenting  as  little  as 
possible,  laid  a  permanent  foundation  for  a  new  and  better 
union. 


197.    The  Presidency.  — On  the  first  Wednesday  in  Janu-  Election  of 

ary,  1789,  presidential  electors  were  chosen  by  all  the  states  Washington, 
then  in  the  Union  with  the  exception  of  New  York.     In 
most  of  the  states  the  choice  was  left  with   the  legislature, 

but  in  Virginia  and  Maryland  the  people  were  allowed  to  United  states, 

vote  for  electors.    A  month  later  the  electors  met  at  their  1.525-53°- 

respective  capitals  and  cast  two  votes  for  their  candidates,  stanwood, 

one  of  whom  could  not  be  a  resident  of  the  same  state  with  Presidency, 

themselves.    The  result  was  of  course  a  foregone  conclusion.  20~3I> 

1  For  example,  Trevett  -v.  Weeden,  §  182. 

P 


2IO 


American  History 


[1789 


Washington  as 
President. 


Lodge, 

Washington, 

11,47-63. 


Washington's 
inauguration. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
I,  538-540. 


Elections  and 
first  meeting. 


McMaster, 
Untied  States, 
I.  530-534- 


Washington  was  chosen  unanimously  for  the  presidency, 
John  Adams  being  selected  as  vice  president. 

At  this  time  Washington  was  fifty-seven  years  of  age,  and 
without  doubt  the  foremost  man  in  America.  Yet  his 
victories  had  been  almost  exclusively  on  the  field  of  battle, 
and  as  an  administrator  he  was  practically  without  experi- 
ence. On  this  account  he  took  particular  pains  in  the 
selection  of  his  advisers,  surrounding  himself  with  men 
of  exceptional  ability.  In  the  solution  of  the  many  problems 
of  domestic  and  foreign  affairs  with  which  the  new  govern- 
ment was  compelled  to  grapple,  his  sound  judgment  and 
lofty  patriotism  were  of  the  highest  value,  and  the  interests 
of  the  United  States  and  her  people  were  protected  during 
his  administrations  as  they  could  have  been  under  few  other 
presidents,  however  skilled  they  may  have  been  in  affairs 
of  state. 

Washington's  first  inauguration  occurred  in  New  York 
City,  April  30,  1789,  after  a  triumphal  journey  from  his 
home  at  Mt.  Vernon,  Virginia.  The  oath  of  office  was 
administered  on  the  balcony  of  Federal  Hall,  in  Wall  Street, 
the  populace  shouting  their  approval:  "Long  live  George 
Washington,  President  of  the  United  States."  Washington 
then  retired  to  the  Senate  chamber,  where  he  read  his  in- 
augural address  to  the  houses  of  Congress. 

198.  Beginnings  of  the  New  Congress. — The  Congress 
of  the  Confederation  had  appointed  March  4,  1789,  as  the 
date  upon  which  its  successor  should  begin  business,  but  on 
that  day  only  a  few  members  had  reached  New  York.  Con- 
gressional elections  had  been  held  quite  late,  and  in  many 
sections  no  representatives  had  been  chosen  by  the  beginning 
of  March.  New  Jersey,  for  example,  kept  the  polls  open 
for  three  weeks,  and  in  many  of  the  New  England  districts 
two  elections  were  necessary  since  the  state  laws  required 
a  majority  vote  before  certificates  of  election  were  issued 
to  the  successful  candidates.  Moreover,  bad  roads  delayed 
some,  for  it  took  many  of  the  members  three  weeks  to  reach 
New  York  from  their  own  homes.  More  than  all  else,  the 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


212  American  History  [*789 

example  of  procrastination  and  inaction  set  by  the  Confeder- 

ate Congress  exerted  a  pernicious  influence  in  making  the 

congressmen  indifferent  and  dilatory. 

First  tariff  act        At  length,  on  April  6,  a  quorum  was  present  in  both  houses. 
(1789).  ^s  ^g  gOverninent  was  in  pressing  need  of  revenue,  Congress 

did  not  wait  for  the  inauguration  before  beginning  business. 
l"    '  James  Madison  immediately  introduced  a  tariff  bill  in  the 


{§  35-36.  House,  which  had  exclusive  right  to  originate  measures  relat- 

ing to  revenue.     Then  followed  weeks  of  debate  in  which 

McMaster,         the  representatives  sought  to  increase  the  duties  upon  arti- 

UnUed  state*,     cjes  manufactured  by  their  constituents,  or  to  lower  those 

which  might  interfere  with  their  agricultural  interests.     Few 

changes  were  made  in  the  Senate  and  the  bill  became  a 

Coman,  Indus- 

trial Hist.,         law  on  July  4,   1789.     It  provided  for  ad  valorem  duties 

138-144.  of  from  five  to  fifteen  per  cent,  and  for  specific  duties  on 

many  articles.     As  a  source  of  revenue  it  was  a  complete 

success  —  although  the  rates  were  raised  afterward  —  and 

it  contained  the  germ  of  our  present  system  of  protection 

Tonnage  act.     to  American  industries. 

Coman,  Indus-       A  few  days  later,  Congress  passed  a  tonnage  act  which 
trial  Hist.,        imposed  a  small  tax  on  American  vessels  engaged  in  com- 

merce, and  a  much  heavier  tax  on  all  foreign  vessels. 

The  problem          199.    The  Executive  Departments.  —  The  next  task  of 

lon*  Congress  was  that  of  providing  the  new  government  with 

machinery  for  the  administration  of  the  laws.    Although 

United  states,    the  Constitution   mentions  the  executive  departments,   it 

1,  104-106.         makes   no   provision   for   their  organization  and   powers. 

Two  important  questions  were  left  therefore  to  the  decision 

of  Congress:  (i)  what  departments  were  necessary  and  what 

duties  should  be  assigned  to  each;   (2)  should  the  work  of 

each  department  be  performed  by  boards  or  under  the  super- 

vision of  superintendents  or  secretaries  ?    The  first  question 

was  settled  by  creating  the  three  departments  of  state,  the 

treasury,  and  war,  and  arranging  for  an  attorney-general 

and  a  postmaster-general  in  addition.    On  the  second  there 

was  little  difference  of  opinion,  for  the  board  system  had  been 

used  without  great  success  under  the  Confederation,  and 


1789]      Organization  of  the  New  Government       213 


the  majority  favored  heads  of  departments.  Four  of  these, 
the  secretaries  of  state,  treasury,  and  war  and  the  attorney- 
general,  were  to  form  a  cabinet  or  advisory  body  for  the 
president.  This  cabinet  was  essentially  different  from 
that  of  England,  for  the  English  cabinet  at  that  time  was 
the  real  executive  of  Great  Britain,  whereas  the  American 
cabinet  was  solely  an  ad- 
visory body,  which  was  in 
fact  not  called  together 
during  the  first  adminis- 
tration of  Washington. 

Washington  did  much 
to  insure  the  success  of 
the  new  government  by 
the  selection  of  his  as- 
sistants. The  ablest  of 
these  were  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, who  became  secre- 
tary of  state,  and  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  who  was 
chosen  for  the  treasury 
portfolio.  All  the  mem- 
bers of  the  cabinet  were 
in  fact  men  who  enjoyed 

the  confidence  of  the  people,  in  addition  to  being  earnest 
supporters  of  the  Constitution.  The  one  on  whom  the 
heaviest  burden  fell,  Hamilton,  although  but  thirty-four 
years  of  age,  had  already  rendered  valuable  services 
to  this  country  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  in 
securing  the  adoption  of  a  stronger  government  than  that 
of  the  Confederation.  Particularly  versed  in  the  financial 
methods  of  his  time,  he  was  well  fitted  for  the  task  of  estab- 
lishing and  strengthening  the  public  credit.  As  a  political 
manager  he  had  few  superiors,  but  he  made  the  great  mistake 
of  distrusting  the  people,  for  he  favored  a  central  govern- 
ment that  was  almost  monarchical,  which  looked  to  the 
aristocracy  for  its  support.  For  this  reason  he  was  never 


Members  of 
the  cabinet 


Hamilton. 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 


Bassett, 
Federalist 
System,  16-20. 

Lodge, 
Washington, 
II,  62-71. 


214 


American  History 


[1789 


Judiciary  Act 
of  1789. 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
.  I,  107-108. 


Willoughby, 
Supreme  Court, 
22-26. 


Justices  of  the 

Supreme 

Court. 

Pellew,  fay, 
354-366. 


Need  of  Union. 
Defects  of  the 
Confederation. 


popular  with  the  masses  and  much  of  his  effort  was  spent  in 
trying  to  stem  the  rising  tide  of  popular  government. 

2'oo.  The  National  Judiciary.  — The  last  step  in  organiz- 
ing the  new  government  consisted  in  passing  the  Judiciary 
Act  in  September,  1789.  According  to  the  Constitution 
there  was  to  be  a  Supreme  Court  and  such  inferior  courts 
as  Congress  might  create.  Congress  decided  that  there 
should  be  a  chief  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  with  five 
associate  justices.  It  divided  the  United  States  into  three 
circuits,  a  northern,  a  central,  and  a  southern,  but  it  did 
not  provide  for  any  separate  circuit  judges.  Sixteen  dis- 
trict courts  were  created,  one  for  each  of  the  thirteen  states, 
besides  Vermont,  Maine,  and  Kentucky.  To  each  district 
was  assigned  a  district  judge,  an  attorney,  and  a  marshal. 
The  jurisdiction  of  these  courts  was  clearly  defined,  and  elab- 
orate provision  was  made  for  the  appeal  of  cases  from  state 
to  national  tribunals.  This  judiciary  act,  largely  the  work 
of  Oliver  Ellsworth,  was  so  nearly  perfect  that  it  is  still  the 
basis  of  our  judicial  system,  although  enlarged  by  the  ad- 
dition of  the  circuit  courts  of  appeals  in  1891. 

For  chief  justice,  Washington  appointed  John  Jay,  a 
man  of  great  learning  and  sound  judgment.  His  colleagues 
also  were  able  jurists  and  strong  Federalists.  At  first  their 
duties  were  comparatively  light,  and  it  was  many  years 
before  people  began  to  realize  what  an  important  work  had 
been  given  to  the  national  courts.  In  fact  it  was  not  until 
the  nation  became  more  united  after  1815  that  the  court 
was  able  to  strengthen  the  central  government  greatly  (§  254). 

201.  Summary.  —  Separation  from  Great  Britain  forced 
the  colonies  to  decide  whether  they  would  unite  or  be  sepa- 
rate from  each  other.  Although  union  was  the  only  at- 
tempted solution  of  the  problem,  the  states  were  unable 
and  unwilling  to  form  a  strong  confederation.  The  chief 
defect  of  the  Confederation  —  the  fact  that  the  states  were 
sovereign  —  made  it  impossible  for  Congress  to  raise  money 
for  its  needs,  to  enforce  the  laws  that  it  made,  or  to  regulate 
commerce  for  the  general  good.  Coupled  with  these  spe- 


1789]      Organization  of  the  New  Government       215 

cific  defects  was  the  provision  of  the  Articles  that  they  could 
be  amended  only  with  the  consent  of  all  the  states.  The 
states  were  in  danger  of  drifting  into  commercial  warfare 
and  anarchy  unless  a  substitute  for  the  Articles  could  be 
devised. 

When  the  need  of  a  new  constitution  was  recognized,  The  new 
and  a  convention  was  called  to  revise  the  Articles  of  Con-  Constitution, 
federation,  most  of  the  leaders  desired  a  national  Constitu- 
tion. They  did  not  insist  on  that  form  of  union,  because  they 
feared  that  it  would  be  rejected  by  the  states,  but  a  com- 
promise plan  was  adopted  by  the  convention  at  Philadelphia 
and  ratified  by  conventions  chosen  for  that  purpose  in  the 
states.  This  federal  union  bound  the  states  closely  together 
without  consolidating  them  under  a  centralized  government. 
Such  a  federal  republic  was  different  from  any  that  had 
existed  before,  so  that  there  were  numerous  heated  contro- 
versies during  the  period  following  1787  regarding  the  powers 
of  the  national  government  and  the  rights  of  the  states. 
The  success  of  the  new  government  was  due  in  large  part  to 
the  favorable  circumstances  under  which  it  began  its  work 
in  1789. 

TOPICS 

1.  DEVELOPMENT   OF  THE  WEST:    "American  Nation  Series," 
VIII,  pp.  222-241.,  IX,  pp.  269-288,  X,  pp.  128-137;    Roosevelt, 
"Winning  of  the  West,"  I,  pp.  122-221  (to  1774);    Moore,  "North 
West  under  Three  Flags,"  pp.  333-385  (after  1787);  Winsor,  "West- 
ward Movement,"  pp.  43-62,  77—100. 

2.  FINANCIAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  (1781-1787): 
Sumner,  "History  of  American  Currency,"   pp.    43-57;    Bancroft, 
"History  of  the  Constitution,"  I,  pp.  31-45,  76-91,  228-241 ;   Curtis, 
"Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,"  I,  pp.  45-134,  157- 
185- 

3.  THE    ORDINANCE   OF  1787:    Johnston,  "American   Political 
History,"  I,  pp.  95-105;  Dunn,  "Indiana,"  pp.  177-218;   Hinsdale, 
"Old  Northwest,"   255-269;    Sato  in   "Johns  Hopkins   University 
Studies,"  IV,  pp.  88-120. 

4.  THE  CONNECTICUT  COMPROMISE:    "Cambridge  Modern  His- 
tory," pp.  251-264;    Curtis,  "Constitutional  History  of  the  United 
States,"  I,  pp.  368-406;  Bancroft,  "History  of  the  Constitution,"  II, 
pp.  36-67. 


2l6  American  History  [1781- 


STUDIES 

1.  Importance  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

2.  Treatment  of  the  loyalists.  (McMaster,  "  People  of  the  United 
States,"  I,  pp.  107-130.) 

3.  Reception  of  first  American  minister  by  George  III.     (Hart, 
(ed.),  "Contemporaries,"  III,  No.  53.) 

4.  Paper  money  in  the  states  under  the  Confederation.     (Mc- 
Master, "People  of  the  United  States,"  I,  281-305,  331-355.) 

5.  Defects  of  the  Confederation.     (The  Federalist,  XV-XVII.) 

6.  The  movement  toward  a  better  union.     (Curtis,  "Constitu- 
tional History  of  the  United  States,"  I,  pp.  221-232.) 

7.  The  Virginia  plan.     (Madison,  Journal  of  the  Constitutional 
convention,  Tuesday,  May  29.) 

8.  Hamilton's    proposed  plan   of   Union.     (Madison,   Journal 
Monday,  June  18.) 

9.  Means  to   prevent  legislative   corruption  considered  by  the 
convention.     (Meigs,  "  Growth  of  the  Constitution. ") 

10.  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Details.  (Madison,  Journal, 
Monday,  August  6.) 

u.  Election  of  senators.  (Meigs,  "Growth  of  the  Constitution,^ 
pp.  68-80.) 

12.  Opposition  of  Henry  to  the  Constitution.     (Tyler,  "Patrick 
Henry.") 

13.  Defects  in  the  methods  of  amendment.     (Burgess,  "Political 
Science  and  Comparative  Constitutional  Law,"  I,  pp.  143-154.) 

14.  Methods  used  to  obtain  ratification.     (McMaster,  "People 
of  the  United  States,"  I,  pp.  454-461.) 

15.  Madison's     view     of    the    Constitution.      (The    Federalist, 
No.  39.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  one  underlying  principle  of  the  Confederation  was  of 
greater  importance  than  any  others  ?    Name  four  specific  defects  o( 
the  Articles.     Was  there  a  greater  degree  of  real  union  in  this  countrj 
in  1777  or  in  1782?    (Give  reasons  in  full.) 

2.  Give  your  opinion  of  the  course  taken  by  Maryland  (1778- 
1781).     Hov/  did  the  surrender  of  the  land  claims  strengthen  the 
Union  ? 

3.  What  constitutional  right  had  Congress  to  pass  the  Ordinance 
of  1787?    To  what  extent  were  the  provisions  of  the  Ordinance  in 
sympathy  with  the  times  ?  ahead  of  the  times  ?    What  influence  did 
they  have  upon  the  United  States  then  ?  upon  our  policy  and  history 
later? 


1789]          Creation  of  a  General  Government          217 

4.  Was  the  period  from  1781  to  1787  a  critical  period?    Why? 
Do  "hard  times"  have  anything  to  do  with  cheap  money  agitation? 
Prove  your  answer  from  American  history.     Show  how  the  commer- 
cial selfishness  of  the  states  produced  a  spirit  of  disunion  and  at  the 
same  time  a  spirit  of  union. 

5.  State  clearly  who  were  the  parties  in  each  of  the  compromises 
adopted  by  the  Convention.     Tell  what  each  party  desired  in  each 
case  and  show  which  party  won  in  each  compromise.     Were  the 
compromises  necessary?    Did  they  pave  the  way  for  civil  war? 

6.  Why  were  not  the  Articles  of  Confederation  amended  as  they 
provided?    What  right  had  the  Convention  to  propose  a  new  consti- 
tution ?    Was  not  the  process  revolutionary  ?    What  was  the  status  of 
North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island  between  1788  and  the  dates  at 
which  they  ratified  the  Constitution  ?     (Johnston,  "  American  Politi- 
cal History,"  II,  pp.  336-343.) 

7.  Compare  the  Articles  of  Confederation  and  the  Constitution  in 
regard  to  real  character,  form  of  government,  powers  of  Congress, 
prohibitions  on  the  states,  and  methods  of  amendment. 

8.  From  our  standpoint  was  it  a  disadvantage  that  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  could  be  amended  only  by  a  unanimous  vote  ?    Is 
the  Constitution  amended  too  easily?     What  features  of  the  Con- 
stitution are  based  on  previous  experiments  of  the  states?    What 
features  were  borrowed  directly  from  other  countries  ?    What  features 
are  "original'  ? 


CHAPTER   X 


Number. 


Provincial 
characteristics. 


THE   CLOSE   OF  THE   EIGHTEENTH   CENTURY 
SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 

202.  The  People.  —  Although  there  had  been  little  emi- 
gration from  Europe  to  America  during  the  last  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  increase  in  population  had  been 

more  than  fourfold, 
since  the  population 
in  1800  was  over 
5,000,000.  The  white 
population  was,  more- 
over, fairly  homoge- 
neous, as  all  of  the 
foreign  peoples  were 
being  assimilated  grad- 
ually into  a  race  that 
\vas  not  English, 
though  predominantly 
Anglo-Saxon. 

There  was  still  a 
marked  difference  be- 
tween the  sections  as 
there  had  been  at  an 
earlier  time;  for,  al- 
though the  people  of 

1800  were  more  liberal  in  their  views  and  less  restricted 
in  their  occupations  than  their  grandparents,  the  sections 
lost  their  colonial  characteristics  slowly.  Yet  with  all  their 
differences  of  temperament,  religion,  and  pursuits,  the  people 
of  the  various  states  were  alike  in  their  preference  for  their 
own  states,  and  in  their  prejudice  in  favor  of  local  customs. 
The  American  republic  was  still  essentially  a  nation  of  farm- 

218 


MM«r  CNG.  Ci.,  N.Y 


i8oo]  Social  Conditions  219 

ers,  energetic  and  enterprising,  but  rude  and  rather  narrow.1 
Not  many  had  traveled  beyond  the  limits  of  the  county  in 
which  they  were  born,  and  few  indeed  had  visited  other 
states,  except  during  the  war,  which  had  brought  into  con- 
tact men  from  distant  sections.  With  the  development  of 
commerce  and  improved  means  of  communication,  it  was 
only  a  question  of  time  before  many  of  the  barriers  between 
remote  states  would  be  broken  down,  since  they  had  grown 
out  of  isolation  and  were  fostered  by  local  prejudice;  but 
it  was  several  decades  before  most  of  the  people  considered 
the  interests  of  the  whole  country  as  important  as  those  of 
their  own  state  or  locality. 

Most  of  the  people  in  1800  lived  within  a  short  distance  of  The  cities. 
the  seacoast,  but  the  cities  were  not  numerous  and  had 
grown  slowly  except  during  the  last  decades  of  the  century.  Me  Master, 
Only  two  cities,  Philadelphia  and  New  York,  boasted  over  j  *  '  6  a 
50,000  inhabitants  and  only  two  others,  Boston  and  Bald-  64,83. 
more,  had  more  than  20,000.  There  had  been  some  improve- 
ment in  the  character  of  the  shops,  in  the  paving  of  the  streets, 
and  in  the  town  houses,  but  a  half  century  had  not  altered 
essentially  the  manner  of  living,  nor  brought  many  addi- 
tional comforts. 

203.   The  Frontier.  —  A    few    pioneers    began    crossing  Western  settle- 
the  mountains  before  the  close  of  the  last  French  war,  and  ments- 
the  emigration  to  the  West  continued  in  spite  of  the  king's 
proclamation  (1763)  reserving  that  country  to  the  Indians 

1  McMaster  gives  the  following  description  of  the  Massachusetts  farmer: 
"The  Massachusetts  farmer  who  witnessed  the  revolution  plowed  his  land 
with  the  wooden  bull-plough,  sowed  his  grain  broadcast,  and,  when  it  was 
ripe,  cut  it  with  a  scythe,  and  thrashed  it  on  his  barn-floor  with  a  flail.  His 
house  was  without  paint ;  his  floors  were  without  carpet.  When  darkness 
came  on  his  light  was  derived  from  a  few  candles  of  home  manufacture. 
The  place  of  furnaces  and  stoves  was  supplied  by  large  cavernous  fire- 
places which  took  up  one  side  of  the  room,  and,  sending  half  the  smoke 
into  the  room,  sent  half  the  heat  up  the  chimney.  His  food  was  of  the 
simplest  kind,  was  served  in  the  commonest  of  dishes  and  eaten  with  the 
coarsest  of  implements.  Beef  and  pork,  salt  fish,  dried  apples  and  vege- 
tables, made  up  the  daily  fare  from  one  year's  end  to  another.''  "  History 
of  the  People  of  the  United  States,"  I,  p.  18. 


22O 


American  History 


[1791 


Dangers  from 
the  Indians. 

Co  man, 
Industrial 
Hist.,  158-166. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
1,596-604. 

Sparks, 
Expansion 
of  Am.  People, 
88-103. 


Life  on  the 
frontier. 


Sparks, 
Expansion, 
149-158, 
238-248. 


Problems  to  be 
settled. 


Madison, 
Journal  of 
Const' I  Conv., 
298,  312,  327, 
345, 448,  460. 


(§  94).  At  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War  there  was 
an  exodus  from  the  Atlantic  slope  to  the  fertile  valleys  of 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  which  no  dangers  from  savages 
seemed  able  to  check.  These  emigrants  followed  the  trails 
through  Cumberland  Gap  and  the  passes  farther  south, 
although  some  went  by  way  of  Pittsburg  and  the  Ohio  River 
North  of  the  Ohio,  the  Indians  were  in  undisputed  posses 
sion  until  1794.  In  1791  they  had  defeated  and  almost 
destroyed  an  army  under  General  St.  Clair  which  had  been 
sent  against  them.  Encouraged  by  the  British,  who  still 
held  many  posts  in  the  Northwest,  the  Indians  demanded 
that  the  Ohio  be  the  limit  of  the  western  settlements.  After 
their  army  had  been  destroyed  by  General  Anthony  Wayne, 
they  agreed  to  a  compromise  line  across  Ohio.  This 
line  was  removed  farther  at  later  dates. 

After  1795  the  settlers  poured  into  Ohio  rapidly.  In 
1800  there  were  nearly  50,000  in  the  present  state  of  Ohio, 
and  over  400,000  west  of  the  Alleghanies.  Villages  were 
few  and  small.  Cincinnati  contained  but  a  hundred 
houses,  and  Pittsburg,  the  largest  town,  had  less  than  2000 
people.  Most  of  the  pioneers  lived  on  separate  farms,  often 
near  a  blockhouse  or  stockade  for  protection.  Their  houses 
were  invariably  of  logs  and  their  clothes  of  skins  or  coarse 
homespun  cloth.  Many  reckless  men  found  their  way  to 
the  frontier,  but  the  people,  as  a  rule,  were  honest  and 
hard-working,  with  the  love  of  justice  which  equaled  their 
ardor  for  liberty. 

204.  The  Admission  of  New  States.  —  We  have  noticed 
already  at  some  length  the  cession  of  western  lands  by  the 
states  to  Congress  and  some  of  the  western  problems  which 
Congress  was  asked  to  solve  (§§  179-182).  Many  people 
had  thought  it  unwise  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  the  United 
States  beyond  the  Alleghany  mountains  because  of  the  diffi- 
culties in  maintaining  a  Union  which  included  two  diverse 
sections,  one  of  which  was  interested  almost  solely  in  Atlan- 
tic seaboard  affairs,  while  the  other  belonged  to  a  remote 
and  separate  region  with  interests  of  its  own.  The  wiser 


Social  Conditions  221 

counsels  prevailed  when  they  sought  to  obtain  from  England 
this  territory.  But  the  problems  of  controlling  this  territory 
became  prominent.  The  people  of  the  frontier  insisted  that 
they  should  manage  their  own  affairs  either  as  an  independ- 
ent nation  or  in  states  of  the  Union.  Many  on  the  seacoast, 
especially  in  New  England  and  Pennsylvania,  protested 
against  the  admission  of  new  states  west  of  the  mountains, 
because  of  the  danger  that  in  time  the  new  states  would 
outnumber  the  old  and  control  the  destiny  of  the  country. 
Again  wise  counsels  prevailed,  and  the  Congress  of  the 
Confederation  agreed  that  the  new  states  to  be  organized 
in  the  West  should  not  be  small  as  suggested  at  first 
(§  181),  but  should  be  large  and  should  be  admitted  on  an 
equality  with  the  states  already  in  the  Union. 

When  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  Congress  was  al-  Three  new 
lowed  to  control  the  admission  of  new  states  in  this  way.1  •*atei('W»- 
It  adopted  a  liberal  plan  at  the  beginning,  for  three  states 
were  admitted  before  1797.     The  first  of  these,  Vermont 
(1791),  comprised  lands  in  dispute  between  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire.     Kentucky  (1792)  had  been  settled  by 
Virginians  and  was  until  her  admission  a  part  of  Virginia. 
Tennessee  (1796)  had  been  settled  by  the  people  of  North 
Carolina,  but  was  the  first  state  organized  in  the  territory 
controlled  by  Congress. 

205.    The   Movement   toward   Emancipation.  —  One    of  Emancipation 
the  most  beneficial  results  of  the  Revolutionary  War  was  in  the  states 
the  attempt  to  free  the  slaves  or  ameliorate  their  condition.      77 
It  was  only  natural  that  fair-minded  men  who  had  for  years  Fiske  epical 
insisted  on  the  rights  of  man,  who  indorsed  the  view  that  Period,  71-76. 
all  men  are  created  equal,  should  take  some  steps  toward 
abolishing  human  bondage.     An  attempt  had  been   made 
in  Virginia  before  the  war  to  discontinue  the  slave  trade,  but 
the  king  had  aroused  the  wrath  of  the  people   by  vetoing 
the  law  passed  by  the  colony.     After  they  became  independ- 
ent, Delaware  and  Virginia  prohibited  the  slave  trade  within 
their  boundaries,  and  Pennsylvania  provided  for  gradual 

1  Constitution,  Art.  IV,  Sec.  3,  Cl.  i, 


222 


American  History 


[1783 


Slavery  peti- 
tions in  Con- 
gress. 

Bassett, 
Federalist 
System, 
186-189. 

Schouler, 
United  States, 
1, 156-163. 

Renewed 
demand  for 
slaves. 

Hart,  Slavery 
and  Abolition, 
S3,  59-62. 

Turner, 
New  West, 
46-50. 


emancipation.  In  1783  Massachusetts  abandoned  the  sys- 
tem of  slavery  entirely,  since  her  judges  held  that  slavery 
had  been  abolished  by  the  provision  of  the  state  constitution 
which  declared  that  all  men  were  born  free  and  equal.  Other 
states  followed  the  lead  of  these,  those  in  the  middle  South 
by  preventing  the  further  importation  of  slaves  and  those 
in  the  North  by  voting  for  gradual  emancipation.  In  1800 
New  Jersey  was  the  only  state  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line  in  which  negro  children  could  become  slaves. 

In  this  antislavery  agitation  the  Quakers  had  taken  the 
most  active  part,  ably  seconded  by  that  earnest  apostle  of 
democracy,  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  by  leading  New  England 
Puritans.  The.  Quakers  scarcely  waited  for  the  new  Con- 
stitution to  go  into  effect  before  petitioning  Congress  (1790) 
to  abolish  slavery.  After  several  bitter  speeches,  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  to  the  effect  that  Congress  could  not  in- 
terfere with  slavery  in  the  states,  but  that  Congress  might 
control  the  slave  trade  absolutely. 

206.  The  Cotton  Gin  and  Slavery. — The  enthusiasm 
for  emancipation  which  had  developed  during  the  Revolu- 
tion and  was  noticeable  as  far  south  as  the  Carolinas  died 
out  gradually.  A  counter  movement  in  favor  of  slavery 
began  when,  in  1793,  a  young  New  Englander  of  inventive 
mind,  Eli  Whitney,  perfected  a  machine  for  separating 
cotton  seeds  from  the  fiber.  Whitney's  gin  enabled  a  negro 
to  clear  of  seeds  as  much  cotton  as  a  thousand  negroes  had 
been  able  to  do  by  hand.  It  gave  an  impetus  to  cotton- 
growing,  then  an  unimportant  industry,  which  made  cotton 
the  most  important  product  in  all  the  states  south  of  North 
Carolina.  It  created  a  demand  for  slave  labor  on  the  cotton 
plantations  which  made  the  institution  of  slavery  much 
more  valuable  and  desirable  in  the  South.  Not  only  did 
it  create  in  the  extreme  South  a  stronger  proslavery  senti- 
ment than  before,  but  it  converted  the  lukewarm  Virginians 
and  Marylanders  into  ardent  advocates  of  slavery,  because 
it  gave  them  a  market  for  their  surplus  slaves.  Interest 
revived  in  the  slave  trade,  which  was  forbidden  by  the  Con- 


i8oo]          Political  and  Religions  Changes  223 

stitution  after  1808,  and  many  merchantmen  engaged  in  the 
vile  traffic.  Even  after  that  date,  Africans  were  smuggled 
into  the  United  States  after  a  voyage  of  horrors. 

POLITICAL  AND  RELIGIOUS  CHANGES 

207.  Voters  and  Officeholders.  —  It  is  easy  to  overesti-  Tasks  allotted 
mate  the  influence  which  the  Revolution  exerted  directly  to  the  voters- 
upon  the  suffrage.  The  leveling  influences  of  the  Revolution 

did  affect  the  right  to  vote;  but  they  did  not  abolish,  they  Thorpe, 
only  modified,  the  property  qualification  which  had  been  A™ People' 
universal  in  colonial  times.      In  a  few  states  taxpayers  as  i,  191-205. 
well  as  owners  of  land  were  allowed  to  vote,  but  man  as  man 
had  not  yet  established  his  right  to  a  share  in  the  govern- 
ment.    Yet  the  quarter  century  following  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  brought  a  much  greater  share  in  the  work 
of  governing  to  those  that  were  voters.    The  constitutions 
of  the  states  were  framed  by  conventions  chosen  by  the  people 
for  that  purpose,  just  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was   ratified   by   similar   conventions.     Numerous  officials 
were  chosen  by  popular  vote  and  in  two  states  the  people 
ratified  the  constitutions.    The  belief  that  the  people  should 
rule  was  gradually  gaining  headway. 

Everywhere  the  old  demand  that  no  one  should  vote  unless  Qualification 
he  held  certain  religious  views  was  discarded,  so  thatCatho-  of  voters  and 

..  .  ~,        officeholders. 

lies  and  Jews  voted  on  the  same  terms  as  Protestants.     The 
same  liberality  was  not  shown  to  officeholders,  for  it  was  Fiske,  Critical 
thought  that  only  men  of  property  and  certain  religious  Pertod,  69-70. 
views  were  competent  to  direct  affairs  of  state.    The  Ordi-    , 

Ashley,  Am. 

nance  of  1787  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  did  Fed.  state, 

not  permit  any  discrimination  in  regard  to  religion  for  na-  572-576. 
tional  or  territorial  officials. 

208.  Tendencies  toward  Democracy.  —  In  other  things  Disuse  of  dis- 


tinctions in 


than  politics  the  tendency  toward  democracy  at  the  close  of 

.  dress  and  rank 

the  eighteenth  century  was  noticeable.  After  the  war  the 
term  "  gentleman  "  came  into  disfavor  and  was  used  little 
even  by  those  who  believed  with  John  Adams  in  the  rule 
of  "  the  rich,  the  well-born,  and  the  able,"  because  public 


224 


American  History 


[1800 


Abolition  of 
special  privi- 
leges. 

Fiske,  Critical 
Period,  70-71. 


Disestablish- 
ment of  state 
churches. 


Fiske,    Critical 
Period,  76-83. 


sentiment  was  a  growing  force  which  no  public  man  could 
afford  to  ignore.  When  the  first  Congress  was  seeking  a 
title  for  the  president,  popular  opposition  to  anything  savor* 
ing  of  rank  was  so  pronounced  that "  his  excellency  "  seemed 
the  only  title  not  odious  to  the  people.  Men  whose  ancesj 
tors  had  been  proud  to  recognize  the  superiority  of  the  gen- 
try insisted  on  their  right  to  a  position  of  social  equality. 
Slowly  but  surely  the  old  order  of  society  was  passing  away. 
Distinctions  in  dress  were  less  conspicuous  than  in  an  earlier 
day.  The  aristocrat  was  obliged  soon  to  keep  his  cocked 
hat,  his  wig  and  queue,  his  knee  breeches,  his  silk  stockings, 
and  low  silver-buckle  shoes  for  dress  occasions.  A  plainer, 
more  useful  costume  was  becoming  universal  for  everyday 
business. 

Many  of  the  special  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  proprietors 
of  the  great  estates  in  New  York  and  Maryland  were  abol- 
ished. Primogeniture  had  been  formally  set  aside  in  all  of 
the  states,  and  in  the  national  territory  laws  had  been  enacted 
before  1800  giving  the  children  equal  shares  in  the  property 
of  a  father  who  died  without  will. 

209.  Religious  Freedom. — The  movement  for  religious 
liberty  was  the  most  complete  of  all  those  accompanying 
the  Revolution.  Before  the  war  the  Anglican  church  was 
established  in  seven  colonies,  the  Congregational  in  three, 
while  three  did  not  sanction  a  state  church.  Except  in 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  Catholics  were  not  aUowed  to 
vote  or  to  hold  religious  services.  As  already  noted  (§  106), 
many  dissenting  congregations  were  allowed  to  hold  ser- 
vices which  were  of  course  illegal.  Virginia  signalized  her 
independence  by  freeing  dissenters  from  paying  taxes  to 
support  the  established  church  (1776),  and  a  few  years 
later,  after  a  memorable  contest,  largely  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Jefferson  and  Madison,  passed  an  act  establish- 
ing complete  religious  freedom.  Outside  of  New  England, 
the  other  states  disestablished  their  state  churches  during 
the  revolutionary  period,  but  in  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
and  New  Hampshire  the  union  of  church  and  state  survived 


1786]  Political  and  Religious  Changes  225 

until  the  nineteenth  century,  although  members  of  other 
denominations  were  no  longer  expected  to  attend  the  Con- 
gregational service.  In  fact  there  was  no  other  part  of  the 
country  in  which  greater  real  liberty  of  religious  thought 
existed  than  in  New  England. 

During  the  Confederation  there  were  meetings  of  clergy-  National 
men  connected  with  all  of  the  prominent  sects  in  America.  churches- 
National  churches  were  organized  by  the  Episcopalians, 
the  Methodists,  and  the  Presbyterians  before  the  adoption  Fiske.  Critic*. 
of  the  Constitution.     In   some   cases  these   organizations        """'  3~  7' 
held  meetings  of  the  governing  body  of  the  church.    Thus 
organized  and  strengthened,  the  churches  were  able  to  se- 
cure better  men  for  their  noble  work. 

ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS 

210.  Commerce.  —  Before  1789  the  commerce  of  the  Commerce 
United  States  did  not  thrive.  The  disputes  with  Great  before  178^ 
Britain  before  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  the  attempt  of 
the  mother  country  to  enforce  the  navigation  acts,  prevented 
a  free  exchange  of  commodities  with  other  countries.  The 
war  and  the  Confederation  made  matters  worse  for  a  time, 
because  England  closed  the  ports  of  the  British  West  Indies, 
at  which  so  much  of  our  colonial  trading  had  been  done, 
and  refused  to  allow  commerce  on  advantageous  terms  with 
Great  Britain,  while  other  nations  were  not  anxious  to  trade 
with  states  that  followed  no  regular  commercial  policy. 
During  this  period  it  is  true  we  had  made  commercial 
treaties  with  France,  Holland,  and  Prussia.  New  avenues 
of  commerce  had  been  opened  in  hitherto  forbidden  parts 
of  Europe  and  America.  Enterprising  Yankee  skippers 
had  rounded  Cape  Horn  and  crossed  the  Pacific  to  China, 
bringing  back  precious  and  profitable  cargoes  besides  large 
amounts  of  silver.  Yet  the  total  amount  of  commerce 
wa"s  small  and  the  quantity  imported  was  much  in  excess 
of  that  exported. 

Under  the  new  government  came  a  radical  change.    The  Commerce 
prosperity  which  followed  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  after  T?89- 
Q 


226 


American  History 


[1789 


Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
130-138. 


Industry 
before  1789. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
II,  No.  20. 


Industry  after 
1789. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  No.  22. 


Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
138-151. 


was  noticeable  at  once  in  the  very  great  increase  in  our  ex- 
ports. Laws  were  passed  in  1789  which  regulated  the  im- 
ports (§  198)  and  gave  an  advantage  to  American  vessels 
over  foreign  vessels  engaged  in  trade.  Shipbuilding  re- 
ceived a  new  impetus,  especially  after  1793.  Even  Great 
Britain  was  eager  to  trade  with  us  and  made  a  fairly  favor- 
able treaty  in  1794  (§  222).  With  the  outbreak  of  war  be- 
tween France  and  England  (1793),  American  ships  enjoyed 
a  still  larger  carrying  trade,  and  the  American  flag  was  seen 
on  every  sea.  In  1800  the  exports  of  the  United  States 
were  three  times  as  large  as  the  entire  commerce  of  the 
country  twelve  years  earlier. 

211.  Industry.  —  Although  there  had  been  little  change 
in  the  industrial  methods  and  little  industrial  advance  be- 
fore 1789,  separation  from  Great  Britain  had  compelled 
us  to  manufacture  many  articles  that  we  had  imported 
previously  from  England.  As  the  states  were  free  from 
the  prohibitions  which  had  been  placed  upon  manufactur- 
ing by  the  English  government,  the  people  now  turned 
their  attention  to  the  production  of  iron  and  steel  articles 
and  to  many  branches  of  industry  unknown  before  1776. 

To  no  person  did  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  prove 
a  greater  boon  than  to  the  manufacturer.  Before  1789 
he  had  labored  at  a  very  great  disadvantage.  In  a  new 
country  where  raw  materials  and  labor  were  higher  than  in 
the  old  world,  he  found  it  difficult  to  compete  with  the  mer- 
chants of  Europe.  He  needed  protection  of  some  kind  and 
this  help  he  obtained  from  Congress,  for  the  new  government 
left  no  doubt  as  to  its  policy  by  passing  as  its  second  law  an 
act  in  favor  of  protecting  home  industries  from  foreign 
competition.  Two  years  later  appeared  Hamilton's  famous 
report  on  manufactures  which  exerted  an  inestimable 
influence.  With  the  stimulus  of  a  slightly  protective 
tariff  industry  expanded,  although  manufacturing  was  on 
a  small  scale  and  made  slight  headway  until  the  opening 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  because  there  was  no  improved 
machinery.  England  took  precautions  to  prevent  the  ex- 


1792]  Economic  Conditions  227 

portation  of  the  inventions  which  were  made  by  her  citizens, 
including  Watts's  steam  engine,  Arkwright's  and  Hargreave's 
spinning  machines,  and  Cartwright's  power  loom. 

212.    Currency.  —  The   year   1789   marks   an   epoch   in  Needs  before 
the  history  of  currency  in  the  United  States,  for  the  Con-  I787-    Pr°vi- 

/-•  i   ,  i      r  ,  i  sions  of  the 

stitution  gave  Congress  complete  control  of  the  money  sys-  constitution. 
tern  and  forbade  the  states  to  issue  bills  of  credit  or  make 

anything  but  gold  or  silver  a  tender  for  payment  of  a  debt.  Dewe    Fin 

There  was  need  of  these  provisions.     It  was  essential  that  cial  Hist., 

there  should  be  a  uniform  standard  throughout  the  coun-  §§  2S-  29.  3°- 
try,  and  there  was  need  of  a  stable  as  well  as  a  uniform  cur- 

rency.    A  repetition  of  the  business  confusion  and  distress  Madison, 

which  followed  the  experiments  of  the  states  with  paper  °urn°  °l 

Const  I  Conv.t 

money  during  the  Confederation  (§  184)  was  to  be  avoided  541-543. 
at  all  costs.  This  could  be  done  only  by  leaving  the  ques- 
tion of  money  to  Congress  alone.  But  if  Congress  were  to 
issue  continental  money,  the  situation  would  be  little  better 
than  under  the  Confederation.  Many  members  of  the  con- 
stitutional convention  of  1787  wished  to  prohibit  Congress 
from  issuing  bills  of  credit.  After  a  discussion,  in  which  the 
members  showed  how  little  they  favored  a  national  paper 
currency,  the  convention  decided  not  to  place  the  prohibition 
on  Congress  for  fear  that  at  some  future  time  the  need  might 
be  very  great,  and  the  issuance  of  paper  money  might  be 
not  only  necessary  but  wise.  But  for  this  far-sightedness 
the  nation  could  not  have  issued  "  greenbacks  "  during  the 
Civil  War,  nor  could  we  have  these  notes  for  use  to-day. 

During  the  Confederation,  Congress  adopted  a  decimal  Currency  legis- 
system  of  coinage  based  on  suggestions  made  by  Robert  latlon  (I792~ 
Morris  and  Thomas  Jefferson.    No  coins  were  struck  at    7" 
that  time,  nor  until  after  an  act  was  passed  (1792)  establish- 
ing a  bimetallic  system  of  money  with  a  legal  ratio  of  15  to  i,  ' 


that  is,  with  fifteen  times  as  much  pure  silver  in  a  silver 

dollar  as  there  was  gold  in  a  gold  dollar.     At  that  time  the    _. 

Coman,  Indus- 

business  of  the  country  was  done  by  means  of  Spanish  and  triai  Hist., 
English  coins,  much  of  the  small  change  consisting  of  quar-  is1-^- 
ters  and  eights  of  the  Spanish  dollar.    These  foreign  coins 


228 


American  History 


[1792 


McMaster, 
United  Slates, 

H.72-74. 
360-363. 


Highways, 

wagons, 

traveling. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, III, 
Nos.  21,  35. 

Adams,  United 
States,  I,  5-15. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 

I.  44-53- 

II,  560-565. 


were  usually  old  and  worn  and  often  clipped,  but  it  was 
necessary  that  they  be  legal  and  accepted  even  by  the  govern- 
ment in  payment  of  taxes,  for  very  little  gold  and  silver 
was  brought  to  the  mint  for  coinage  into  American  money. 
Several  times  Congress  designated  a  date  at  which  these 
foreign  coins  were  no  longer  to  be  used,  but  in  each  case 
the  lack  of  a  national  currency  made  it  impossible  to  carry 
the  act  into  effect.  In  fact  foreign  coins  were  used  ex- 
tensively in  the 
United  States 
until  the  Civil 
War. 

213.  Improved 
Means  of  Com- 
munication.— 
The  last  half  of 
the  eighteenth 
century  witnessed 
important  im- 
provements in  the 
means  of  com- 
munication but  very  little  in  the  methods.  In  the  older 
sections,  the  highways  of  1800  were  superior  to  those  of 
1750,  although  in  the  spring  the  ruts  were  deep  and  the 
mud  appalling.  Many  trails  had  been  widened  into  wagon 
roads  and  several  important  highways  leading  to  the 
West  had  been  cut  through  the  forests.  In  the  most  enter- 
prising states,  turnpike  companies  had  been  organized  for 
the  purpose  of  improving  the  roads,  defraying  their  ex- 
penses by  charging  tolls  of  all  travelers.  Bridges  were  little 
more  common  than  fifty  years  earlier,  but  the  ferries  were 
more  numerous  and  much  better.  Freight  was  carried  by 
wagon  rather  than  on  horseback.  A  large  coasting  trade 
gave  employment  to  numerous  swift  packets  which  usually 
carried  passengers.  Between  all  of  the  large  cities  regular 
stagecoach  lines  plied  throughout  the  year,  but  the  journey 
was  not  much  more  comfortable  than  at  an  earlier  day. 


AN  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  COACH 


1800]  Economic  Conditions  229 

The  stages  were  cumbersome,  the  roads  far  from  smooth, 
and  the  taverns  lacking  hi  comforts.  The  man  who  de- 
manded clean  sheets  in  a  room  by  himself  was  considered 
an  aristocrat.  Although  these  coaches  ran  at  least  fifteen 
hours  a  day,  it  took  two  days  to  go  from  Philadelphia  to 
New  York  and  at  least  five  from  New  York  to  Boston. 

Meanwhile  the  mail  service  had  been  brought  to  a  fairly  improved 
high  state  of  perfection.     Under  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  postal  service, 
was  postmaster  for  the  colonies  after  1753,  routes  were 
established  and  a  few  regular  post  offices  created.     Real  McMaster, 
improvement,    however,   dates   from   the   inauguration  of 
Washington.  The  postmasters-general  of  our  first  two  presi-    ' 
dents  saw  the  number  of  post  offices  increased  from  seventy- 
five  in  1790  to  nine  hundred  and  three  in  1800.    The  rates 
for  letters,  the  only  articles  carried  before  this  time,  were 
fixed  (1792)  at  from  six  to  twenty- five  cents  a  sheet  according 
to  the  distance.    Thereafter  newspapers,  the  best  of  which 
were  small  four  page  sheets,  were  included  in  the  posts  at 
the  rate  of  one  cent  or  a  cent  and  a  half  a  copy.   Two  years 
later,  magazines  were  taken  also,  but  the  rates  were  almost 
prohibitive. 

TOPIC 

i.  THE  FRONTIER:  Sparks,  "Expansion  of  the  American  Peo- 
ple," pp.  118-148;  Hart,  "Contemporaries,"  III,  Nos.  31,  32,35; 
McMaster,  "People  of  the  United  States,"  III,  pp.  459-486,  521-543; 
Thorpe,  "  Constitutional  History  of  the  American  People,"  I,  Chapters 
VIII-IX. 

STUDIES 

1.  Social  conditions.     (Hart,  "Contemporaries,"  III,  Nos.  11-15.) 

2.  The  "middle  passage  "  on  a  slave  ship.     (Spear,  "The  Slave 
Trade  in  America.") 

3.  An  early  trip  to  Chicago.     (McMaster,  "People  of  the  United 
States,"  I,  pp.  259-262.) 

4.  Hamilton's  report  on  manufactures.     (MacDonald,   "Docu- 
ments," No.  12.) 

5.  Trip  on  the  Mississippi.   (Hart,  "  Contemporaries,"  III,  No.  34.) 

6.  Theater  in  the  later  eighteenth  century.     (McMaster,  "  People 
of  the  United  States,"  I,  pp.  84-95.) 


230  American  History 


QUESTIONS 

1.  What  causes  were  of  greatest  importance  in  the  western  move- 
ment ?    Why  did  the  people  of  the  western  settlements  have  interests 
different  from  those  living  on  the  seacoast  ?     In  what  respects  did 
Congress  and  the  constitutional  convention  follow  a  wise  western 
policy  ? 

2.  Compare  the  sentiment  in  opposition  to  slave  trade  in  1790 
with  that  before  the  Revolutionary  War.     Explain  how  Whitney's 
cotton  gin  affected  slavery  in  the  states  that  could  not  raise  cotton. 

3.  Show  how  the  leveling  influences  of   the  Revolution  affected 
civil,  religious,  and  political  rights.     Which  class  of  rights  was  granted 
first?  most  tardily? 

4.  To  what  extent  did  the  organization  of  the  government  under 
the  Constitution  affect  the  stability  and  success  of  the  state  govern- 
ments, popular  rights,  our  international  standing,  foreign  and  inter- 
state trade,  industry,  and  business  in  general? 


PART  III 

DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE    NATION 

(1789-1843) 

CHAPTER  XI 
FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  PROBLEMS  (1789-1811) 

PRESIDENTS 

George  Washington  (1789-1797)  Thomas  Jefferson  (1801-1809) 
John  Adams  (1797-1801)  James  Madison  (1809-1817) 

214.  Problems  confronting  the  New  Government,  1789.  —  Organization 
Although  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  had  removed  the  and  efficiency 
most  serious  danger  to  the  continuance  of  the  American  government> 
Republic,  there  was  still  doubt  concerning  the  efficiency  of 
the  new  government.  Was  the  new  Union  after  all  to  be 
but  an  improved  Confederation,  with  the  states  disunited, 
with  a  central  government  incapable  of  protecting  national 
interests,  commanding  respect  neither  at  home  nor  abroad  ? 
The  Constitution  seemed  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  govern- 
ment capable  of  solving  these  problems,  but  the  adoption 
of  a  paper  constitution  was  a  simple  matter  compared  with 
the  creation  of  a  government  which  should  be  completely 
organized  and  whose  parts  should  work  in  harmony.  The 
organization  of  the  executive  departments  was  the  first 
thing  to  be  done,  and  the  success  which  attended  this  work, 
joined  with  the  wisdom  in  the  choice  of  the  men  who  should 
manage  affairs  of  state  (§  199),  left  no  doubt  that  the  paper 
constitution  would  become  the  real  Constitution. 

While  the  organization  of  the  departments  was  being 
completed,  the  new  government  was  obliged  to  provide  itself 
with  a  revenue  that  should  be  permanent  and  adequate. 

231 


232 


American  History 


[1789 


Financial, 
commercial, 
and  foreign 
problems. 


Western 
questions. 


Changed  con- 
ditions after 
1793- 


With  money  for  its  current  needs>  it  could  then  attempt  to 
establish  the  credit  of  the  United  States  which,  during  the 
Confederation,  had  been  practically  nil.  The  debt  was 
large,  interest  had  not  been  paid,  and  the  ordinary  certifi- 
cates of  the  United  States  were  worth  only  one  seventh  of  their 
face  value.  It  was  necessary  to  reestablish  harmony  among 
the  states,  which  had  waged  on  one  another  for  years  a 
species  of  commercial  warfare.  Foreign  trade  must  be 
protected  and  extended,  the  nations  which  had  injured  us 
commercially  during  the  Confederation  being  compelled  to 
treat  us  fairly  because  the  loss  would  be  theirs  if  they  refused 
to  do  so.  National  prestige  must  be  created  by  showing 
foreign  powers  that  we  constituted  a  nation  deserving  of 
consideration  and  respect,  that  we  were  not  to  be  the  tool 
of  France  or  England  or  any  of  the  other  European  nations.1 

In  the  central  West  the  new  government  had  yet  to  gain 
the  real  allegiance  of  the  settlers  who  could  be  held  in  the 
Union  only  by  gaining  control  of  the  entire  Mississippi. 
In  the  Northwest  the  British  still  kept  several  posts  in  the 
territory  which  had  been  granted  to  us  in  1783,  and  domi- 
nated the  Indians  of  that  region.  In  the  Southwest,  Spain, 
which  refused  to  recognize  our  right  to  territory  around 
Natchez,  refused  to  give  up  her  forts  or  make  any  concessions 
which  would  give  a  satisfactory  outlet  to  the  Gulf.  More- 
over, both  France  and  England  desired  to  possess  Louisiana, 
and  were  intriguing  to  gain  possession  of  the  territory,  which, 
as  the  colony  of  a  powerful  nation,  would  be  a  menace  to 
all  of  the  United  States  west  of  the  Alleghany  mountains, 
and  would  effectually  prevent  the  expansion  of  the  nation 
beyond  the  Mississippi  River. 

Some  of  these  difficulties  were  removed  easily,  but  many 
of  them  proved  serious.  Because  of  the  conflicts  that  began 
in  Europe  in  1793  and  continued  almost  without  interruption 
until  1815,  some  of  the  problems  existing  in  1789  were  ag- 

1  Fortunately,  at  this  crisis,  Europe  was  at  peace  and  the  United  States 
had  proved  conclusively  its  right  to  an  international  position  before,  in 
1793,  foreign  problems  became  serious  (§§  220-224). 


1790]  Foreign  and  Domestic  Problems  233 

gravated  greatly,  while  a  number  of  others  were  presented 
which  seriously  affected  the  stability  of  the  new  nation. 
In  fact,  American  affairs  during  most  of  these  periods  were 
dominated  by  conditions  in  Europe,  until  the  nation  finally 
began  war  rather  than  submit  to  the  humiliations  forced  on 
us  by  the  great  powers  of  Europe. 

FINANCIAL  POLICY  AND  POLITICAL  PARTIES  (1790-1793) 

215.   The  National  Debt. — The  first  session  of  the  first  Hamilton's 
Congress  had  performed  valuable  services  in  equipping  the  reP°rt- 
new  government  for  its  work.     Its  successors,   following 
suggestions  of  Hamilton,  by  strengthening  the  public  credit,  MacDonaid, 
made  it  possible  for  that  skillful  pilot  to  steer  the  Ship  of  j^o  «L^ 
State  clear  of  the  financial  rocks  and  shoals  upon  which  the 
governmental  vessel  of  the  Confederation  had  been  wrecked. 
No  sooner  had  Congress  met  in  January,  1790,  than  Hamil-  Hamilton, 
ton  submitted  his  first  report  on  the  public  credit.    This  85-96. 
called  attention  to  the  public  debts  of  the  United  States, 
consisting  of  the  foreign  debt  and  the  domestic  debt,  and 
urged  that  they  be  funded  at  their  face  value.     In  addition 
Hamilton  proposed  that  the  debts  incurred  by  the  states  for 
the  common  defense  during  the  Revolutionary  War  should 
be  assumed  by  the  national  government  and  paid  from  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States. 

There  was  no  opposition  to  refunding  the  debt  which  we  Funding  of 

owed  abroad.     A  different  feeling  was  noticed  in  connection  fore'gn  and 

.  domestic  debts, 

with  the  payment  of  the  domestic  debts.    These  consisted 

principally  of  certificates  of  indebtedness  which  had  been 

Dewey,  Finan- 

issued  to  individuals  and  which,  by  act  of  Congress,  were  ciai  Hist.,  §  39. 
transferable.     Before  Hamilton's  report  was  submitted  they 

had  been  worth  about  fifteen  cents  on  the  dollar,  but  as  Schouler, 

soon  as  his  suggestions  were  made  public,  the. market  price  United  states, 

became  nearly  three  times  that  figure.     Speculators  took  '  4 

advantage  of  the  ignorance  of  the  people  in  remote  districts 

McMaster 
and  purchased  large  numbers  of  these  certificates  before  the    United  ^fs, 

holders  learned  of  this  rise  in  value.    Congress  found  it  1,568-578. 
necessary  to  answer  two  questions,     (i)  Shall  the  certifi- 


234 


American  History 


[1790 


Compromise 
over  assump- 
tion and 
national 
capital. 


Lodge, 

Hamilton, 

121-129. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
I,  580-583- 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist.,  §  40. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  No.  80. 


cates  be  paid  at  their  face  value  ?  Madison  voiced  the  gen- 
eral feeling  when  he  said,  "  the  debt  is  the  price  of  our 
liberties,  and  cannot  be  diminished  a  farthing."  So  it  was 
agreed  wisely  that  the  national  government  should  not  fol- 
low the  vicious  custom  of  the  old  Congress  in  repudiating  a 
part  of  its  debts.  (2)  The  second  question  produced  a 
long  debate.  Was  the  total  amount  of  a  certificate  to  be 
paid  to  the  present  owner  if  that  person  was  not  the  original 
holder  of  it,  or  was  the  present  owner  to  receive  the  market 
value  and  the  balance  to  go  to  the  original  holder  ?  Madi- 
son advocated  the  second  alternative,  but  the  policy  of  dis- 
criminating between  earlier  and  later  holders  of  certificates 
met  with  little  favor.  Hamilton's  argument  that  the  people 
must  learn  not  to  part  with  government  securities  and  that 
the  administration  should  therefore  deal  with  the  present 
owners  only,  finally  prevailed,  and  Congress  authorized 
new  loans,  at  a  rate  of  practically  five  per  cent,  to  pay  the 
old  certificates. 

216.  Assumption  of  State  Debts.  — The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives was  divided  about  equally  on  the  question  of  the 
assumption  of  state  debts,  most  of  the  northern  members 
favoring  the  measure,  while  the  majority  of  those  from  the 
South  were  opposed  to  assumption.  Some  of  the  southern 
states,  among  them  Virginia,  had  reduced  their  war  indebted- 
ness, and  others  were  opposed  to  a  measure  which  they 
believed  favored  the  commercial  classes  at  the  expense  of 
the  agricultural  sections.  "  State-assumption  "  had  a  very 
small  majority,  however,  until  the  representatives  arrived 
from  North  Carolina,  which  had  recently  become  a  member 
of  the  Union.  In  order  to  obtain  the  votes  necessary  to 
carry  the  measure,  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  came  to  an  agree- 
ment at  a  dinner  given  at  the  latter's  home.  Jefferson 
promised  that  two  Virginia  congressmen  should  support 
assumption,  if  Hamilton  would  assure  the  location  of  the 
national  capital  upon  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  There  had 
been  heated  discussions  over  the  question  of  the  location 
of  the  capital,  for  the  northern  men  wanted  it  in  Pennsyl- 


1794]  Finance  and  Politics  235 

vania  and  the  southern  representatives  desired  the  Potomac. 
Jefferson's  offer  was  accepted,  and  the  state  debts  were  as- 
sumed by  the  national  government.  The  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  to  be  Philadelphia  for  ten  years,  and  after  that 
a  district  not  exceeding  ten  miles  square  on  both  sides  of 
the  Potomac.  As  a  result  of  the  compromise,  the  national 
government  temporarily  gained  the  ill  will  of  a  large  part 
of  the  South.  Three  quarters  of  a  century  later,  the  loca- 
tion of  the  capital  on  the  border  of  the  Confederacy  was  a 
menace  to  the  Union  and  an  important  influence  in  pro- 
longing the  Civil  War.  On  the  other  hand  the  assumption 
of  these  debts  did  much  to  strengthen  the  central  govern- 
ment at  a  time  when  its  continued  existence  was  still  a 
matter  of  some  doubt. 

217.    New  National  Taxes.  —  Since  the  government  of  Excise  tax 
the  United  States  was  already  undertaking  with  vigor  the   (I79X'  and 

.  .          ,    .       ,  ,  whisky  rebel- 

duties  conferred  on  it  by  the  Constitution,  the  revenue  ob-  jion  (i794). 
tained  from  customs  was  needed  for  expenses  other  than  the 
payment  of  interest  on  the  state  debts.     Hamilton  there-  Dewev  pinan. 
fore  recommended  an  excise  tax  upon  whisky,  which  was  dai  Hist.,  §  45. 
adopted  in  March,   1791.    This  tax  was  very  unpopular, 
especially  in  the  mountains  of  North  Carolina  and  Pennsyl-  Bassett,  Feder- 
vania.     In  parts  of  these  states  there  occurred  riots  similar  alist  System, 
to  those  caused  by  the  Stamp  Act,  and  the  collectors  ap- 
pointed by  the  treasury  department  were  compelled  to  re- 
sign.    When,  in  1794,  the  government  attempted  to  collect 
delinquent  taxes  in  western  Pennsylvania,  and  there  was  j^  X89-203. 
again  disorder  accompanied  by  meetings  of  armed  men 
who  defied  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  Washington 
called  out  fifteen  thousand  militiamen.     At  the  approach  of 
this  army,  the  rioters  dispersed  and   the  insurrection  was 
ended.     Although  only  a  few  ringleaders  were  punished,  the 
lawless  elements  feared  thereafter  to  oppose  the  enforcement 
of  national  law. 

As  a  revenue  measure  this  excise  tax  was  not  a  marked  other  taxes, 
success,  nine  tenths  of  the  government's  income  still  being 
derived  from  the  customs  duties.    The  rates  upon  imports 


236  American  History  [1791 

Dewey,  Finan-  had  been  increased,  and,  because  of  the  development  of 
foreign  commerce  which  the  new  Constitution  had  brought, 
the  revenue  for  1793  amounted  to  twice  that  obtained  for 
the  six  years  from  1783  to  1789  by  the  Confederate  Congress. 
Yet  the  prompt  payment  of  interest  on  the  public  debt  and 
the  proper  administration  of  the  new  laws  of  the  United 
States  demanded  a  still  larger  sum.  In  1794  taxes  were 
levied  upon  carriages,  auction  sales,  and  certain  manufac- 
tures, so  that  people  became  accustomed  to  a  still  further 
extension  of  federal  authority.  Later,  in  1798,  a  direct  tax 
was  levied  upon  houses,  lands,  and  slaves. 

Discussion  in         218.    The  United  States  Bank.  —  In  1791  Hamilton  sug- 

Congress  gested  a  national  bank,  which  would  strengthen  the  public 

credit,  provide  a  uniform  currency,  and  aid  the  government 

in  its  financial  operations.     A  bill  creating  such  a  bank 

Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Mist.,  $  43.   passed  the  Senate  without  opposition,  but  was  immediately 

assailed  in  the  House  on  the  ground  that  it  was  an  uncon- 
MacDonaid  stitutional  measure.  Madison  claimed  that  as  the  Constitu- 
Documents,  tion  did  not  give  Congress  in  explicit  language  the  power  to 
No>  9>  incorporate  a  bank,  it  was  not  constitutional  unless  the  found- 

ers of  the  government  approved  such  an  act.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  said,  the  Convention  of  1787  believed  that  the  na- 
tional government  had  no  authority  to  grant  articles  of 
incorporation.  He  was  answered  by  Fisher  Ames,  who 
showed  that  Congress  had  already  exercised  many  powers 
not  directly  conferred  on  it  by  the  Constitution.  Ames 
urged  that  "  Congress  may  do  what  is  necessary  to  the  end 
for  which  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  provided  it  is  not 
repugnant  to  the  natural  rights  of  man,  or  to  those  which 
have  been  expressly  reserved  to  themselves,  or  to  the  powers 
which  are  assigned  to  the  states."  By  a  sectional  vote 
of  thirty-nine  to  twenty,  the  bank  bill  was  passed  by  the 
House,  more  perhaps  because  it  appealed  to  the  commercial 
interests  of  the  North  than  because  of  constitutional  argu- 
ments. 

Washington  submitted  the  bill  to  Jefferson  and  Randolph 
for  their  opinions,  and  then  sent  those  opinions  to  Hamilton 


1792]  Finance  and  Politics  ztf 

for  his  consideration.    Jefferson  argued  that  the  bank  was  Jefferson's  and 
not  a  "  necessary  and  proper  "  *  means  of  carrying  into  * 
effect  the  financial  powers  'of  Congress,  and  claimed  that  if 
that  body  could  adopt  any  means  it  thought  necessary  and 
proper,  it  would  invade  the  sphere  of  the  states  and  destroy  Am.  Poi.  Hist^ 
their  rights.     Hamilton's  reply  was  logical  and  convincing.   1, 114-119. 
He  stated  that  the  states  and  the  nation  have  different  spheres 
of  activity,  and  that  the  United  States  is  sovereign  within  McMaster, 
its  own  sphere.     He  asserted  that  not  only  the  "  express  "   ^lted_  state*> 
or  enumerated  powers  of  Congress  were  delegated,  but  those 
that  were  "  implied  "  as  well,  and  showed  that  the  use  of   MacDonald, 
an  implied  power  to  supplement  an  express  power  could  Documents, 
not  injure  a  state  provided  the  object  for  which  both  were       s<  I0* IJ* 
used  was  one  not  reserved  to  the  states.    Washington  ac- 
cepted the  view  of  Hamilton  and  signed  the  bill,  and  the 
use  of  implied  powers  was  not  again  questioned  while  the 
Federalists  remained  in  power. 

219.    The  Formation  of  Political  Parties.  —  During  the   Reorgani- 
three  years  that  had  elapsed  between  the  inauguration  of  zation- 
Washington  and  the  creation  of  the  bank,  the  revival  of 
business,  the  continued  prosperity  in  every  line,  popular 
confidence  in  Washington,  and  national  pride  in  the  growing   i,  206-211. 
prestige  of  the  American  people,  had  undermined  all  the 
old  opposition  to  the  Constitution  which  had  been  voiced   Bassett, 
by  the  Anti-Federalists.     But  as  Hamilton  had  seen  his  Feder<*list 
financial  plans  enacted  into  law  and  had  attached  to  the  new 
government  the  classes  interested  in  commerce  and  manu- 
factures, he  had  aroused  an   opposition  among  those  de- 
voted to  agriculture  which  had  grown  stronger  year  by  year. 
The  leader  of  this  opposition  was  Jefferson,  who  fought  the 
policy  of  Hamilton  in  the  cabinet,  and  began  organizing 
his  followers  in  the  country. 

The  party  of  Hamilton,  the  members  of  which  called  them-  Federalist 
selves  Federalists,  included  the  majority  of  the  aristocracy  Party- 
in  the  United  States  chiefly  because  the  party  believed  in 
government  by  the  "  well  born."    All  the  moneyed  men  as  Hamilton, 
1  The  Constitution,  Art.  I,  §  8,  cl.  18. 


238 


American  History 


[1792 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
I,  220-223. 


Republican 
party. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
I,  208,  215-220. 


Partisan  abuse. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
Nos.  85-88. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 

II,  IIO-II2, 

249-255. 
296-306. 


Proclamation 
of  Neutrality. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
N7o.  13. 

Foster,  Am. 

Diplomacy, 

153-156. 


well  had  profited  by  the  strong  policy  of  the  government 
under  which  business  had  improved  so  greatly,  and  were 
therefore  ready  to  accept  Hamilton's  doctrine  of  implied 
powers.  In  the  North  and  in  South  Carolina,  the  Federalists 
were  in  a  decided  majority. 

Although  an  opposition  party,  the  adherents  of  Jefferson, 
known  as  Republicans,  had  well-defined  views  on  public 
questions,  modeled  after  those  of  their  leader.  Their 
chief  doctrine  was  the  restriction  of  the  powers  of  the  cen- 
tral government  in  order  to  protect  the  states  from  the 
aggressions  of  Congress.  Coupled  with  this  was  a  belief 
that  the  country  should  be  ruled  by  the  common  people  for 
the  benefit  of  the  agricultural  classes. 

Each  of  these  parties  employed  newspapers  in  which 
appeared  partisan  articles  supporting  their  respective 
claims.  In  time  the  criticisms  of  the  administration  in  the 
Republican  papers  degenerated  into  personal  attacks  upon 
Washington,  the  war  of  these  pamphlet  writers  being 
scurrilous  beyond  belief.  At  one  time  Washington  was 
nicknamed  "  the  step-father  of  his  country."  At  another 
he  was  accused  of  stealing  from  the  public  treasury.  Driven 
to  desperation  he  said  that  he  would  rather  be  in  his  grave 
than  in  the  office  of  president. 

FOREIGN  AFFAIRS  (1793-1798) 

220.  Difficulties  with  France  (1793).  —  Fortunately  for 
the  United  States  the  new  government  was  established  quite 
firmly  before  it  was  obliged  to  deal  with  any  important  for- 
eign problems.  But  during  the  period  from  1793  to  1815; 
there  was  scarcely  a  year  that  did  not  bring  fresh  difficulties, 
The  revolution  which  had  broken  out  in  France  in  1789 
had  in  1792  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  republic,  and  in 
January,  1793,  to  the  execution  of  Louis  XVI.  Early  in 
April  news  was  brought  that  France  had  declared  war 
against  England.  Washington  without  delay  called  his 
cabinet  together  and  asked  the  members  whether  the  French 
treaty  of  1778  was  still  binding  upon  us,  and  whether  he 


1793]  Foreign  Affairs  239 

should  declare  the  United  States  neutral.  Hamilton  and  Lodge, 
Knox  held  the  treaty  to  be  without  effect,  and  all  agreed  that 
the  United  States  should  take  no  part  in  the  war,  but  should 
receive  a  minister  from  the  French  Republic,  thereby  recog- 
nizing that  government.  This  wise  policy  of  refraining 
from  a  contest  which  lasted  two  decades  was  adopted,  and 
Washington  on  April  22,  1793,  issued  his  famous  Procla- 
mation of  Neutrality  warning  citizens  of  the  United  States 
to  avoid  all  acts  that  were  not  strictly  neutral  in  character. 

Two  weeks  earlier,  ,a  French  minister,  Edmund  Charles  Trouble  with 
Genet,   had   landed   at  Charleston.     Young,   ardent,   and 
irresponsible,  a  fit  representative  of  the  Girondists  who  then 
governed  France,  Genet  did  not  wait  to  be  accredited  by  7°dge' 

'     Washington, 

our  government,   but  began  fitting  out  privateers.     Pro- 


ceeding  leisurely  overland  he  evoked  great  enthusiasm  for 

the  French  cause.     His  treatment  of  Washington,  who  did   j0hnston 

not  in  the  least  alter  his  determination  to  keep  the  coun-  Am.  Pol.  Hist. 

try  neutral,  was  at  first  cool  and  then  rude.     Strangely  *•  I3I~I44- 

enough,  Genet  did  not  ask  us  to  carry  out  the  treaty  of  1778 

to  defend  the  French  West  Indies  against  England  because  Bassett, 

he  hoped  to  make  a  new  treaty  in  which  we  would  agree  System  SB_gS 

to  help  France  regain  Louisiana.     Being  called  to  account 

for  his  violations  of  international  law,  he  stirred  up  opposi- 

tion  to  the  government,  urged  the  formation  of  societies    United  states, 

on  the  model  of  the  French  Jacobin  clubs,  and  at  length  de-   H.  98-107, 

clared  that  he  would  appeal  from  the  President  to  Congress.   "3>  I37~1' 

Hitherto  popular  feeling  had  been  very  bitter  against  Wash- 

ington for  not  favoring  the  French  openly,  but  as  Genet 

became  more  indiscreet,  a  reaction  set  in  which  left  the  ad- 

ministration more  popular  than  ever.     A  request  for  Genet's 

recall  was  honored  at  once,  as  the  Girondists  were  no  longer 

in  power,  and  an  episode  that  might  have  had  serious  con- 

sequences but  for  the  recklessness  of  Genet,  no  longer  aroused 

general  interest. 

221.    Grievances    against  England   (1794).  —  Following  Failure  to  keep 
close  upon  the  excitement  over  French  actions,  came   an 
outburst  of  wrath  against  the  aggressions  of  Great  Britain. 


240 


American  History 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
1, 144-147. 


Interference 
with  American 
commerce. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 

I,  147-150. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 

II,  165-168. 


Negotiation 
and  provisions. 


There  had  been  some  bad  feeling  between  the  two  countries 
because  of  the  failure  on  each  side  to  observe  features  of  the 
treaty  of  1783.  As  ten  years  earlier,  Great  Britain  still 
retained  the  military  posts  in  the  Northwest  and  was  accused 
of  inciting  the  Indians  of  that  region.  No  compensation 
had  ever  been  made  for  the  negroes  carried  off  by  the 
English  in  1783.  On  the  other  hand  England  was  offended 
that  obstacles  had  been  placed  in  the  way  of  collecting 
debts  due  to  her  merchants  and  complained  because  the 
states  had  refused  absolutely  to  compensate  the  loyalists 
for  injuries  sustained  during  the  war. 

When  war  began  between  France  and  England  in  1793, 
each  used  all  possible  means  of  injuring  the  other's  com- 
merce and  eventually  of  damaging  the  enemy  by  interfering 
with  neutral  trade,  England  being  the  chief  offender  because 
she  was  more  powerful  on  the  ocean.  American  vessels 
were  seized  if  found  carrying  goods  of  the  enemy  or  when 
they  had  on  board  contraband  of  war,  the  latter  being  held 
most  unjustly  to  include  provisions  destined  for  a  French 
or  British  port.  Great  Britain  also  began  to  reenforce 
the  Rule  of  1756,  which  declared  that  neutrals  should  not 
enjoy  during  war  a  commerce  with  colonies  that  were  closed 
to  them  in  times  of  peace.  Ships  trading  with  the  French 
West  Indies  were  therefore  subject  to  capture.  English 
war  vessels  further  exercised  the  privilege  of  stopping  Amer- 
ican ships  and  impressing  sailors  who  were  thought  to  be 
British  citizens.  Many  of  these  had  no  doubt  sought  em- 
ployment in  a  neutral  marine  to  avoid  service  in  the  British 
navy,  but  a  larger  number  were  American-born  or  natural- 
ized American  citizens.1 

222.  Jay's  Treaty  (1794).  —  Aroused  by  these  outrages, 
Congress  declared  an  embargo  on  all  vessels  or  ports  of  the 
United  States,  and  voted  a  large  sum  for  harbor  defenses. 
But  Washington  desired  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  differences 

1  England  claimed  that  no  English  citizen  could  ever  forswear  his  alle- 
giance to  her,  on  the  principle  of  once  an  English  citizen  always  an  English 
citizen. 


1795] 


Foreign  Affairs 


241 


with  England,  and  appointed  John  Jay  as  special  envoy 
to  the  court  of  St.  James.  Jay  was  well  received  by  the 
English  ministry,  and  concluded  a  treaty  covering  some  of 
the  points  at  issue.  Each  nation  was  allowed  to  trade  with 
the  other  on  the  most  favorable  terms  given  to  any  other 
power.  The  northwest  posts  were  to  be  evacuated  in 
1796,  and  compensation  was  promised  for  any  merchant- 
men unlawfully  seized,  but  the  subject  of  impressment  was 
not  mentioned.  The  United 
States  agreed  to  pay  all  of 
the  debts  which  British 
creditors  could  not  collect. 
By  Article  XII  trade  was 
permitted  with  the  British 
West  Indies  during  the  war 
with  France,  and  for. two 
years  thereafter,  in  vessels  of 
less  than  seventy  tons,  pro- 
vided that  no  molasses, 
sugar,  coffee,  cocoa, or  cotton 
was  to  be  carried  in  Ameri- 
can vessels  to  any  part  of 
the  world. 

This  treaty  was  submitted  by  Washington  to  a  special 
session  of  the  Senate,  which  debated  it  in  secret  and  rati- 
fied by  a  two  thirds  vote  after  striking  out  the  objectionable 
twelfth  article.  A  few  days  later,  the  text  of  the  treaty  was 
made  public  for  the  first  time.  From  all  parts  of  the  coun- 
try arose  a  storm  of  protest.  Jay,  Washington,  and  the 
Federalist  senators  were  accused  of  betraying  the  country 
and  were  subjected  to  criticism  more  virulent  than  that  of 
two  years  before.  Opposition  meetings  were  held  in  all  of 
the  large  cities,  Jay  was  burned  in  effigy  at  various  places, 
and  Hamilton,  attempting  to  speak  for  the  treaty,  was  stoned 
by  a  mob  in  New  York  City.  Nevertheless  the  treaty  was 
signed  by  Washington  and  went  into  force  without  the 
offensive  article  on  West  Indian  trade. 


JOHN  JAY 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol. 
I,  150-155. 


Pellew,  Jay, 
294-3I3- 


Criticism  and 
adoption.' 

Lodge, 
Washington, 
II,  181-194, 
201-207. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
II,  212-216, 
245-25S- 


242 


American  History 


[1791 


Importance  of 
the  treaty. 


Farewell 
address. 


Old  South 
Leaflets, 
No.  4. 


Election  of 
1796. 

Bassett, 
Federalist 
System, 
142-146. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
II,  291-307. 


Although  this  treaty  was  in  many  ways  unsatisfactory 
to  the  nation,  it  postponed  war  with  Great  Britain  for  several 
years  and  placed  us  upon  a  friendlier  footing  with  that 
power.  Considering  the  circumstances  it  was  probably 
as  favorable  a  treaty  as  a  young  though  growing  nation 
could  expect  to  make  with  the  chief  maritime  power  of  the 
world,  which  was  at  that  time  using  every  means  to  crush 

a  formidable  antagonist. 
Its  real  importance  is 
shown  clearly  by  the 
objections  made  to  it 
by  France  (§  224)  and 
by  the  concessions  which 
we  were  able  to  obtain 
from  Spain  at  this  time 

(§  231). 

223.  The  Close  of 
Washington's  Adminis- 
tration. — Washington 
declined  to  accept  a 
third  term  as  President, 
glad  to  escape  the  cares 
of  the  office  and  the 
abuse  of  his  enemies. 


JOHN  ADAMS 


Before  the  election  of  his  successor  was  held,  he  issued  a 
farewell  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  urging 
them  to  avoid  geographical  parties  and  foreign  entangle- 
ments. 

Jefferson  was  the  natural  candidate  of  the  Republican 
party,  but  the  Federalists  knew  that  it  was  hopeless  to  at- 
tempt the  election  of  their  leader,  Hamilton,  and  selected 
Vice  President  Adams  as  the  most  available  man.  Interest 
in  the  election  centered  in  the  effort  of  Hamilton  to  have 
Adams  again  chosen  as  vice  president,  and  to  secure  the 
selection  of  Thomas  Pinckney  as  president.  Party  lines 
were  not  drawn  closely  and  the  result  was  most  peculiar. 
Pinckney  did  not  obtain  the  full  support  of  the  Federalists 


1798]  Foreign  Affairs  243 

in  the  North,  and    received   fewer   votes   than   Jefferson,   stanwood, 
Adams   had   a  majority  of  but   three   over  Jefferson,   so  Presidency> 

i*  1          /-~\  •  •  T      n~  T*  tl*  OflelptCr  1  V  • 

that,  according  to  the  Constitution,  Jefferson,  a  Republican, 
became  vice  president,  and  Adams,  a  Federalist,  was  chosen 
president  —  "  the  president  of  three  votes,"  as  he  was  some- 
times called. 

Adams  was  an  exceptionally  honest  and  able  man,  but  Character  of 
so  conceited  and  overbearing  that  his  undoubted  merits  were 
often  overlooked.     In  the  revolutionary  Congress  he  had  Appieton's 
been  one  of  the  most  active  and  efficient  workers.     He  has   Cyclopedia  of 
the  honor  of  being  the  chief  author  of  the  only  revolutionary        •  Bl°&- 
state  constitution  —  that  of  Massachusetts  —  which  is  still  Schouler 
in  use.     Although  blunt  and  outspoken,  he  had  rendered   United  states, 
valuable  services  abroad  under  the  Confederation,  and,  as   *•  5°5-5i2- 
vice  president  for  eight  years,  he  had  gained  the  good  opin- 
ion if  not  the  cordial  support  of  the  moderate  Federalists. 

224.    Trouble  with  France   (1796-1800).  —  Jay's  treaty  Quarrel 
was  even  less  palatable  to  the  French  than  to  the  United   (I7 
States.     Even  so  imperfect  an  understanding  with  Eng-  Johnston, 
land  was  held  to  have  abrogated  the  treaties  of  amity  and  A™-  p°l-  Hi 
commerce  made  in  1778.*    Coupled  with  the  recall  of  James    ' I  3~J    ' 
Monroe,  who,  as  minister  at  Paris,  had  sought  to  curry  Foster,  Am. 
French  favor  by  the  neglect  of   his  duties,  the  Directory  Diplomacy, 
refused  to  receive  the  new  minister,  C.  C.  Pinckney.      A  year  I72~I77. 
later  three  special  envoys  were  sent  to  settle  matters  peace- 
fully if  possible,  John  Marshall  and  Elbridge  Gerry  being 
selected  to  act  with  Pinckney.     As  soon  as  the  Americans 
attempted  to  present  their  claims,  the  secret  representatives 
of  the  Directory  made  certain  demands,  including  one  for  a 
loan  and  $240,000  for  the  personal  use  of  the  directors,  the 
last-named  sum  to  be  paid  at  once.    The  agents  intimated 
that  if  this  bribe  was  paid  and  the  loan  promised,  their 
claims  against  us  would  not  be  pressed.     After  months  of 
effort  that  was  fruitless  because  the  French  made  the  pay- 
ment of  the  bribe  a  prerequisite  to  all  negotiations,  the 
envoys  departed. 

1  Officially  the  treaties  were  still  in  force,  however. 


244 


American  History 


[1798 


X.Y.Z.  papers. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 

I,  168-175. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 

II,  374-385- 

Naval  war, 
and  treaty  of 
1800. 

Bassett, 
Federalist 
System, 
237-251. 


Anti-alien  laws. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos.  17-19. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
I,  181-184. 

Bassett, 
Federalist 
System, 
252-259. 


Meanwhile,  the  dispatches  of  the  envoys  reached  America 
with  the  insulting  demands  of  the  French  agents.  These 
papers  were  submitted  to  Congress  and  in  a  ringing  message 
President  Adams  urged  preparations  for  the  national  de- 
fense. The  enthusiasm  of  the  people  was  intense,  and  in 
addition  to  the  appropriations  made  by  Congress  for  the 
equipment  of  men-of-war  and  the  raising  of  an  army,  popu- 
lar subscriptions  were  raised  for  the  arming  of  privateers. 

The  next  year  (1799)  one  French  frigate  was  captured,  and 
another  greatly  injured  in  the  West  Indies,  but  the  contest 
with  France  was  brought  to  a  close  when  Adams  sent  three 
commissioners  to  Paris  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  his 
own  party.  In  1800  a  treaty  was  concluded  with  Napoleon, 
now  first  consul,  and  the  real  head  of  the  French  government, 
who  desired  to  acquire  Louisiana  and  wished  first  to  regain 
the  friendship  of  America.  This  provided  for  peace,  declared 
the  alliance  of  1778  dissolved  in  exchange  for  the  surrender  of 
our  claims  for  damages  done  to  our  commerce  by  the  French, 
and  gave  guarantees  that  as  neutrals  we  should  thereafter  be 
free  from  arbitrary  interference  with  legitimate  commerce. 

FEDERALISTS  AND  REPUBLICANS  (1798-1802) 

225.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  (1798). — The  publi- 
cation of  the  insulting  "X.  Y.  Z.  letters,"  and  the  popular 
enthusiasm  in  favor  of  strong  measures  against  the  French, 
caused  the '  Federalists  to  pass  three  acts  aimed  ostensibly 
at  aliens,  but  really  designed  to  silence  the  vicious  attacks 
upon  the  administration  made  by  Republican  journalists 
who  were  of  foreign  birth.  The  Naturalization  Act  provided 
that  no  alien  could  become  a  citizen  until  he  had  resided  in 
the  United  States  fourteen  years.  By  the  Alien  Act  the 
president  might  for  two  years  order  all  aliens  whom  he  con- 
sidered dangerous  to  the  United  States  or  engaged  in  secret 
machinations  against  the  government  to  leave  the  country.1 

1  An  Alien  Enemy's  Act  was  passed  a  fortnight  after  the  first  Alien  Act. 
In  case  of  war  or  invasion,  the  president  might  order  the  arrest  of  any 
adult  male  citizen  of  the  nation  with  whom  we  were  at  war. 


1798]  Federalists  and  Republicans  245 

Many  foreigners,  fearing  that  the  government  might  apply 
this  law  strictly,  left  the  United  States  of  their  own  accord. 

The  Sedition  Act  was  much  more  drastic.1      It  provided  Sedition  Act. 
fines  and  imprisonment  for  any  person  guilty  of  impeding 
the  enforcement  of  national  law  or  for  any  one  who  might      ac  onal  ' 

'  Documents, 

"  write,  print,  utter,  or  publish  any  false,  scandalous,  and  NO.  20. 

malicious  writing  or  writings"  against  any  national  officials 

with  intent  to  defame  them  or  bring  them  into  contempt  or  Johns'on' 

Am,  Pol.  Hist 

disrepute.     Under  this  act,  the  Federalists  attempted  to  1. 184-188. 

prevent  the  reelection  of  Representative  Lyon  of  Vermont. 

Lyon  was  arrested,  tried,  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment    J1"6*1' 

J  '  Federalist 

for  four  months  and  the  payment  of  a  fine  of  $1000.  His  system, 
fine  was  paid  by  friends,  and  his  district  reflected  him  to  259-264. 
Congress.  The  Sedition  Act  stirred  up  more  hatred  than 

T-,    ,  McMaster, 

it  suppressed,  and  reacted  upon  the  Federalists,  in  the  end    united  states, 
destroying  the  popularity  caused  by  the  war  excitement.   11,396-404. 
Such  arbitrary  government  was  not  possible  in  a  free  and 
enlightened  republic. 

226.    The   Kentucky   and   Virginia   Resolutions  (1798-  Principles 
X799)- — The  Republican  leaders  quickly  took  advantage  announced, 
of  these  Federalist  blunders  and  strengthened  their  organi- 
zation, especially  in  the  South  and  West.     Among  the  means  £>(,cumeKts  ' 
used  for  undermining  Federalist  power  were  protests  issued  Nos.  21-23. 
by  certain  legislatures  against  the  anti-foreign  laws  enacted 
during  the  summer  of  1798.    The  first  of  these  resolutions  Bassett. 
was  suggested  by  Jefferson  to  the  Kentucky  legislature,  and  system 
is  a  truly  remarkable  document.     It  asserted  that  the  central  265-271. 
government  was  created  by  a   compact  of  the  states  for 
special  purposes  only,  "  and  that  whensoever  the  general 
government  assumes  undelegated  powers,  its  acts  are  un- 
authoritative,  void,  and  of  no  force."     It  maintained  that 
the  government  of  the  United  States  is  not  the  judge  of  the 
powers  that  are  conferred  in  the  Constitution,  but  that  each 
state  "  has  an  equal  right  to  judge  for  itself,  as  well  of  in- 
fractions as  of  the  mode  and  measure  of  redress."    The 
violations  of  which  complaint  was  made  were  discussed  at 
1  The  Sedition  Act  expired  by  limitation  March  4,  1801. 


246 


American  History 


[1798 


Candidates 
and  campaign. 

Morse, 

Jefferson, 

195-200. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
II,  493-508. 


some  length.  These  resolutions,  adopted  in  November, 
1798,  were  submitted  to  the  legislatures  of  the  other  states, 
seven  of  which  in  their  replies  distinctly  denied  the  right  of 
the  states  to  nullify  a  national  law.  Virginia  protested  in 
resolutions  drawn  up  by  Madison  against  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  acts  as  "  palpable  and  alarming  infractions  of 

the  Constitution," 
although  the  tone  of 
the  Virginia  resolu- 
tions was  much  milder 
than  that  of  those 
adopted  in  Kentucky. 
With  these  replies  be- 
fore it,  the  next  legis- 
lature of  Kentucky 
declared  its  attach- 
ment to  the  Union, 
reaffirmed  its  previous 
assertions,  and  added 
that,  as  the  sovereign 
states  have  the  un- 
questionable right  to 
judge  of  any  infrac- 
tion of  the  Constitu- 
tion, "  a  nullification 

by  those  sovereignties,  of  all  unauthorized  acts  done  under 
color  of  that  instrument,  is  the  rightful  remedy." 

227.  The  Election  of  1800. — The  presidential  election 
of  1800  was  interesting  and  exciting.  Parties  were  much 
better  organized  than  four  years  earlier,  and  the  electors 
were  now  required  to  vote  in  accord  with  instructions  rather 
than  to  follow  their  own  judgment.  The  candidates  were 
again  Adams  and  Jefferson,  the  Republicans  uniting  upon 
Aaron  Burr  of  New  York  for  vice  president,  and  the  Fed- 
eralists selecting  C.  C.  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina  for  the 
second  place.  Adams  had  not  added  to  his  popularity 
during  his  four  years  of  office.  He  had  made  the  mistake 


i8oi]  Federalists  and  Republicans  247 

of  retaining  Washington's  cabinet,  dismissing  the  members 
who  opposed  him  only  a  short  time  before  the  election  of 
1800.  The  breach  with  Hamilton  had  been  widened,  and 
Adams  was  obliged  to  shoulder  responsibility  for  the  odious 
anti-foreign  laws  of  1798. 

Nevertheless  the  election  was  not  one-sided:     Jefferson  Election, 
and  Burr  received  seventy-three  votes  each,  Adams  obtained 
sixty-five,  and  Pinckney  sixty-four.     As  the  electors,  accord-   McMaster. 

ing  to  the  Constitution,  did  not  designate  which  candidate  ¥*****  Stat"' 

11,508-517, 

was  to  be  president  and  which  vice  president,  the  House  of  522-526. 
Representatives,  voting  by  states,  was  obliged  to  select  the 
chief  executive.    None  questioned  for  an  instant  that  Jeffer-  stanwcod, 
son  was  the  real  candidate  of  the  Republicans,  but  the  Presidency, 
House  was  Federalist  and  for  a  time  it  looked  as  though  the  ChaPter  v- 
Federalists  in  their  chagrin  would  vote  for  Burr.     Fortu- 
nately, Hamilton  used  his  influence  in  favor  of  Jefferson,  and 
on  the  thirty-sixth  ballot  Jefferson  was  chosen  president. 
Three  years  later  Congress  proposed  as  a  twelfth  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  that  the  electors  designate  the  office 
of  the  candidates  for  whom  they  voted.    This  was  adopted 
without  delay,  and  is  the  method  used  at  the  present  time. 

Finding  that  the  election  had  gone  against  them,  the  Federalist 
Federalist  Congress  passed  a  Judiciary  Act  providing  for  appointments, 
circuit  judgeships  which  Adams  filled  with  members  of  his 
own  party.     With  unseemly  greed  the  Federalists  seized  Schouler. 

J         „          .  J    '  United  States, 

upon  every  office  that  was  vacant  in  order  to  reduce  the  iiSOO_sa. 
patronage  of  the  new  administration;  but  at  midnight, 
March  3,  1801,  this  work  of  spoliation  was  checked  by 
Jefferson's  attorney-general,  who  entered  the  office  of  Secre- 
tary of  State  Marshall,  and  stopped  the  signing  of  commis- 
sions. 

228.    Jefferson   and   his   Party.  —  The   inauguration   of  Inauguration. 
Jefferson  was  marked  by  a  simplicity  lacking  in  those  of  his 
predecessors.     Without  parade,  in  the  dress  of  an  ordinary  Schouler, 
citizen,  he  proceeded  to  the  capitol  and  delivered  an  inaug-    United  states, 
ural  address,  noteworthy  for  its  breadth  and  moderation. 
The  most  skillful  partisan  leader  of  his  time,  he  decried 


248 


American  History 


[1801 


Adams, 
United  States, 
I,  185-208. 


Views  of 
Jefferson. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  No.  106. 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
I,  253-258. 


The  man  Jef- 
ferson and  his 
advisers. 


party  animosities.  "  Every  difference  of  opinion  is  not  a  dif- 
ference of  principle.  We  are  all  Republicans  —  we  are  all 
Federalists."  In  eloquent  language  he  summarized  the 
principles  on  which  our  government  is  based  —  equal  and 
exact  justice  to  all  men,  "  peace,  commerce,  and  honest 
friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with  none," 
the  support  of  the  state  governments  in  all  their  rights,  the 
preservation  of  the  general  government  in  its  whole  con- 
stitutional vigor,  a  jealous  care  of  the  right  of  election  by  the 
people,  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  author- 
ity, economy  in  the  public  service,  and  the  maintenance  of 
individual  freedom. 

Thus  auspiciously  did  the  members  of  Jefferson's  party 
come  into  control  of  the  national  government,  a  position 
which  they  held  with  few  interruptions  for  sixty  years.  Al- 
though their  views  and  practices  changed  greatly  during 
those  six  decades,  they  followed  in  the  main  the  lines  laid 
down  by  their  great  leader.  Jefferson  had  something  of 
the  demagogue  in  his  disposition,  and  had  no  scruples  against 
reversing  his  previous  policies  if  anything  was  to  be  gained, 
but  he  was  consistent  in  his  desire  to  make  the  United  States 
a  democratic  nation,  and  in  that  consists  his  greatest  service 
to  his  country.  Under  the  Federalists  the  central  govern- 
ment had  been  strengthened,  so  that  its  permanence  was 
assured,  but  it  was  out  of  touch  with  the  people  and  dis- 
trusted by  them.  Jefferson,  rightly  reading  the  future, 
foresaw  that  the  nation  would  become  democratic  and  that 
our  governments  must  become  so.  More  than  any  one  else 
he  aided  in  this  movement  of  extending  power  to  the  masses. 
He  trusted  the  people  and  sought  in  every  way  to  give  every 
man  equal  opportunities  and  equal  privileges. 

At  the  time  of  his  election  Jefferson  was  in  his  fifty-ninth 
year,  and  had  devoted  half  his  life  to  public  affairs.  As 
the  writer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  he  had  gained 
an  international  reputation  early  in  life.  During  the  Con- 
federation he  had  rendered  inestimable  services  in  the  cause 
of  freecjorn  in,  his  own  state  and  in  the  West.  He  had  served 


i8oi] 


Federalists  and  Republicans 


abroad,  and  had  been  secretary  of  state  under  Washington, 
but  had  not  made  a  brilliant  diplomat.  Tall  and  ungainly 
in  appearance,  rather  eccentric  in  manner,  and  given  to  an 
ostentatious  simplicity  of  dress,  he  nevertheless  possessed 
a  bright,  pleasant  way  which  made  him  extremely  popular. 
In  the  direction  of  national  affairs  he  called  to  his  aid,  among 
others,  James  Madison,  who  was  secretary  of  state,  and  Albert 
Gallatin,  who  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  finances.  By 
these  three  able  and  pa- 
triotic leaders  were  the 
interests  of  America  con- 
sidered and  protected  amid 
the  many  difficulties  that 
beset  Jefferson's  two  ad- 
ministrations. 

229.  Reversal  of  Fed- 
eralist Practices.  —  Jeffer- 
son believed  that  his  party 
had  saved  the  government 
from  becoming  monarch- 
ical, and  therefore  consid- 
ered his  election  a  revolu- 
tion as  important  as  that 
of  1776.  In  point  of  fact 
few  policies  of  the  Federalists  were  reversed,  although  some 
of  their  practices  were  changed,  and  the  most  objectionable 
of  their  laws  were  repealed.  For  purely  personal  reasons 
Jefferson,  who  was  a  poor  speaker,  did  not  address  the  houses 
of  Congress  after  the  manner  of  Washington  and  Adams, 
but  sent  to  them  a  written  message  —  a  custom  followed 
by  all  of  his  successors. 

At  the  time  of  his  inauguration,  most  of  the  offices  were 
held  by  political  opponents,  whom  he  retained,  except  in 
a  few  cases.  Resisting  the  clamor  of  his  friends  for  recog- 
nition, Jefferson  made  few  removals  except  for  incom- 
petency  and  gave  some  of  the  positions  made  vacant  to 
moderate  Federalists. 


Charming, 
Jeffersonian 
System,  4-10. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Jefferson's 
general  policy. 


Attitude  to- 
ward removals. 


Charming, 
Jeffersonian 
System,  10-17. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
II,  583-588. 


250 


'  American  History 


[1801 


Financial,  mili- 
tary, and  naval 
policies. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
$$  54-57- 


Changes  in  the 
judiciary. 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
II,  25-27. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
II,  607-612. 


The  financial  policy  of  the  administration  was  outlined 
by  Gallatin,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Under  the  Fed- 
eralists taxes  had  been  multiplied,  and  the  revenue  had  in- 
creased constantly,  but  expenditures  had  increased  in  even 
greater  proportion  because  the  Federalists  believed  in  a 
comparatively  large  army  and  navy,  and  desired  the  ex- 
pansion of  national  authority  regardless  of  expense.  The 
national  debt  was,  in  consequence,  eight  millions  more  in 
1801  than  in  1791.  This  debt  Gallatin  planned  to  pay  within 

less  than  twenty  years, 
principally  by  reducing 
military  and  naval  ex- 
penditures. At  his  sug- 
gestion and  in  accordance 
with  the  wishes  of  the 
President,  the  army  was 
reduced  to  three  thousand 
men,  and  many  of  the 
naval  vessels  were  placed 
out  of  commission,  the 
protection  of  the  coasts 
being  left  to  tiny  "  gun- 
boats "  which  were  as 

inexpensive  as  they  were  ineffective.  At  the  same  session 
of  Congress,  the  internal  revenue  taxes,  which  had  been 
from  the  beginning  odious  to  the  Republicans,  were  re- 
pealed, the  loss  of  income  from  this  source  being  compara- 
tively slight. 

230.  The  National  Courts.  — The  Republicans  attempted 
to  undo  the  work  of  their  predecessors  by  attacks  upon  the 
courts.  The  scandalous  Judiciary  Act  of  1801  which  created 
unnecessary  circuit  judgeships,  and  provided  berths  for 
many  partisans  whose  terms  of  office  were  expiring,  was 
repealed  in  1802.  Other  acts  were  passed  which  reduced 
greatly  the  number  of  cases  likely  to  be  brought  before  na- 
tional tribunals.  No  change  was  made,  however,  at  this 
time  in  the  Supreme  Court,  to  the  chief  justiceship  of  which 


i8o5] 


Federalists  and  Republicans 


251 


John  Marshall  had  been  appointed  by  President  Adams 
six  weeks  before  the  close  of  his  term. 

This  great  jurist,  for  over  thirty  years  the  head  of  the  high- 
est court  of  the  United  States,  exerted  an  influence  upon 
the  development  of  a  strong  national  government  within 
the  United  States  which  was  second  to  that  of  no  other  man. 
By  force  of  intel- 
lect he  dominated 
the  court  long 
after  the  Repub- 
licans had  gained 
a  majority  of  the 
places  on  the 
bench,  and  in  a 
series  of  decisions 
marked  by  unan- 
swerable logic 
(§  254)  made  the 
powers  of  the 
Constitution  so 
real  that  even  his 
political  o  p  p  o- 
nents  accepted  his 
views  and  used  in 
the  most  liberal 
way  the  powers 
conferred  on  the  national  government  by  the  Constitution. 

The  Republicans  showed  their  distrust  of  the  courts  also 
in  attempting  to  remove  a  number  of  judges.  In  Penn- 
sylvania most  of  the  judges  in  the  highest  court  were  im- 
peached, but  retained  their  positions  because  the  moderate 
Republicans  believed  that  conviction  for  partisan  reasons 
was  a  menace  to  free  government.  United  States  District 
Judge  Pickering  was  impeached  and  found  guilty,  though 
not  for  political  offenses.  Much  the  most  conspicuous  case 
was  that  of  Justice  Chase  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Although 
a  man  of  parts,  he  had  aroused  the  animosity  of  his  oppo- 


JOHN  MARSHALL 


John  Marshall. 

Willoughby, 
Supreme  Court 
89-90. 


Lodge, 
Fighting 
Frigate,  25-64. 


Impeachment 
of  judges. 

Schouler, 
United  States^ 
II,  86-89. 


252  American  History  [1800 

nents  by  his  biased  conduct  in  one  or  two  semi-political 
trials  and  by  offensive  remarks  in  a  political  speech.  His 
prosecution  before  the  Senate  was  conducted  by  John  Ran- 
dolph, a  most  eccentric  individual  whose  conduct  of  the  case 
was  absurdly  incompetent.  Chase  was  defended  ably  and 
was  acquitted.  These  impeachments,  although  undertaken 
for  partisan  reasons,  had  a  wholesome  influence  in  prevent- 
ing further  abuses  of  judicial  privileges.  The  acquittals 
likewise  were  most  fortunate,  for  they  insured  the  pro- 
tection of  the  courts  against  unjust  attacks  by  their  ene- 
mies. 


WESTERN  PROBLEMS  (1800-1806) 

Importance  of      231.    Disputes  over  the  Lower  Mississippi  River. — The 

the  riv 

West. 


)l  e  most  momentous   question  that   arose  during   Jefferson's 


first  administration  was  concerned  with  the  purchase  of 
Louisiana.    This  important  addition  to  our  territory  was 
poraries  ^e  outgrowth  of  controversies  over  the  navigation  of  the 

III,  No.  in.  Mississippi  River  and  the  right  of  deposit  at  the  mouth  of 
that  river.  Before  1800  Spain  controlled  the  western  bank 
of  the  river  as  well  as  the  eastern  bank  for  two  hundred 
miles  from  its  mouth.  But  the  inhabitants  of  the  region 
west  of  the  Alleghanies  needed  both  the  navigation  of  the 
river  —  their  natural  means  of  communicating  with  the 
outside  world,  since  it  was  extremely  difficult  for  them  to 
carry  their  products  across  the  Alleghanies  —  and  a  right 
of  deposit  near  the  mouth  for  goods  to  be  shipped  abroad. 
Disputes  We  noticed  (§  182)  the  storm  of  protest  that  greeted  the 

before  1800.       proposal  to  close  the  Mississippi  for  twenty-five  years  at 
a  time  when  the  West  was  settled  very  little.     In  the  absence 
Turner,  F.  J.,     of  treaty  agreements,  however,  Spain  had  not  been  punc- 
\K  Review          tilious  about  interfering  with  our  western  trade  until  in  1705 

of  Reviews, 

xxvii  Thomas   Pinckney  concluded   a   treaty  with   that  power. 

(1903), 578-581.  Alarmed  by  Jay's  treaty  (§  222)  and  by  the  prospect  of  an 
alliance  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  Spain 
recognized  the  thirty-first  parallel  as  the  northern  boundary 
of  West  Florida,  opened  the  Mississippi  to  our  commerce, 


THE 

UNITED  STATES 
IN  1800 


1803]  Western  Problems  253 

and  gave  us  a  right  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans.    Spain  was  Ogg,  Missis. 

the  more  willing  to  make  these  concessions  in  order  to  gain  "??*•  4x9-439- 

the  goodwill  of  the  United  States,  because  France  was  very 

anxious  to  regain  Louisiana  and  Great  Britain  was  willing 

to  intrigue  for  its  possession,  and  at  this  time  the  United 

States  was  less  grasping  than  either  of  the  great  European 

rivals. 

In   1800  Napoleon,  now  first  consul  of  France,  forced  Louisiana 
the  king  of  Spain  to  sign  the  treaty  of  San  Ildefonso,  and  to   (I8o°-l8°3). 
cede  him  Louisiana,  on  the  express  stipulation,  however, 
that  it  should  never  be  transferred  to  any  other  power.  Chaining, 
When  this  treaty  became  known  in  America  the  next  year,  system  $1-64 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  our  minister  to  France,  was  instructed 
to  purchase  if  possible  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  upon  which  New  Adams 
Orleans  is  located,  and  West  Florida,  so  as  to  give  us  control    United  states, 
of  the  entire  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi.     Soon  after,  and  *•  3S2  et  se<i- 
before  the  actual  transfer  of  Louisiana  to  France,  the  Span- 
ish officials  at  New  Orleans  took  away  our  right  of  deposit, 
thereby  arousing  a  demand  for  war  throughout  the  West. 
The  importance  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  West  and  to  the 
country  at  large,  and  the  danger  to  the  United  States  of  hav- 
ing a  powerful  nation  in  control  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, may  be  appreciated  from  the  emphatic  language  of 
Jefferson,  whose  sympathies  before  that  time  had  been  dis- 
tinctly French.     "  The  day  that  France  takes  possession  of 
New  Orleans  ...  we  must  marry  ourselves  to  the  British 
fleet  and  nation."     "  By  uniting  with  Great  Britain,  we 
must  make  the  first  cannon  which  shall  be  fired  in  Europe 
the  signal  for  the  tearing  up  of  any  settlement  she  [France] 
may  have  made." 

232.   The   Purchase   of   Louisiana. — The   purchase   of  Negotiations. 
New  Orleans,  and  if  possible  West  Florida,  was  desired  so 
much  that  James  Monroe  was  selected  to  act  witn  Living-  Hart,  Contcm- 
ston,  who  had  already  been  authorized  to  expend  $10,000,000  P°™rtes, 
for  these  few  thousand  square  miles  of  swampy  land.1    But 

1  The  instructions  to  Livingston  emphasized  more  than  anything  else 
the  need  of  control  by  the  United  States  9!  tlje  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi; 


254 


American  History 


[1803 


Channing, 
Jeffersonian 
System,  64-72. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
II,  625-631. 


Ratification  of 
the  treaty. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  No.  113. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
III,  1-9. 

Ogg,  Missis- 
sippi, S43-S58- 


just  as  Monroe  reached  Paris,  after  Livingston  had  spent 
several  months  negotiating  in  vain  for  the  east  bank  of  the 
Mississippi,  Napoleon  offered  to  sell  all  of  Louisiana.  He 
had  hoped  to  make  this  vast  region  the  foundation  of  a 
colonial  empire,  but  the  army  which  was  needed  to  hold  it 
had  been  destroyed  in  insurrections  in  San  Domingo,  war 
was  soon  to  begin  in  Europe,  and  the  maritime  superiority 
of  England  left  all  of  the  French  colonies  exposed  to  her 
attacks.  Although  our  representatives  at  Paris  were  not 
authorized  to  purchase  so  vast  a  region,  they  did  not  hesi- 
tate long,  and  after  some  haggling  over  the  price,  on  April 
30,  1803,  Louisiana  became  ours  for  the  paltry  sum  of 
$i$,ooo,ooo.1  As  Talleyrand,  the  French  minister  of 
foreign  affairs,  said,  we  had  made  a  "  noble  bargain."  In 
the  words  of  Livingston,  "  We  have  lived  long,  but  we  have 
this  day  done  the  noblest  work  of  our  lives." 

Jefferson  believed  that  the  Constitution  did  not  authorize 
such  an  action  as  this  purchase  and  would  have  preferred 
to  wait  for  an  amendment  to  that  instrument  giving  him 
unquestioned  authority.  But  time  was  all  important. 
Napoleon  might  repent,  England  was  likely  to  be  jealous, 
and  Spain  sure  to  protest.  Jefferson's  cabinet  advised  rati- 
fication at  once,  and  his  friends  persuaded  him  that  the 
power  to  make  treaties  gave  him  the  right  to  acquire  terri- 
tory. Congress  was  called  for  an  early  date,  and,  as  the  pur- 
chase was  very  popular,  the  Senate  ratified  the  treaty  after 
a  comparatively  brief  debate.  Public  sentiment  had  changed 
so  that  no  one  now  considered  the  annexation  of  Louisiana 
by  treaty  to  be  unconstitutional;  but  the  Federalists,  who 
feared  that  the  West  might  come  to  dominate  the  East,  claimed 
that  no  states  could  be  admitted  from  this  territory.  In  this 

if  France  would  sell  us  West  Florida  and  New  Orleans,  we  agreed  to 
guarantee  to  her  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  and  if  France  refused 
our  request,  arrangements  were  to  be  made  for  an  alliance  with  Great 
Britain. 

1  Sixty  million  francs  in  6  per  cent  stock  of  the  United  States  and  twenty 
million  francs  to  be  paid  by  the  United  States  to  our  citizens  for  damages 
done  by  French  men-of-war  before  1800. 


I8o3] 


Western  Problems 


they  were  opposed  by  the  Republicans  who  had  completely 
abandoned  their  strict  constructionist  views,  and  from  this 
time  made  a  fairly  liberal  use  of  "  implied  powers."  When 
the  first  state,  Louisiana,  was  admitted  from  this  territory 
(1812),  however,  several  Federalists  maintained  that  it 
was  sufficient  cause  for  secession  from  the  Union. 

233.    Extent  and  Importance  of  Louisiana. — The  bound-  Indefinite 
aries  of  this  immense  region  were  intentionally  left  indefi-  boundaries- 

_.         -       .  .  West  Florida 

mte.      The    Louisiana 


treaty  copied  the  words 
of  the  treaty  of  1800 
between  France  and 
Spain,  which  were, 
"  Louisiana  with  the 
same  extent  that  it  now 
has  in  the  hands  of 
Spain,  and  that  it  had 
when  France  possessed 
it  "  before  1762.  But 
these  limits  never  had 
been  determined.1 
Livingston  claimed  that 
they  included  West 
Florida,  but  Napoleon 
would  not  support  his 

claim,  and  we  know  now  that,  although  Napoleon  coveted 
West  Florida,  he  did  not  consider  it  a  part  of  Louisiana. 
Nevertheless,  the  doubt  regarding  the  southeastern  bound- 
ary and  our  former  desire  to  obtain  West  Florida,  led  the 
United  States  to  seize  the  disputed  strip  before  the  be- 
ginning of  hostilities  with  Great  Britain  in  1812. 

1  In  order  to  explore  parts  of  the  new  territory,  parties  were  sent  respec- 
tively to  the  source  of  the  Mississippi,  up  the  Missouri  and  across  by 
the  Arkansas  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  the  summit  of  which  was  thought  to 
be  the  limit  of  Louisiana  on  the  northwest.  The  expedition  under  Lewis 
and  Clark  crossed  the  Rockies  (1805)  and  descended  the  Snake  and 
Oregon  rivers,  thus  giving  us  a  better  claim  to  the  Oregon  country. 
(See  §  303.) 


Showing  natural  boundaries      "V^      /• 
and  treaty  boundaries 
(1813.  1819) 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
111,31-34, 
371-375- 


American  History 


[1803 


Texan 
problem. 


Channing, 
Jeffersonian 
System,  77-79. 


Significance  of 
the  purchase. 


Plot  and  trial. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  No.  109. 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
II,  68-74. 


On  the  southwest  a  much  larger,  if  at  that  time  less  inter- 
esting territory,  was  claimed  by  both  the  United  States  and 
Spain.  Spain  would  have  restricted  us  to  the  Mississippi 
basin,  with  scarcely  any  of  the  Gulf  coast,  but  many  Ameri- 
cans believed  the  Rio  Grande  to  be  the  dividing  line  between 
Louisiana  and  Mexico.  In  1819  this  country  gave  up  its 
claim  to  all  land  west  of  the  Sabine  River  in  return  for  the 
cession  of  East  Florida  (§  261). 

The  purchase  of  Louisiana  had  a  very  great  influence  on 
the  future  of  the  United  States.  It  doubled  the  area  of  the 
United  States,  giving  us  complete  control  of  the  entire  Missis- 
sippi basin  and  permitting  expansion  to  the  Pacific.  It  re- 
moved obstructions  to  commerce  in  the  western  states  and 
prevented  international  complications  with  the  nations  that 
held  or  sought  to  seize  Louisiana.  It  compelled  the  Repub- 
lican party  to  abandon  its  old  strict  construction  position, 
and  increased  the  power  of  the  national  government  by  giv- 
ing it  control  of  a  vast  region.  In  the  territory  acquired 
at  this  time  a  true  democracy  and  a  national  spirit  were 
developed  which  influenced  the  rest  of  the  people.  In  this 
territory  occurred  the  great  struggle  between  the  forces 
favoring  the  extension  or  exclusion  of  slavery,  which  ended 
in  civil  war.  Finally,  the  great  West  has  contributed  in 
innumerable  ways  to  the  economic  development  of  the  great- 
est agricultural  and  commercial  nation  of  the  world. 

234.  The  Burr  Conspiracy  (1805-1806).  —  Soon  after 
the  annexation  of  Louisiana  the  West  became  the  scene 
of  a  remarkable  conspiracy  formed  under  the  leadership 
of  Aaron  Burr.  This  was  one  of  the  last  of  the  numerous 
attempts  to  separate  the  West  from  the  East  and  organize 
the  West  under  a  distinct  government,  because  the  two  sec- 
tions had  so  little  in  common.  In  1804  Vice  President 
Burr,  failing  of  election  as  governor  of  New  York  largely 
through  the  efforts  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  challenged  the 
latter  to  a  duel,  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  Hamilton. 
Burr  was  obliged  to  flee  from  the  East  and  devoted  his 
attention  to  the  formation  in  the  Southwest  of  a  confederacy 


1805]  Western  Problems  257 

to  be  ruled  by  himself.  It  is  generally  supposed  that  Burr 
wished  to  detach  the  western  states  from  the  Union  and  then 
conquer  Mexico.  Burr's  movements  were  reported  at  Wash- 
ington, but  for  a  long  time  nothing  was  done,  although  Burr 
had  the  support  of  a  large  part  of  the  West  and  was  in  secret 
correspondence  with  General  Wilkinson,  the  commander 
of  the  army  at  New  Orleans.  Burr  was  arrested  at  length 
and  brought  to  Richmond,  Virginia,  where  he  was  tried  in 
the  Circuit  Court  on  the  charge  of  treason,  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  presiding.  President  Jefferson  was  summoned 
to  appear  at  the  trial  with  papers,  but  refused,  although  the 
papers  were  sent.  The  evidence  being  insufficient,  Burr 
was  released  after  a  tedious  trial  lasting  six  months. 

COMMERCIAL  WARFARE  (1805-1811) 

235.  European  War  and  American  Commerce  before  Our  neutral 
1806. — The  wars  waged  by  England  and  France  between  carryins  trada 
1793  and  1815  made  possible  an  abnormal  development 
of  American  commerce.  Because  of  the  naval  superiority  Commerce, 
of  Great  Britain,  France  and  her  allies  had  been  unable  to  I789~l811- 
trade  with  her  colonies  and  had  accordingly  opened  her 
colonial  ports  to  neutral  trading  vessels.  In  spite  of  the 
attempt  made  by  Great  Britain  to  apply  the  Rule  of  1756, 
which  prevented  our  carrying  goods  directly  between  a 
colony  and  a  mother  country,  our  foreign  commerce  had 
increased  threefold  between  1792  and  1796  and  had  nearly 
doubled  between  1796  and  1805.  But  the  risks  incurred 
increased  with  the  amount  of  the  traffic.  Both  Great 
Britain  and  France  exercised  the  right  of  seizing  goods  of 
their  enemies  on  neutral  ships,  notwithstanding  the  Ameri- 
can claim  that  "  free  ships  make  free  goods."  Contraband 
of  war  was  forfeitable  if  discovered,  and  neutral  ships  carry- 
ing it  were  often  confiscated  as  aiding  the  enemy.  This 
would  have  been  a  fair  practice  had  the  term  "  contraband 
of  war  "  been  defined  justly;  but  when  it  was  held  to  include 
breadstuffs,  the  most  important  of  American  exports,  the 
United  States  had  just  cause  for  complaint. 


258 


American  History 


[1805 


New  interpre- 
tation of  Rule' 
of  1756. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
III,  220-228. 


Still  more  serious  was  the  interference  with  neutral  trade 
because  of  a  new  interpretation  of  the  "  Rule  of  1756." 
Before  1805,  American  vessels  had  been  permitted  to  ob- 
tain a  cargo  in  the  French  or  Spanish  West  Indies,  sail  to 
a  port  of  the  United  States,  remove  their  cargoes,  and  give 
bonds  that  their  goods  would  be  reexported,  and,  after 
reloading,  sail  for  continental  Europe.  In  May,  1805,  the 


M 

OF 

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140 

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XX.  LARS 

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1789        '81         '93          '95         '97          '99        1801        '03          '05         '07          '09         1811 
EXPORTS   AND  IMPORTS  (1789-1811) 

Imports Export* - 

Ooods  imported  and  reexported  at  once 

(/(  wai  to  tliit  latter  trade  that  England  objected  after  1806) 

highest  British  court  of  Admiralty  decided  that  this  prac- 
tice was  an  evasion  of  the  "  Rule  of  1756  "  and  as  such  must 
be  stopped.  This  was  the  beginning  of  a  carnival  of  confis- 
cation that  lasted  for  several  years.  Rather  than  give  up  the 
lucrative  trade  between  Europe  and  the  West  Indies,  the 
American  vessels  took  their  chances  of  capture.  No  com- 
pany of  underwriters  would  insure  ships  or  cargoes  engaged 
in  this  perilous  trade,  but  profits  increased  with  the  risk. 
Great  fortunes  were  made  although  many  shippers  became 
bankrupt  because  of  the  wholesale  seizures  made  by  Eng- 
lish cruisers. 


1807]  Commercial   Warfare  259 

236.    The    Impressment    of    American    Seamen.  —  This  Impressment 
growing  trade,  attended  by  such  personal  perils,  .caused  a  from  American 
marked  rise  in  the  wages  of  ordinary  seamen.     Naturally 
many  English  sailors  were  employed  in  this  business,  and  as 
wages  continued  to  rise,  hundreds  of  men  from  the  British    un^d  states 
war  vessels  deserted  and  applied  for  positions  in  our  mer-  in,  240-245. 
chant  marine.     In  many  cases  these  deserters  were  able  to 
buy  papers  declaring  that  they  were  American  citizens.   Hart,  Contem- 
To  seize  these  traitors  and  to  impress  all  the  British  sailors  poraries,  in. 
possible,  the  English  cruisers  now  redoubled  their  efforts 
in  searching  American  vessels.     Every  harbor  on  the  coast 
of  the  United  States  was  watched  and  every  outgoing  vessel 
searched.    On  the  theory  that  "  once  a  British  citizen,  always 
a  British  citizen,"  thousands  of  naturalized  Americans  were 
carried  off.     Hundreds  of  native  Americans  were  impressed, 
as  it  was  often  difficult  to  distinguish  between  American 
and  British-born  seamen.    The  government  of  the  United 
States  offered  to  see  that  all  deserters  were  returned  if  Eng- 
land would  give  up  the  claim  to  search  American  ships,  but 
to  no  avail,  and  the  ill  feeling  against  Great  Britain  deep- 
ened. 

An  opportunity  now  came  to  the  English  ministry  to  gain  Attempted 
the  goodwill  of  the  United  States.      Jay's  treaty  had  ex-  treat?  (I8o6>- 
pired,  and  Jefferson  was  anxious  to  make  a  new  treaty  deal- 
ing with  the  questions  of  impressment  and  neutral  trade. 
But  so  little  would  the  English  government  yield  that  the  m,  249-253. 
treaty  did  not  mention  impressment  and  was  not  even  sub- 
mitted by  the  President  to  the  Senate. 

A  little  later,  in  June,  1807,  war  between  the  two  nations   Chesapeake 
seemed  imminent.    The  warship  Leopard  demanded  from  a 
the  Chesapeake  the  surrender  of  three  deserters,  two  of  whom 
were  American-born  and  had  been  forced  into  the  British 


navy.     When  the  demand  was  unheeded,  the  Leopard,  the   in,  NO.  119. 

more  powerful  boat,  fired  on  the  Chesapeake,  killing  three 

and  wounding  eighteen  of  her  crew.    This  outrage  caused  Schouier, 

intense  excitement,  but  was  quickly  disavowed  by  the  Eng-    Umted  states, 

n,  163-169. 
hsh  government.      Four  years  later  reparation  was  made 


260 


American  History 


[1805 


Earlier  orders 
and  decrees. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III.  No.  120. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
III,  248-250. 


Later  restric- 
tions on  trade. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
111,273-275. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Htsf., 
I,  289-296. 


by  appropriating  money  for  the  families  of  those  slain  or 
injured,  but  in  the  meantime  Great  Britain  exercised  with 
the  greatest  freedom  the  "  wrong  of  search." 

237.  Orders  and  Decrees  (1806-1807). — The  victory  of 
the  English  fleet  under  Nelson  over  the  combined  fleets  of 
France  and  Spain  at  Trafalgar  in  1805  definitely  settled  the 
supremacy  of  England  on  the  sea.    The  years  1805  and  1806 
saw  Napoleon  master  of  all  western  Europe  after  the  humili- 
ation of  Austria  at  Austerlitz  and  of  Prussia  at  Jena.     As 
neither  foe  could  strike  the  other  directly,  Napoleon  now 
attempted  to  crush  England  by  shutting  off  her  trade  with 
the  continent,  on  which  her  prosperity  depended  to  a  large 
extent,  while  England  tried  to  prevent  the  French  and  their 
allies  from  receiving  supplies  from  their  colonies  and  from 
neutral  nations.    Napoleon  made  the  first  move  by  closing 
the  ports  of  Prussia  to  English  ships.     England  responded 
by  an  order  in  council  (May,  1806)  blockading  the  coast 
from  the  Elbe  to  Brest.    Napoleon  in  his  Berlin  decree 
(November,  1806)  announced  a  blockade  of  the  British  Isles 
and  declared  all  English  merchandise  subject  to  confiscation. 
These  blockades  were  not  enforced,  but  English  cruisers 
seized  neutral  ships  on  the  way  to  the  forbidden  continen- 
tal ports,  and  the  French  did  not  hesitate  to  appropriate 
American  vessels  that  were  carrying  British  exports  to  the 
continent. 

Much  more  drastic  were  the  proclamations  issued  the  next 
year.  British  orders  in  council  adopted  in  November, 
1807,  demanded  that  all  neutral  vessels  bound  for  a  port 
of  the  enemy  must  first  touch  at  an  English  port,  and  pay 
duty  or  be  liable  to  confiscation.  When  Napoleon  heard 
of  these  orders,  he  immediately  issued  his  Milan  Decree, 
declaring  that  all  ships  were  forfeited  which  traded  with 
Great  Britain  or  stopped  at  an  English  port  on  their  way  to 
the  continent  and  paid  duties.  Between  the  millstones  of 
English  greed  and  French  spite,  American  commerce  was 
likely  to  be  ground  to  destruction. 

238.  The  Embargo  (1807).  —  Congress  was  in  session 


1809]  Commercial  Warfare  261 

when  news  was  brought  of  the  orders  in  council  of  Novem-  Original  Em- 
ber, 1807.     President  Jefferson  suggested  an  embargo  and  bare°  Act- 
within  four  days  the  act  became  a  law,  December  22,  1807.  • 
The  general  feeling  is  expressed  in  the  words  of  John  Quincy  MacDonald, 
Adams,  who  took  this  opportunity  to  identify  himself  with  No 
the  Republican  party.     "The  President  has  recommended 
the  measure  on  his  high  responsibility.     I  would  not  con-  Hart,  Contem- 
sider,  I  would  not  deliberate,  I  would  act."    No  vessel  was  poraries, 
allowed  to  leave  the  United  States  for  a  foreign  port,  and  no 
ship  could  engage  in  the  coasting  trade  unless  it  gave  bonds 
for  twic,  the  value  of  the  ship  and  cargo  that  the  goods  it  McMaster. 

,    0  United  States, 

carried  would  be  landed  in  the  United  states.  "The  law,  111,276-281. 
made  more  specific  in  supplementary  acts,  was  not  enforced 
easily.  Along  the  northern  border  a  large  amount  of  smug- 
gling was  done.  So  clever  were  many  of  the  evasions  that 
at  length  it  was  necessary  to  demand  that  all  vessels  be  laden 
under  the  supervision  of  a  revenue  officer. 

President  Jefferson,  once  the  strictest  of  strict  construe-  Enforcement 
tionists,  was  obliged  to  use  autocratic  powers.    Our  foreign  and  rePeal- 
commerce   disappeared.    The    ships    which    were    abroad 
when  the  embargo  was  laid  stayed  away,  only  to  be  seized   Hart>  Contem- 
by  Napoleon,  who  said  he  would  be  glad  to  aid  us  in  enforc-  In  No'  I22 
ing  the  embargo.     In  New  England  business  was  at  a  stand- 
still, most  of  the  capital  being  tied  up  in  the  ships  which  were   yohnston 
rotting  at  the  wharves.      Nor  did  shipowners  submit  with-  Am.  Pol.  Hist^ 
out  a  murmur.     Protests  came  to  the  President  constantly.   *•  297-300- 
On  the  anniversary  of  the  passage  of  the  embargo,  proces- 
sions with  ships  draped  in  black  paraded  many  of  the  sea- 
coast  towns.     Popular  discontent  was  so  great  that  in  the 
fall  of  1808  the  Federalists  carried  several  hitherto  Repub- 
lican  states.     Yet   the  Congress   which  met  immediately 
after,  advocated  the  reverse  of  repeal,  and  on  January  9, 1809, 
passed  a  force  act  making  it  a  crime  to  export  anything  from 
the  United  States,  giving  collectors  the  power  to  seize  wagons 
or  boats  headed  toward  the  boundary  and  articles  that  they 
thought  might  be  intended  for  export.    The  president  was 
authorized  to  employ  the  army  and  navy  in  enforcing  the 


262 


American  History 


[1809 


Effect  abroad. 


Economic 
results. 


Adams, 
United  States, 

IV,  274-284, 

V,  14-20. 


Constitutional 
results. 


law.  The  scenes  that  followed  in  New  England  brought 
back  the  days  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Collectors  resigned,  meet- 
ings were  held,  protests  and  memorials  were  sent  to  Wash- 
ington, committees  of  safety  were  formed,  militiamen  to 
enforce  the  law  were  refused,  and  even  secession  was  sug- 
gested. The  embargo  majority  in  Congress  was  swept 
away  by  this  storm,  and  the  embargo  acts  were  repealed  on 
the  first  of  March,  1809. 

239.  Indirect  Results  of  the  Embargo.  —  Foreign  trade 
had  been  prohibited  with  the  expectation  of  starving  Europe 
into  submission  to  our  demands.  The  total  cessation  of  the 
chief  neutral  carrying  trade  was  undoubtedly  a  loss  to  the 
wealthy  European  colonies  in  the  West  Indies  and  a  depriva- 
tion to  the  continental  countries,  but  the  chief  damage  was 
to  America,  as  noted  in  the  preceding  section.  As  Arm- 
strong, our  minister  to  France,  wrote,  "  We  have  somewhat 
overrated  our  means  of  coercion.  Here  it  is  not  felt,  and 
in  England  ...  it  is  forgotten."  It  had  at  least  one  good 
influence  abroad,  however,  in  showing  that  the  United  States, 
though  unwilling  to  try  the  fortunes  of  war,  was  ready  to 
undergo  unusual  hardships  rather  than  submit  to  the  humili- 
ating proclamations  against  neutral  trade.  Furthermore, 
had  there  been  no  embargo,  the  enforcement  of  the  last 
orders  in  council  and  the  Milan  Decree  might  have  led  to  a 
war  more  futile,  more  prolonged,  and  more  annoying  than 
that  which  broke  out  four  and  one-half  years  later. 

In  one  sense  the  embargo  marks  the  beginning  of  the 
United  States  as  a  manufacturing  nation.  Cut  off  as  we 
were  from  the  importation  of  manufactured  articles  that  had 
formerly  been  brought  from  Europe,  especially  England,  a 
large  amount  of  homespun  cloth,  steel  goods,  furniture,  and 
other  articles  was  produced,  particularly  in  New  England, 
where  the  capital  formerly  devoted  to  trading  was  now  in 
many  cases  used  in  manufacturing. 

From  a  constitutional  standpoint  also,  the  influence  of 
the  embargo  was  important.  The  Constitution  allows 
Congress  to  regulate  foreign  commerce,  but  nowhere  au 


1809]  Commercial   Warfare  263 

thorizes  the  prohibition  of  all  trade  with  other  countries. 
The  passage  and  enforcement  of  the  embargo  involved 
therefore  a  much  more  liberal  use  of  the  implied  powers 
of  Congress  than  had  been  undertaken  by  the  Federalists. 
Jefferson  and  his  party  had  abandoned,  without  hope  of 
return,  their  former  position  as  really  strict  constructionists 
of  the  Constitution. 

240.   The  Non-Intercourse  Act  (1809). — The  repeal  of  Provisions, 
the  embargo  acts  was  accompanied  by  the  passage  of  a  law 
providing  that  there  should  be  no  commercial  intercourse  MacDonaid, 
with  either  England  or  France  so  long  as  their  orders  and  Documents, 
decrees  remained  in  force.    If  these  were  revoked,  the  presi- 
dent had  the  right  by  proclamation  to  renew  commerce  with 
the  nation  that  had  withdrawn  its  objectionable  restrictions 
on  our  trade.    This  discretion  was  to  be  exercised  by  James 
Madison,  who  took  the  oath  of  office  as  president  three  days 
after  the  law  had  been  signed.     A  sincere  lover  of  peace,  and 
a  student  of  politics   rather  than  a   practical  politician, 
Madison  could  be  counted  on  to  prevent  actual  hostilities 
if  possible,  as  he  had  done-  during  his  eight  years  of  service 
as  Jefferson's  secretary  of  state. 

England's  minister,  David  M.  Erskine,  was  as  desirous  as  Erskine  treaty 
Madison  to  reestablish  cordial  relations  between  his  natjon 
and  the  United  States.     Accordingly  he  offered  to  have  the  McMaster, 
orders  in  council  withdrawn  on  the  loth  of  June,   1809,      *' 
if  the  United  States  would  cease  to  discriminate  against 
English  commerce.1    Amid  the  general  rejoicing  over  this 
settlement  of  difficulties  with  Great  Britain  came  news  that 
Erskine  had  been  recalled  and  his  acts  disavowed,  and,  after 
a  brief  interval,  the  orders  in  council  were  enforced  with 
greater  vigor.    The  United  States  had  added  another  failure 
to  her  already  long  list  in  her  attempts  to  protect  our  trade 
abroad. 

1  In  doing  this  Erskine  undoubtedly  exceeded  his  instructions,  but 
Madison,  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  discontinue  so  large  a  part  of  the 
commercial  warfare  we  had  been  waging,  did  not  wait  to  learn  whether 
Erskine's  action  would  be  endorsed  by  the  English  ministry,  and  pro- 
claimed that  trade  with  England  would  be  resumed  June  10. 


264 


American  History 


[1809 


French 
protests. 

Schouler, 
United  States, 
H.  335-34°. 


Provisions. 


Napoleon's 
trickery. 


McMaster, 
United  St.ites, 
III,  368-394, 
424-426. 


Napoleon  was  no  more  submissive  to  the  Non-intercourse 
Act  than  was  Great  Britain.  As  the  act  prevented  trade 
with  France  and  threatened  confiscation  to  any  French  ships 
found  in  American  ports,  Napoleon  retaliated  with  spirit  by 
seizing  and  selling  all  the  American  ships  that  entered  ports 
of  his  allies.  This  policy  of  confiscation  he  strengthened 
by  issuing  in  March,  1810,  the  Rambouillet  Decree,  by  which 
all  American  ships  trading  with  France  or  countries  subject 
to  France  were  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  placed  in  the 
"  chest  of  death."  Within  two  months  one  hundred  and 
thirty-four  ships  had  been  confiscated,  making  a  total  of 
$10,000,000  obtained  by  Napoleon  from  American  spolia- 
tions since  the  passage  of  the  Non-intercourse  Act. 

241.  The  Macon  Bill,  No.  2  (1810).  —  Non-intercourse, 
as  embodied  in  the  bill  of  1809,  was  seen  to  be  unsatisfactory. 
A  substitute  was  adopted  finally  by  Congress  on  May  i, 
1810.  This  provided  for  a  renewal  of  trade  with  all  coun- 
tries, but,  if  either  France  or  Great  Britain  should  withdraw 
her  proclamations  against  American  commerce,  our  govern- 
ment should  give  the  other  three  months  in  which  to  with- 
draw her  decrees.  If  the  latter  still  continued  to  discriminate 
against  our  trade,  we  should  revive  non-intercourse  with 
that  nation. 

Napoleon  saw  that  his  chance  had  come  to  embroil  the 
United  States  with  Great  Britain,  to  his  own  advantage. 
With  half  promises  that  restitution  should  be  made  to  Amer- 
ica for  the  ships  he  had  seized,  he  agreed  that  on  November  i, 
1810,  he  would  revoke  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  if  Eng- 
land would  recall  her  orders  in  council,  or  if  the  United  States 
would  compel  Great  Britain  to  respect  our  rights  on  the  ocean. 
Our  government  consequently  sought  in  every  way  to  secure 
the  revocation  of  the  English  orders  in  council,  but  in  vain. 
On  November  2,  therefore,  President  Madison  proclaimed 
that  if  the  orders  were  not  withdrawn  by  February  i,  1811, 
non-intercourse  should  go  into  effect  again  with  Great 
Britain.  The  tricky  emperor,  without  compensating  Amer- 
ican merchants  for  losses  at  his  hands,  by  a  halting  and  par- 


i8ii]  Commercial   Warfare  26$ 

tial  removal  of  restrictions  on  our  trade,  had  skillfully  made . 
the  United  States  an  instrument  for  injuring  British  com- 
merce, at  the  same  time  that  he  had  caused  England  to  seem 
the  chief  offender.  For  Great  Britain,  claiming  that  the 
French  decrees  were  still  in  force,  refused  to  modify  her 
orders,  and  on  March  2,  1811,  Congress  passed  the  last  of  its 
commercial  acts  designed  to  maintain  peace,  and  prohibited 
ah1  trade  with  England  in  British  vessels. 

242.  Summary.  —  Fortunately  the  chief  problems  of  Financial 
internal  organization  had  been  completed  before  we  be-  andparty 
came  involved  in  the  contests  of  Europe  after  1793.  Most 
of  the  pressing  problems  of  finance  had  been  solved  by  the 
adoption  of  Hamilton's  plan  for  a  complete  system  of  taxes, 
for  reducing  the  debt,  and  the  assumption  of  state  debts.  The 
adoption  of  this  financial  policy  was  the  cause  of  disputes 
between  two  sets  of  people  who  in  time  organized  political 
parties  with  definite  views  regarding  the  respective  powers 
of  the  national  and  state  governments,  on  European  ques- 
tions, and  on  popular  participation  in  the  work  of  govern- 
ment. Under  the  aristocratic  Federalist  party,  the  national 
government  was  placed  upon  a  firm  basis,  but  the  Federal- 
ists ruled  arbitrarily  and  permitted  their  opponents  to  gain 
control.  This  democratic  Republican  party  kept  itself  in 
power  because  every  tendency  of  the  times  was  in  favor 
of  government  by  the  people. 

We  were  drawn  into  foreign  disputes  because,  as  neutrals,   Foreign  prob- 
we  enjoyed  a  large  part  of  the  carrying  trade  carried  on  lems  after  *793. 
before  1793  by  one  of  the  combatants,  and  because  several 
of  the  nations  engaged  in  the  European  war  controlled  or 
desired  territory  adjacent  to  the  United  States.    Our  chief 
complaints  were  against  Great  Britain,  who  objected   to 
our  carrying  goods  directly  or  indirectly  between  French 
colonies  and  France  or  her  allies  in  Europe. 

Although  we  tried  to  avoid  any  part  in  these  European  Successful 
wars,  our  treaty  of  1778  with  France  caused  difficulty  at  treaties 
first,  and  our  understanding  with  England  in  Jay's  treaty   (I794-I  °3^' 
(1794)  completely  altered  our  relations  with  the  chief  nations 


266  American  History  [1789- 

at  war.  The  misunderstanding  with  France  which  followed 
Jay's  treaty  was  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  1800.  In 
1803  Napoleon  helped  us  to  solve  difficulties  in  the  West 
by  ceding  all  of  Louisiana,  which  affected  American  devel- 
opment in  innumerable  ways  and  to  a  very  great  extent. 
Commercial  The  last  phase  of  the  European  contest  during  this  period 
discriminations  jn  wnich  we  were  interested  was  a  species  of  commercial 
warfare  in  which  France  tried  to  cripple  England  by  cutting 
off  English  trade  with  the  continent,,  and  England  aimed  to 
destroy  the  trade  of  France  with  the  outside  world.  The 
United  States  suffered  especially  and  tried  to  protect  herself 
by  passing  embargo  and  non-intercourse  acts  which  de- 
stroyed most  of  our  commerce  without  injuring  the  European 
nations  particularly.  Having  exhausted  every  peaceable 
means  to  obtain  relief  from  commercial  discrimination,  there 
seemed  to  be  no  honorable  course  but  to  declare  war  in 
order  to  protect  our  rights. 

TOPICS 

1.  INTERNATIONAL    INTERESTS    IN    THE    WEST    (1790-1800): 
Roosevelt,  "Winning  of  the  West,"  VI,  chap.  II;  Turner,  F.  J.,  in 
Atlantic  Monthly,  93   (1904),  pp.  676-691,  807-817;   Ogg,  "Open- 
ing of  the  Mississippi,"  pp.  410-494. 

2.  KENTUCKY  AND  VIRGINIA  RESOLUTIONS  :  Johnston,  "  American 
Political  History,"  I,  pp.  188-202;   Von  Hoist,  "Constitutional  His- 
tory," I,  pp.  142-167;  Powell,  "Nullification  and  Secession  in  United 
States,"  pp.  50-91. 

3.  BURR'S   CONSPIRACY:    Roosevelt,    "Winning  of  the   West," 
IV,  pp.  288-307;    McMaster,  "People  of  the  United  States,"  III, 
pp.  54-88;  Adams,  "History  of  the  United  States,"  II,  pp.  394-409, 
III,  299—344;   McCaleb,   "Aaron  Burr  Conspiracy." 

4.  OPPOSITION   TO  THE  EMBARGO:    McMaster,  "People  of  the 
United  States,"  III,  pp.  279-307,  323-335;   Adams,  "History  of  the 
United  States,"  IV,  pp.  249-289,  339-360;   Benton  (ed.),  "Debates 
of  Congress,"  III,  677-707,  IV,  pp.  5-31. 

STUDIES 

1.  Difficulties  with  the  Indians  in  the  Northwest.     (King,  "  Ohio," 
pp.  241-261.) 

2.  The  situation  in  Europe  (1789-1801).     (Adams,  "European 
History,"  pp.  427-444.) 


i8ii]  Foreign  and  Domestic  Problems  267 

3.  Washington's  Farewell  Address.     (Larned  (ed.),  "History  for 
Ready  Reference,"  V,  pp.  3308-3.314.) 

4.  Debate  on  the  "X.  Y.  Z."  correspondence  in  Congress.    (Ben- 
ton  (ed.),  "Debates  of  Congress,"  III,  pp.  225-242.) 

5.  Jefferson's  first  inaugural  address.     ("  American  Eloquence," 
I,  pp.  155-163.) 

6.  Fisher  Ames  on  Jay's  treaty.      ("American   Eloquence,"  I, 
pp.  112-130.) 

7.  Jefferson's  views  on  the  constitutionality  of  Louisiana.    (Jeffer- 
son, "Writings"  (Monticello  ed.),  X,  pp.  407-420.) 

8.  Significance  of  the  Louisiana  purchase.     (Turner,  F.  J.,  in 
Review  of  Reviews,  XXVII  (1903),  pp.  578-584.) 

9.  Napoleon's    "Continental    System."     (Andrews,    "Historical 
Development  of  Modern  Europe,"  I,  pp.  49-62.) 

10.  English  customs  followed  in  1789.     (Ford,  "American  Poli- 
tics," Chapter  VI.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  How  had  the  state  debts  been  incurred  ?     Should  the  difference 
between  the  net  amount  of  the  northern  and  southern  debts  have 
affected  the  payment?    Was  assumption  necessary?    Was  it  wise? 
What  influence  did  the  financial  measures  of  Hamilton  exert  on  the 
national  government  ? 

2.  What  is  the  difference  between  strict  construction  in  1791  and 
at  present  ?    What  is  meant  by  implied  powers  ?     Could  the  Con- 
stitution have  survived  without  the  use  of  implied  powers?     Men- 
tion several  duties  now  performed  by  the  national  government  which 
involve  the  use  of  implied  powers. 

3.  Could  the  organization  of  political  parties  have  been  prevented? 
Explain.     Show  the  position  of  the  parties  on  democracy,  constitu- 
tional questions,  foreign  affairs,  other  matters.     Why  did  the  Fed- 
eralist party  go  to  pieces  after  1800?    What  part  of  its  work  was 
permanent  ? 

4.  Why  was'the  Proclamation  of  Neutrality  in  1 793  a  wise  measure  ? 
Show  how  the  year  1795  marks  a  turning-point  in  the  history  of  our 
international  relations.      Did  our  standing  abroad  improve  during 
the  rule  of  the  Federalists? 

5.  Was  the  election  of  Jefferson  (1800-1801)  a  political  revolu- 
tion?   To  what  extent  was  the  policy  of  the  national  government 
really  changed?    Were  Jefferson's  administrations  successful? 

6.  What  was  the  influence  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  on  territorial 
sxpansion,  construction  of  the  Constitution,  development  of  national- 
ity, changes  in  favor  of  democracy,  economic  development,  the  prob- 
lem of  slavery,  settlement  of  international  disputes,  general  progress 
of  the  United  States? 


268  American  History 

7.  Define  the  American  view  of  the  Rule  of  1 756,  the  English  view. 
Was  impressment  from  American  vessels  justifiable  ?    Was  there  any 
reasonable  excuse  for  the  orders  and  decrees  of  1806  and  1807?     Be 
specific. 

8.  On  what  constitutional  grounds  might  an  embargo  be  declared  ? 
What  was  the  effect  of  the  embargo  on  England?    on  France?   on 
American  commerce  ?    How  did  the  embargo  influence  the  invest- 
ment of  capital  within  the  United  States?    Give  some  idea  of  the 
real  importance  of  the  embargo. 

9.  Explain  each  of  the  problems  confronting  the  national  govern- 
ment in  1789  and  note  those  developed  later.     In  what  way  was  an 
attempt  made  to  solve  each?    With  what  success?     Give  fully. 


CHAPTER  XH 
A  NEW  NATIONAL   SPIRIT   (1811-1824) 

PRESIDENTS 
James  Madison  (1809-1817)  James  Monroe  (1817-1825) 

THE  SECOND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

243.  Events  Leading  to  War  (1811-1812).    The  feeling  Little  Belt 
toward  England,  already  bitter,  was  increased  during  the  affair- 
years  1811  and  1812  by  three  unfortunate  events.     In  May 

of  1811  the  Little  Belt,  one  of  the  British  vessels  occupied    united  states 
in  watching  our  coasts,  by  some  mischance  was  engaged   111,402-406. 
in  action  by  the  President,  which  was  a  much  larger  ship. 
The  Little  Belt  was  completely  crippled,  but  an  investiga- 
tion freed  the  American  government  from  blame  for  the 
affair,  and  there  was  general  rejoicing  that  the  Chesapeake 
had  been  avenged. 

Six  months  later,  Governor  William  Henry  Harrison  at-  Victory  at 
tacked  a  force  of  Indians  gathered  at  Tippecanoe  creek  in  Tippecanoe. 
Indiana  Territory,  defeating  them  with  great  slaughter  and   Babcock.  Am. 
burning  their  principal  town.     Under  the  lead  of  a  Shawnee  Nationality, 
chieftain,  Tecumseh,  a  confederation  of  all  the  Indian  tribes  32  3  ' 
in  the  West  had  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  Schouier, 

,i          i  .  m,  .  111*1     United  States. 

the  whites.    This  movement,  it  was  thought,  had  received  n  366_370 
the  support  of  the  British  in  upper  Canada. 

The  third  cause  of  ill-feeling  was  the  publication  in  March,  The  Henry 

1812,  of  letters  sold  to  our  government  by  an  adventurer,  letters- 

John  Henry,  who  claimed  to  have  been  sent  in  1810  on  a  McMa^pr, 

secret  mission  to  New  England  with  the  intention  of  learning  United  states, 
whether  that  section  would  desert  the  United  States  in  case       '  444~447' 
of  a  war  with  Great  Britain. 

244.  Declaration  of  War  (1812).  —  Prevention  of  war 

269 


2/0 


American  History 


[1812 


Clay  and  the 
New  Repub- 
licans. 


Schurz,  Clay, 
I,  77-88. 


War  declared. 


MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos.  29,  30. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
III,  449-452. 
454-458. 


Beginning  of 
the  conflict. 

Babcock,  Am. 

Nationality, 

69-83. 


had  now  become  an  especially  difficult  task,  for  the  control 
within  the  Republican  party  had  passed  from  the  older  and 
more  conservative  leaders  to  a  set  of  young,  energetic  men 
who  believed  further  submission  to  be  debasing.  Among 
these  young  Republicans  Henry  Clay  of  Kentucky  was  the 
most  prominent  figure.  Brilliant  rather  than  deep,  an  elo- 
quent speaker,  with  a  rare  capacity  for  making  friends,  he 
was  a  remarkably  successful  leader.  He  and  his  "  war- 
hawks  "  aroused  such  an  enthusiasm  for  war  that  Presi- 
dent Madison,  desiring  a  second  term,  was  induced  to 
support  their  policy. 

An  increase  in  the  army  and  navy  was  voted  early  in  Janu- 
ary, 1812.  Later,  an  embargo  of  ninety  days  was  declared 
as  a  preparation  for  war,  and  on  June  i,  1812,  the  President's 
confidential  war  message  was  submitted  to  Congress.  Three 
grievances  against  England  were  mentioned:  impressment, 
sham  blockades,  and  intrigues  with  the  western  Indians. 
With  but  a  few  days'  delay,  Congress  voted  for  war,  the 
South  and  West  being  almost  unanimous  for  action,  while 
the  Northeast  voted  against  the  measure,  thirty-four  of  the 
minority  going  so  far  as  to  issue  an  unpatriotic  manifesto 
assailing  the  administration's  position. 

War  was  declared  June  19,  and  on  June  23  the  orders  in 
council  were  withdrawn  by  England.  Had  a  telegraphic 
cable  been  in  existence,  war  might  have  been  avoided. 
Before  this  news  could  reach  America,  the  government  had 
made  preparations  for  increasing  its  army  and  building 
new  frigates,  and  the  nation  could  not  easily  be  dissuaded 
from  the  invasion  of  Canada  which  had  been  planned.  In 
New  England,  the  governors  refused  to  furnish  troops  who 
should  fight  outside  their  respective  states,  but  elsewhere 
enlistments  went  on  rapidly.  With  light  hearts  the  people 
began  war  on  the  most  powerful  nation  of  Europe.  Con- 
sidering the  distance  between  the  continents  and  the  diffi- 
culties of  the  war  with  Napoleon  which  had  taxed  England's 
resources  to  the  utmost,  the  disparity  was  not  great. 

245.    War  in  the  North  (1812-1813). — The  invasion  of 


1813]          The  Second  War  of  Independence  271 


Canada,  so  much  desired,  especially  by  the  West,  and  re- 
peatedly attempted  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war, 
was  a  complete  and  humiliating  failure.  At  the  beginning 
of  hostilities,  General  Hull,  having  crossed  into  upper  Can- 
ada, was  forced  to  retire,  and,  without  a  blow,  surrendered 
Detroit  and  all  Michigan  to  the  English.  Following  this 
came  counter  invasions  of  the  British  into  Ohio,  and  the 
horrible  massacre  of  the  wounded  by  the  Indian  allies  of 
the  British  at  the  River  Raisin,  the  cry  of  "  Remember  the 


Loss  of  the 
Northwest 
(1812). 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
V,  3340-3344- 

Babcock,  Am, 

Nationality, 

84-98. 


SCENE  OF  WAR  IN  THE  NORTH 

River  Raisin  "  being  thereafter  the  slogan  of  the  western 
troops. 

In  the  fall  of  1813  the   tide   turned   in  the  Northwest.   Lake  Erie 
Oliver  H.  Perry,  having  by  remarkable  efforts  completed  a  and  the  River 

fl  TIT/-  u    4.  •    r     •        Thames  (1813) 

fleet  on  L,ake  Erie,  met  and  captured  a  somewhat  inferior 
fleet  commanded  by  an  officer  who  had  served  under  the  , 

McMaster, 

greatest  of  British  admirals,  Nelson.    This  great  victory   united  states, 
was  announced  in  the  laconic  dispatch,  "  We  have  met  the  IV,  32-41. 
enemy  and  they  are  ours."     It  was  followed  by  the  transfer 
of  Harrison's  army  to  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie  and 
the  unequal  battle  on  the  Thames  River,  in  which  the  In- 
dian  warrior  Tecumseh   was  slain.    This  double  victory 
freed  the  entire  Northwest  from  English  control. 

Elsewhere  on  the  northern  border  success  did  not  attend 
American  arms.    On  the  Niagara  frontier  operations  dur- 


272 


American  History 


Failures  in 
northern  New 
York  (1813). 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
IV,  41-56. 


Successful 
naval  duels. 


Larned  (ed.); 
Ready  Ref., 
V,  3343-3344- 


Babcock,  Am. 

Nationality, 

106-114. 


Losses  to 
commerce. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
IV,  104-116. 


ing  the  summer  of  1813  had  been  conducted  with  more  than 
usual  inefficiency  by  our  commanders,  and  at  York  (Toronto) 
the  parliamentary  buildings  had  been  burned.    The   St. 
Lawrence  and  Champlain  basins  also  had  been  the  scenes 
of  disgraceful    mismanagement.     Projected    invasions    of 
Canada  had  failed  ignominiously,  owing  to  the  incapacity  of 
the  American  generals  and  their  failure  to  cooperate  with 
each  other. 

246.    The  War  on  the  Ocean  (1812-1814).  — There  is  no 
brighter  chapter  in  American  history  than  the  one  devoted 
^_^^^______^_^__^    to  the  records  of  the  American 

navy  during  the  War  of  1812. 
Our  ships  were  unable  to  en- 
gage the  enemy  except  in  rare 
instances,  but  the  duels  fought 
between  single  frigates  were  in 
most  cases  signal  victories  for 
the  American  vessels.  During 
the  first  year  of  the  war  the 
Constitution  captured  two 
frigates  after  short,  decisive 
engagements,  the  superiority 
of  the  Americans  being  chiefly  in  seamanship  and  gunnery, 
but  partially  in  heavier  armament.  Especially  during  1812 
and  1813  did  the  navy  distinguish  itself,  for,  with  the  prog- 
ress of  the  war,  the  coast  was  blockaded  so  carefully  that 
once  in  port  an  American  frigate  could  not  escape  easily. 
Great  damage  was  also  inflicted  on  British  commerce 
by  vessels  of  the  navy  and  privateers.  The  Essex  made 
numerous  captures  on  the  Pacific,  and  the  privateers  are 
said  to  have  made  prizes  of  fifteen  hundred  English  mer- 
chantmen, a  larger  number  than  had  been  confiscated  by 
Great  Britain  during  the  years  preceding  the  war.1  On  the 
other  hand,  American  commerce  was  practically  destroyed 
by  the  war,  it  being  unsafe  for  our  merchant  marine  on  the 

1  Nearly  one  half  of  these  were  recaptured  on  their  way  to  American 
ports. 


BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  ACA1NST 
WASHIJiUTON,  1814 


1814]          The  Second   War  of  Independence 


273 


high  seas  and  all  but  impossible  to  evade  the  strict  blockades 
of  the  coasts. 
247.    The  Last  Year  of  the  War.  —  With  the  capture  of  Niagara 

Paris  in  1814  and  the  subsequent  banishment  of  Napoleon 

, 
to  Elba,  England  was  able  to  spare  many  veterans  for  the 

war  in  America.    These  aided  the  Canadian  militia  in  the 


and 
Champlain. 


North  and  took  part  in  the  expeditions  against  Washington 


* 


and  New  Orleans.     Yet  this  accession  of  strength  brought  v,  3350-3354. 
the  English  few  successes,  for  during  the  rest  of  the  war  the 


THE  CAPITOL,  WASHINGTON 

Americans    were    nearly    everywhere    victorious.    During  McMaster, 
the  summer  of  1814.  General  Tacob  Brown  restored  Amer-   Vmted  states, 

IV,  56-69. 

ican  prestige  at  Niagara  by  winning  the  battles  of  Chippewa 
and  Lundy's  Lane.  In  the  fall  of  that  year  an  invasion  of 
Lake  Champlain  was  attempted  by  the  Canadians,  a  large 
land  force  being  supported  by  a  hastily  prepared  but  by 
no  means  insignificant  fleet.  Their  progress  was  checked 
at  Plattsburg  by  young  Captain  Macdonough,  who  so  ar- 
ranged and  managed  his  vessels  that  he  crippled  the  superior 
fleet  of  the  enemy  and  compelled  the  withdrawal  of  both 
land  and  naval  forces  into  Canada. 

During  the  first  two  years  of  the  war,  raids  had  been  made  Washington 
at  various  points  along  the  coast  in  which  several  towns  and  Baltimore 
were  burned  and  considerable  shipping  destroyed.    These 
were  supplemented  in  1814  by  an  expedition  against  Wash- 


274 


American  History 


[1814 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
II,  450-455- 

Babcock,  Am. 

Nationality, 

I32-I43- 


New  Orleans 
(1815). 


Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
V,  3358-3359- 


Babcock,  Am. 
Nationality, 
128-132, 
144-149. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
IV,  160-171, 
180-190. 


<s 


ington  and  Baltimore.  As  the  capital  was  practically  un- 
defended except  by  forts  on  the  Potomac,  the  British  ad- 
vanced without  opposition  to  Bladensburg,  where  they  put 
to  flight  a  motley  force  gathered  to  protect  the  city.  The 
capitol,  White  House,  and  other  public  buildings  were  burned, 
but  all  of  the  government  officials,  including  President 
Madison,  made  their  escape.  Advancing  toward  Balti- 
more by  water,  the  British  were  unable  to  capture  Fort 
McHenry,  its  chief  defense,  and  withdrew  without  further 
successes.  The  bombardment  of  this  fort  by  night  was  the 

occasion  for  the  writing  of 
"The  Star  Spangled  Banner." 
Being  desirous  of  capturing 
New  Orleans  and  thus  gain- 
ing possession  of  the  valuable 
territory  of  Louisiana,  the 
English  sent  a  large  army 
against  that  city  late  in  1814. 
Its  defense  was  intrusted  to 
Andrew  Jackson  who  had  al- 
ready distinguished  himself  by 
his  vigor  and  energy  in  the  de- 
struction of  a  hostile  force  of  Creek  Indians,  and  by  the 
seizure  of  Pensacola,  which  the  Spanish  had  allowed  the 
British  to  use  as  a  base  of  operations.  With  comparatively 
few  regulars,  but  with  large  numbers  of  frontiersmen,  Jack- 
son skillfully  blocked  the  efforts  of  the  English  general, 
Pakenham,  to  reach  the  city  by  a  flank  movement.  Paken- 
ham  with  his  veterans  then  advanced  to  a  front  attack  along 
the  narrow  strip  of  land  between  the  Mississippi  and  exten- 
sive swamps.  The  first  assault  took  place  on  Januarys,  1815. 
Of  the  Americans,  but  seven  were  killed  and  six  were 
wounded,  while  the  English  lost  at  least  twenty-five  hundred 
in  their  vain  attempt  to  take  the  American  position.  This 
remarkable  victory  produced  general  rejoicing  and  made 
Andrew  Jackson  a  conspicuous  personage. 
248.  The  Treaty  of  Ghent  (1814).— Two  weeks  before 


GULF       OF 


tlouthl 
)/  the 
riuippi 
ME  X  ICO 


NEW  OBLEANS  AND  VICINHT 


1815]          The  Second   War  of  Independence  275 

the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed   Negotiations. 
at  Ghent  in  Belgium.    Negotiations  for  peace  had  in  fact 
been  attempted  in  1813  when  the  Czar  of  Russia  offered   Hart,  Content- 
his  services  as  mediator.    The  United  States  accepted  his 


offer  and  appointed  commissioners,  but  Great  Britain  re- 
fused to  be  a  party  in  such  an  arrangement.  The  following 
summer  (August,  1814),  negotiations  were  finally  begun  at  .f  coc  '  m' 

Nationality, 

Ghent,  the  United  States  being  represented  by  three  very  168-184. 
able  men,  Albert  Gallatin,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  Henry 
Clay,  who  unfortunately  did  not  agree  on  the  best  terms 
to  be  made  with  England.  As  the  British  armies  had  been 
in  the  main  victorious  to  that  time  and  as  the  blockade  of 
our  coast  was  quite  effective,  her  commissioners  made 
several  demands,  among  them  the  establishment  on  our 
northwest  frontier  of  a  permanent  belt  of  Indian  country 
under  British  protection. 

The  English  finally  agreed  to  give  up  all  their  demands  Terms  of  the 
and  to  return  territory  that  had  been  seized,  namely,  parts  treat>'- 
of  Maine  and  Oregon,  when  our  representatives  promised 
that  they  would  not  mention  the  subject  of  impressment  MacDonaid, 

,  ,  ,  .  ,  •         r          i  •  ^  Documents. 

and  would  not  require  compensation  for  ships  and  cargoes   No 
confiscated  before   1812.     With  these  terms  the  commis- 
sioners were  content,  because  the  conflict  between  England 

3  McMaster, 

and  France  had  already  ceased  and  the  British  navy  needed    united  states, 
no  more  sailors.     By  the  American  people  the  treaty  was  IV,  270-276. 
hailed  with  delight,  for  they  ignored  our  failure  to  obtain 
any  of  the  objects  of  war,  in  the  general  rejoicing  over  the 
restoration  of  peace. 

CHANGED  CONDITIONS  AFTER  THE  WAR  OF  1812 
249.    The  New  Nationality.  —  The  close  of  the  second   Independent 
war  with  England  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch  in  *pll*£i  " 
America.     Aroused  by  the  commercial  discriminations  of 
the  leading  European  nations,  the  people  had  become  united 

.   .         Babcock,  Am, 

as  never  before  to  uphold  the  honor  and  preserve  the  rights  Nationaiityi 
of  the  American  people.    Throughout  the  country  there   191-195. 
was  a  feeling  of  loyalty  to  the  nation,  a  national  pride,  a 


276 


American  History 


[1815 


Changed  con- 
ditions after 
1815. 


belief  in  the  oneness  of  the  nation  and  the  unity  of  interests 
which  had  never  existed  before  that  time.  Not  only  had 
barriers  between  the  states  been  broken  down,  but  there 
was  widespread  desire  to  cast  aside  old  forms  and  customs 
which  had  been  in  use  since  colonial  times  and  which  most 
people  now  thought  to  be  outgrown.  The  new  nation  had 
found  itself  and  insisted  on  doing  its  work  in  its  own  way, 
not  looking  to  Europe  for  the  policies  it  should  pursue  nor 
slavishly  following  the  paths  laid  down  by  preceding  gener- 
ations. On  this  account  the  War  of  1812  is  often  called 
rightly  the  second  war  of  independence. 

Of  the  conditions  which  were  changed  after  the  war 
five  deserve  especial  attention :  (I)  our  altered  international 
standing,  (II)  changes  in  political  parties,  (III)  changed  eco- 
nomic conditions,  (IV)  the  new  policy  of  the  courts,  and 
(V)  the  development  of  the  West  and  the  demand  for  inter- 
nal improvements.  All  of  these  reflect  the  new  national 
spirit  of  the  people  and  most  of  them  show  that  a  new  na- 
tional policy  was  being  adopted  by  the  central  government. 

250.  Our  Altered  International  Standing.  —  (I)  In  1815 
war  ceased  in  America  and  in  Europe.  After  the  battle  of 
Waterloo  France  and  England  no  longer  found  it  necessary 
to  injure  one  another  directly  or  through  acts  that  affected 
the  trade  of  neutrals.  Our  ships  were  not  stopped  on  the 
high  seas,  and  our  commerce  was  free  from  interference  as 
it  had  not  been  before  for  a  score  of  years.  Aside  from 
these  immunities  we  were  treated  abroad  with  a  respect  that 
cannot  be  accounted  for  on  the  ground  that  the  return  of 
peace  made  it  unnecessary  to  fear  us  as  neutrals.  Foreign 
nations  realized  that  the  United  States  must  no  longer  be 
treated  as  a  third-rate  power.  This  improvement  in  our 
international  standing  was  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the 
United  States  had  now  come  to  recognize  itself  as  a  nation. 
It  was  due  still  more  perhaps  to  the  determination  of  the 
United  States  to  protect  its  rights  by  force  if  necessary.  It 
Algiers  (1815).  was  influencecj  undoubtedly  by  the  promptness  with  which, 
at  the  close  of  the  war  with  England,  our  navy  compelled 


Reasons  for 
improvement. 


War  with 


1815]  Changed  Conditions  277 

the  heads  of  the  Barbary  powers  to  make  restitution  for  McMaster, 
injuries  committed  during  the  war,  and  to  renounce  all    u>uted  stafe 
claims  to  tribute  which  had  been  paid  theretofore  by  us  and 
which  was  still  being  paid  by  European  states. 

The  increased  respect  which  we  commanded  abroad  is  Evidence  of 
shown  by  the  greater  eagerness  with  which  foreign  nations  *  better 
sought  our  favor,  and  the  more  satisfactory  terms  which  we 
were  able  to  make  with  them  in  various  treaties.     Probably 
the  best  proof  of  our  real  independence  was  the  willingness 
to  announce  so  bold  a  policy  as  that  embodied  in  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  (5  262),  and  the  influence  which  the  announcement 
of  that  doctrine  had  in  Europe. 

251.    Downfall  of  the  Federalist  Party. —  (II)  Political  Beginning 

conditions  were  radically  different  after  1815.     With  the  ofdomt;stlc 

T-<  •  political  par« 

close  of  the  war  the  r  ederalist  party  practically  disappeared,  ties 

leaving  only  the  Republican  party.  As  far  as  there  were 
any  issues  separating  the  factions  of  this  party,  they  dealt 
with  domestic  affairs  exclusively.  Nothing  more  was  heard 
of  the  French  party  and  the  English  party,  for  with  the  war 
had  passed  the  dominance  of  Europe  in  our  politics.  Be- 
cause of  the  war  and  their  unpatriotic  action  during  that 
conflict,  the  Federalists  ceased  to  exerjt  even  the  minor  ia- 
fluence  they  had  possessed  before  1812. 
They  had  opposed  the  war  from  the  beginning  and  in  Reasons  for 

several  instances  had  acted  in  opposition  to  the  adminis-  Federallst 

downfall, 
tration.     Several  state  legislatures  issued  protests  against 

the  continuance  of  the  war.  All  but  one  of  the  New  Eng- 
land governors  objected  to  the  use  of  the  militia  in  other 
states  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  offensive  war.  Mer- 
chants in  the  Northeast  furnished  the  enemy  with  a  large 
part  cc  their  provisions.  New  England  capitalists,  who 
had  most  of  the  specie  in  the  United  States,  refused  to  aid 
the  government  in  its  attempts  to  sell  bonds.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  national  government  made  no  attempt  to  protect 
the  New  England  states  and  adopted  several  measures  par- 
ticularly injurious  to  that  section. 
The  Federalist  opposition  to  the  war  culminated  in  the 


278 


American  History 


[1815 


Hartford 

convention 

(1814). 

Babcock,  Am. 

Nationality. 

160-167. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
IV,  247-252, 
275- 


Beginnings  of 
manufacturing. 

Schouler, 
United  States, 
II,  243-246. 

Taussig, 
Tariff  Hist., 
17-19,  27-29, 
39.'  5°- 

Difficulties 
of  the  manu- 
facturers 
(1815-1816). 


Hartford  convention,  in  which  three  states  were  represented. 
Their  enemies  claimed  that  in  these  secret  sessions  the  mem- 
bers were  considering  plans  for  secession  from  the  Union, 
but  that  was  not  true.  The  real  purpose  of  the  convention 
was  to  protest  against  the  war  and  unite  on  certain  measures 
for  the  protection  of  the  sectional  interests  of  the  New  Eng- 
land states.1  Several  amendments  to  the  Constitution  were 
proposed  that  would,  if'accepted,  safeguard  their  interests. 
The  report  of  the  convention  was  adopted  by  the  legislatures 
of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  and  was  carried  to  Wash- 
ington so  that  it  might  be  laid  before  Congress.  Unfortu- 
nately for  the  Federalists,  it  reached  the  national  capital 
at  the  same  time  as  news  that  peace  had  been  made,  and  that 
the  British  had  sustained  an  overwhelming  defeat  at  New 
Orleans.  The  return  of  peace  removed  the  cause  of  the 
Federalists'  grievances  and  produced  such  a  reaction  against 
that  opposition  party  that  it  was  never  afterward  a  serious 
factor  in  our  political  life. 

252.  The  Tariff  of  1816.  —  (III)  Shut  off  from  Europe  by 
embargo  and  war  during  most  of  the  years  following  1807, 
the  people  of  the  United  States  were  deprived  of  the  use  of 
articles  that  they  had  imported  formerly  except  so  far  as 
crude  substitutes  were  manufactured  in  this  country.  So 
great  was  the  impetus  given  to  manufacturing  during  this 
period  that  the  real  industrial  beginnings  of  the  United  States 
may  be  said  to  date  from  the  great  embargo. 

After  Napoleon  was  overthrown  at  Waterloo  (1815)  and 
Europe  was  at  peace  for  the  first  time  in  twenty  years,  the 
continental  nations  revived  their  old  tariffs  in  order  to  pre- 
vent England  from  sending  them  so  many  manufactured 
articles.  Deprived  of  this  market  for  their  goods,  the  Eng- 

1  The  members  of  the  convention  occupied  much  the  same  ground  taken 
by  Kentucky  and  Virginia  in  their  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799.  They 
claimed  that  in  case  of  deliberate,  dangerous,  and  palpable  infractions  of 
the  Constitution  affecting  the  sovereignty  of  a  state  and  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  "  it  is  not  only  the  right  but  the  duty  of  such  a  state  to  interpose  its 
authority  for  their  protection  in  the  manner  best  calculated  to  secure  that 
end." 


1816]  Changed  Conditions  279 

lish  merchants  shipped  immense  quantities  of  manufactures  McMaster, 
to  America.     Prices  fell  immediately,  and  the  American    United  states, 
manufacturers  found  that  they  could  not  compete  with  their       '  3I9~32  ' 
English   rivals.     Unless  Congress   gave   them   relief  from 
this  deluge  of  foreign  goods,  the  factories  started  during  the 
previous  decade  would  be  obliged  to  close,  as  the  compara- 
tively high  tariff  of  1812,  passed  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
revenue,  was  not  really  protective  and  was  to  continue  only 
a  year  after  peace  was  made. 

Numerous  petitions  were  sent  to  Congress  asking  that  Tariff  of  1816. 
body  to  raise  the  duties  on  wool  and  cotton  manufactures. 
Henry  Clay,  distinguished  throughout  his  career  as  the  great  Dewey,  Finan- 
champion  of  protection  for  American  manufactures,  gave  cial  Htst-  §  73- 
the  proposed  tariff  his  ardent  support.     John  C.  Calhoun 
made  a  speech  in  its  favor  that  was  remarkable  for  its  breadth.   Babcock,  Am. 
Daniel  Webster  and  the  New  England  contingent  hesitated  2  a™*2 
to  support  a  policy  that  threatened  to  injure  the  commerce 
of  that  section.    Many  in  the  South  saw  only  danger  in  Bur  egs  ^id_ 
protection,  but  a  fair  minority  were  won  over  by  the  tariff  die  Period, 
on  cotton  imports  which  would  benefit  indirectly  the  plant-  8-J3- 
ers  in  the  cotton  belt.      In  its  final  form  the  tariff  of  1816, 
the  first  really  protective  tariff  in  our  history,  provided  for 
a  twenty-five  per  cent  ad  valorem  duty  on  cotton  and  wool 
manufactures,  thirty  per  cent  on  some  forms  of  iron  manu- 
factures, a  specific  duty  of  three  cents  a  pound  on  sugar,  and 
lower  rates  on  a  few  other  articles.     In  some  respects  it  was 
the  most  national  tariff  ever  enacted  in  Congress,  as  it  re- 
ceived some  support  in  every  section  of  the  country. 

253.    The  Second  National  Bank. — The  change  in  the  Need  of  a 
national  sentiment  of  the  people  and  in  the  willingness  to  national  bank 
intrust  a  greater  amount  of  power  to  the  central  government 
is  more  striking  in  the  case  of  the  national  bank  than  in 
that  of  the  tariff.    The  first  national  bank  had  been  obliged 
to  discontinue  its  operations  as  a  national  corporation  in 
1811   when  Congress  refused  to  renew  its  charter.    The 
opposition  to  the  bank  among  the  Republicans  was  quite 
strong  because  they  felt  that  there  was  considerable  doubt 


280 


American  History 


[1816 


The  second 
United  States 
bank. 


MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No.  33. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist.,  §  67. 


McMaster, 
Untied  States, 
IV,  309-314. 


Support  given 
to  tne  central 
government. 


Magruder, 
Marshall, 
Chapter  X. 


as  to  its  constitutionality,  and  because  many  believed  that 
the  influence  of  the  bank  had  been  exerted  for  corrupt  ends. 
Nevertheless  the  bill  to  renew  the  charter  in  1811  was  lost 
by  the  casting  vote  of  the  vice  president  in  the  Senate. 
During  the  war  with  England,  the  dilatory  policy  of  the 
government  in  raising  taxes,  coupled  with  the  great  increase 
of  paper  money  issued  by  the  local  banks  that  had  sprung 
into  existence  after  the  discontinuance  of  the  national  bank, 
caused  great  confusion  in  the  currency  and  left  both  the 
government  and  the  country  in  a  serious  financial  condition. 

It  was  believed  quite  generally  that  a  national  bank  would 
be  of  the  greatest  service  in  aiding  the  national  government 
and  in  remedying  the  currency  ills  of  the  country.  As  very 
little  doubt  existed  now  as  to  the  constitutionality  of  a  national 
bank,  there  was  little  difficulty  in  passing  an  act  for  a  second 
national  bank.1  This  bank  was  chartered  for  twenty  years 
and  was  to  have  a  capital  of  $35,000,000,  of  which  one  fifth 
was  to  be  subscribed  by  the  national  government.  Most 
of  the  remainder  was  to  be  in  bonds  or  notes  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  to  aid  the  government  in  conducting  its 
fiscal  operations.  Unlike  its  predecessor,  the  stock  for 
which  had  been  owned  almost  entirely  abroad,  the  bank 
was  supported  by  American  capitalists,  the  number  of  those 
owning  stock  being  very  much  larger  than  thoss  interested 
in  the  earlier  bank.  Although  the  bank  did  relieve  the 
financial  situation  somewhat,  it  was  managed  badly  for 
several  years  and  did  not  prove  a  great  success  at  the  be- 
ginning. 

254.  The  Supreme  Court.  —  (IV)  The  influence  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  strengthening  the  national  government 
at  this  time  can  hardly  be  overestimated.  On  account  of 
the  national  sentiment  among  the  people  during  the  period 
following  the  war,  the  court  was  allowed  to  render  and  en- 
force several  decisions  which  defined  more  clearly  the  work 

1  Most  of  the  opposition  came  from  the  Federalists,  whose  anti-national 
attitude  at  this  time  was  followed  by  their  complete  disappearance  soon 
after. 


1819]  Changed  Conditions  281 

which  Congress  might  do  and  enlarged  the  sphere  of  duties   Bahcock,  Am. 
left  to  the  government  at  Washington.     In  this  task  of  in-   Nafionallfy, 
creasing  the  authority  of  the  national  government,  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Chief  Justice,  John  Marshall,  was  preeminent, 
although  the  other  justices  held  very  liberal  views.    There    t,  '  '  lg  J'   . 

Supreme  Court^ 

were  two  ways  in  which  the  court  gave  its  support  to  the  38-46,54-61. 
national  government:  (i)  by  interpreting  in  a  liberal  way 
that  clause  of  the  Constitution  which  gives  Congress  the  right 
to  use  all  means  which  are  necessary  and  proper  for  carry- 
ing into  execution  the  powers  specifically  conferred  on  the 
national  government  by  the  Constitution,  thus  indorsing 
the  right  of  Congress  to  use  "implied"  powers,1  and  (2)  by 
preventing  the  states  from  interfering  with  the  work  of  the 
central  government.2 

The  right  of  Congress  to  use  implied  powers  was  expressed  Use  of  implied 
most  emphatically  in  the  case  of  M'Culloch  v.  Maryland  P°wers- 
(1819),  when  the  court  declared  that  Congress  had  the  right 

to  charter  a  national  bank,  although  the  Constitution  does  Harti  Contem- 

i          .  11.  poraritt, 

not  mention  such  a  right  in  the  list  of  enumerated  powers.   m>  No  ^  . 

Marshall  admitted  that  the  powers  of  the  national  govern- 
ment were  limited,  but  claimed  that  Congress  had  the  right 
to  use  its  discretion  as  to  the  means  which  it  might  employ 
in  performing  its  duties.  "  Let  the  end  be  legitimate,  let 
it  be  within  the  scope  of  the  Constitution,  and  all  means 
which  are  appropriate,  which  are  plainly  adapted  to  that  end, 
which  are  not  prohibited,  but  consistent  with  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  Constitution,  are  constitutional." 

255.    The  Development  of  the  West.  —  (V)  Undoubtedly  Causes  of 
the  most  important  of  the  changes  which  took  place  during  m'gratlon  to 
this  period  was  the  westward  movement  by  which  the  eastern 
half  of  the  Mississippi  and  Gulf  basins  was  peopled,  lead- 
ing directly  to  the  admission  of  several  new  states  and  indi- 
rectly to  a  great  development  in  the  democratic  and  national 

1  Constitution,  Art.  I,  §  8,  Cl.  18. 

2  The  court  also  limited  the  powers  of  the  states  in  the  interests  of  indi- 
vidual rights,  as  in  the  famous  Dartmouth  College  case,  in  which  the  right 
of  a  state  to  alter  a  charter  was  denied. 


282 


American  History 


[1815 


Extent  of 
migrations. 

Turner,  New 
West,  67-83. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
IV,  381-396. 


Cumberland 
road. 


Sparks, 

Expansion, 

256-264. 


spirit  of  the  people  (§§  290,  297).  The  war  had  served  to 
awaken  the  nation.  Thousands  became  dissatisfied  with 
the  old  humdrum  life  of  the  eastern  border,  and  turned  to 
the  West  —  the  land  of  enterprise,  of  opportunity,  of 
wealth.  Before  the  war  the  emigration  to  the  West  had 
been  considerable,  after  1813  it  became  rapid,  and  by  1815 
it  was  little  less  than  marvelous.  The  stagnation  in  the 
coast  cities  due  to  the  blockade  maintained  during  the  war 
and  the  limited  market  for  farm  products  had  much  to  do 
with  the  exodus.  The  richness  of  the  soil,  the  liberal  land 
policy  of  the  government  (§  289),  and  the  greater  political 
rights  enjoyed  in  the  West  (§  290)  were  not  the  least  of  the 
inducements  in  the  country  beyond  the  mountains. 

Several  of  the  southern  coast  states  considered  measures 
for  preventing  further  emigration  to  Mississippi,  Alabama, 
and  Tennessee,  the  population  of  which  expanded  amazingly 
in  the  years  following  the  destruction  of  the  Indian  strong- 
holds by  forces  under  Jackson.  But  the  growth  of  the  South 
did  not  equal  that  of  the  North.  The  roads  to  the  West 
were  one  succession  of  emigrant  wagons  carrying  families 
and  household  goods.  At  one  point  in  Pennsylvania  five 
hundred  wagons  were  counted  in  a  single  month.  Nearly 
fifty  thousand  persons  moved  into  Indiana  in  the  single  year 
1816.  Villages  sprang  up  as  if  by  magic.  Speculation  in 
town  lots  and  farm  lands  became  common.  Everywhere 
the  country  teemed  with  life  and  excitement.  Nor  did  ex- 
pansion stop  with  the  Mississippi  River.  Into  the  trackless 
wastes  beyond  the  Father  of  Waters  poured  the  pioneers, 
closely  followed  by  the  farmers  with  their  families. 

256.  Internal  Improvements.  — Most  of  the  states  west 
of  the  Alleghany  Mountains  desired  to  improve  all  possible 
means  of  communication,  because  they  were  essential  to 
their  development.  They  expended  large  sums  of  money 
for  roads  and  canals,  granted  privileges  and  gave  bonuses 
to  private  companies  engaged  in  improving  highways  and 
waterways,  and  sought  from  the  national  government  aid 
in  constructing  roads.  When  the  state  of  Ohio  was  admitted 


1817]  Changed  Conditions  283 

into  the  Union  (1803),  Congress  agreed  to  spend  the  proceeds 
arising  from  the  sale  of  certain  public  lands  in  building  a 
national  road  which  should  connect  the  state  with  the  sea- 
coast.  Naturally  the  states  west  of  Ohio  insisted  on  a  con- 
tinuance of  this  highway.  The  route  selected  was  from 
Cumberland,  through  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia 
to  Wheeling  on  the  Ohio,  and  west  through  Columbus  and 
Indianapolis  to  Vandalia,  Illinois,  beyond  which  nothing  » 

was  done.  Work  on  this  "  Cumberland  road  "  progressed 
slowly,  although  Congress  began  at  an  early  date  to  make 
appropriations  supplementing  the  land  funds,  thus  estab- 
lishing firmly  as  a  governmental  policy  that  system  of  inter- 
nal improvements  which  has  done  so  much  for  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States  both  foreign  and  inland. 

After  the  war  with  England,  Congress  took  up  in  earnest  internal  Im- 
the  question  of  internal  improvements.1    Under  the  lead  PtovementBill 
of  Calhoun,  Congress  discussed  a  system  of  roads  and  canals 
similar  to  the  famous  plan  proposed  by  Albert  Gallatin, 

f  ,,  •        n    r>       rr<7  i  i      Hart,  Contem- 

secretary  of  the  treasury,  in  1808.     There  were  to  be  canals  ^oraries 

connecting  all  of  the  important  bays  along  the  Atlantic  ill,  No.  131. 

coast  in  order  to  permit  communication  by  inland  waters 

from  one  part  of  the  coast  with  another  in  time  of  war,  a  Burgess, 

national  road  from  Maine  to  Georgia,  several  roads  to  the  Middle  Period, 

West,  and  military  roads  on  the  frontiers.    The  money  paid  I4~l8' 

by  the  national  bank  for  its  charter  was  voted  by  Congress 

for  the  partial  improvement  of  these  roads  and  canals,  the  McMaster- 

, r  ,     United  States, 

rest  to  be  appropriated  by  the  states,  but  the  bill  was  vetoed  1V>  4n_4iS. 
by  President  Madison  (1817),  who  favored  the  scheme 
but  could  not  overcome  his  constitutional  scruples.  The 
national  government  afterward  built  several  military  roads, 
which  were  located,  however,  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  of  com- 
paratively little  value  to  commerce  and  interstate  migration. 

257.    Importance    of   the   Westward   Movement.  —  The  New  national 
part  which  the  West  took  in  the  development  of  the  nation  ^P6  in  the 

West 

in  the  years  following  the  second  war  with  England  can  be 

1  Appropriations  had  been  made  before  that  time  for  post  roads  and  for 
harbors  and  lighthouses  as  an  aid  to  commerce. 


284 


American  History 


[1818 


Results 
attained  in 
the  West. 


Turner,  F.  J., 
in  Atlantic, 
XCI  (1903), 
83-96. 


New  States 
(1815-1819). 


appreciated  in  part  from  the  preceding  sections.  But  the 
growth  of  the  West  did  much  more  than  awaken  the  people 
and  present  new  problems  for  the  nation  to  solve.  It 
changed,  gradually  of  course,  the  point  of  view  of  the  whole 
population,  for  in  the  West  much  sooner  than  in  the  East 
the  people  came  to  look  upon  things  from  a  national,  not 
from  a  local  standpoint.  The  emigrants  from  the  Atlantic 
states  who  settled  in  the  Mississippi  valley  had  no  local 
traditions  in  their  new  settlements  and  forgot  their  pride  in 
their  former  state.  More  than  one  western  state  was  settled 
by  people  from  a  dozen  other  states  who  lost  quickly  most 
of  the  characteristics  that  continued  for  two  generations  in 
the  old  home.  In  the  cosmopolitan  West  a  new  race  was 
developed  that  was  a  blending  of  the  colonial  types  which 
still  existed  on  the  Atlantic  border.  Here  was  the  beginning 
of  the  really  new  nation,  the  American  people. 

Four  things  of  the  first  importance  the  West  was  doing 
at  this  time  which  the  whole  people  adopted  later,  (i)  The 
American  type  was  developed  —  a  race  that  blended  many 
of  the  characteristics  of  the  eastern  people  from  whom  it 
sprang,  uniting  with  them  a  vigor,  an  enterprise,  a  broad- 
mindedness  that  was  its  own.  (2)  The  West  viewed  things 
from  a  national  rather  than  a  local  or  sectional  standpoint. 
(3)  In  the  West,  legal  and  political  equality  was  developed 
much  earlier  than  in  the  older  parts  of  the  country.  (4)  The 
West  presented  many  political  and  social  problems  for  the  en- 
tire nation  to  solve,  and  itself  decided  the  solution  of  many  of 
those  problems,  because  the  West  was  progressive  and  united. 

SLAVERY  AND  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS  (1819-1824) 

258.  The  Missouri  BUI  (1818-1819). — The  growth  of 
the  West  in  the  period  following  1815  was  so  remarkable  that 
territories  were  prepared  for  statehood  with  amazing  rapid- 
ity. Although  the  growth  was  greater  in  the  Northwest  than 
in  the  Southwest,  care  was  taken  to  preserve  the  balance 
between  the  free  states  and  the  slave  states.  Indiana  (1816) 
was  followed  by  Mississippi  (1817),  and  after  Illinois  was 


r8i8]  Slavery  and  Foreign  Affairs  285 

admitted  (1818)  the  application  of  Alabama  was  considered 
favorably.  All  of  these  states  were  located  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  and  were  in  territory  set  aside  as  free  or  slave 
years  before. 

The  situation  was  radically  different  in  Missouri,  which  First  Missouri 
applied  for  admission  as  a  slave  state  in  1818.    Missouri  bllL 
was  in  temtory  that  had  been  acquired  after  the  Constitu- 
tion had  been  adopted,  and  Congress  was  free  to  adopt  such  ^acDonald- 

Documents, 

a  policy  as  it  wished  in  this  region.    There  was  a  growing  No.  35. 
sentiment  in  parts  of  the  United   States  against  slavery 
extension,  and,  although  slavery  had  existed  in  Missouri   Bursts, 
from  the  time  of  French  rule,  there  was  considerable  oppo-   Middle  Period, 
sition  to  the  continuance  of  slavery  in  that  region,  especially  66~74' 
as  Missouri  was  almost  entirely  north  of  the  line  of  the  Ohio 
River,  which  in  the  middle  West  marked  the  boundary 
between  the  slave  and  free  states.    On  this  account,  when 
the  House  of  Representatives  began  consideration  of  the  bill 
to  admit  Missouri  as  a  slave  state,  James  Tallmadge  of  New 
York  offered  an  amendment  that  all  children  born  in  the 
state  after  its  admission  be  free  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years. 
After  an  extended  debate  the  House  adopted  the  Tallmadge 
amendment  by  a  majority  of  four  votes,  but  the  Senate  re- 
fused to  agree  and  passed  the  bill  admitting  Missouri  as  a 
slave  state  without  the  Tallmadge  amendment.    Nothing 
further   could  be  done  that  session,  for  neither  chamber 
would  rc'ede  from  its  position. 

259.  The  Missouri  Problem.  — The  reason  for  this  dead-  Different  views 
lock  between  the  houses  of  Congress  is  interesting.  As  the  of  Senate  ana 
states  are  represented  equally  in  the  Senate,  and  the  slave 
states  were  as  numerous  as  the  free  states,  the  pro-slavery 
leaders  controlled  the  Senate  because  the  senators  from 
the  slave  states  were  united  in  favor  of  admitting  Missouri 
with  slavery,  whereas  the  northern  members  were  divided 
in  sentiment.  In  the  House,  however,  since  representation 
was  based  on  population,  and  five  negroes  were  counted 
as  equal  to  three  whites  for  purposes  of  representation,  the 
northern  members  outnumbered  those  from  the  South  by 


286 


American  History 


[1819 


Views  of  the 
people. 


Me  Master, 
United  States, 
IV,  576-580. 


The  Maine- 
Missouri  bill. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
III,  Nos.  135, 
136. 

Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
67-87. 


Discussion  of 
compromise. 


twenty-five.  Although  the  southern  representatives  were 
united  closely  by  their  slavery  interest,  they  could  not  gain 
the  support  of  enough  members  from  the  North  to  give  them 
a  majority  in  the  lower  house. 

Before  the  new  Congress  met  in  December,  1819,  the 
sentiment  of  the  country  had  been  expressed  fully  and  clearly 
on  the  Missouri  question.  Meetings  had  been  held  in  most 
of  the  large  northern  cities  and  resolutions  had  been  adopted 
in  public  gatherings,  in  town  meetings,  and  in  state  legis- 
latures, which  requested  Congress  to  forbid  the  further  ex- 
tension of  slavery  beyond  the  Mississippi.  From  the  South 
came  numerous  petitions  asking  that  Missouri  be  admitted 
with  slavery. 

Before  the  Missouri  bill  came  up  in  earnest,  however, 
the  House  passed  a  bill  admitting  Maine  as  a  free  state. 
When  the  Maine  bill  reached  the  Senate,  the  Missouri  bill 
with  slavery  was  attached  to  it.  Several  weeks  were  spent 
by  both  houses  in  discussing  the  Missouri  question.  The 
arguments  presented  at  this  session  were  similar  to  those 
used  during  the  preceding  year.  Most  of  those  who  wished 
to  have  Missouri  admitted  with  slavery  did  not  attempt  to 
deny  that  slavery  was  an  evil,  but  argued  that  its  diffusion 
over  a  greater  area  would  lead  to  its  extinction  sooner  than 
restriction  within  a  limited  territory.  They  claimed  that 
Congress  had  no  right  to  impose  important  conditions  like 
that  which  prohibited  slavery  within  a  state  on  its  admission 
to  the  Union.  Their  opponents  maintained  zealously  that 
slavery  was  a  curse  which  should  not  be  allowed  to  expand ; 
that  it  was  more  wasteful  and  dearer  than  free  labor.1 

260.  The  Missouri  Compromises  (1820-1821).  The 
debate  in  the  Senate  on  the  Maine-Missouri  bill  was  con- 

1  They  pointed  to  the  conditions  in  Louisiana  at  the  time  of  its  admis- 
sion and  to  the  conditions  prohibiting  slavery  that  had  been  exacted  from 
the  states  formed  out  of  the  "  Northwest  territory  "  to  show  that  Congress 
had  the  power  to  regulate  important  matters  for  states  on  their  admission 
to  the  Union.  The 'proslavery  debaters  claimed  that  Congress  could  not 
have  forced  these  states  to  accept  that  condition,  but  that  they  had  done 
so  freely. 


1821] 


Slavery  and  Foreign  Affairs 


287 


eluded  by  the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to  that  dual 
measure,  proposed  by  Senator  Thomas  of  Illinois,  which 
prohibited  slavery  forever  within  the  territory  acquired  from 
France  north  of  36°  30'  except  in  the  state  of  Missouri. 
But  the  House  refused  to  concur.  It  passed  a  Missouri 
bill  of  its  own  with  a  clause  prohibiting  slavery,  but  after  a 
conference  the  House 
yielded,  and  the  first 
Missouri  compromise 
was  completed. 

Missouri  was  ad- 
mitted without  men- 
tion of  slavery,  but 
slavery  was  thereafter 
prohibited  north  of  36° 
30'  in  the  rest  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase. 
Maine  was  admitted 
separately  as  a  free 
state.  A  year  later  it 
was  found  that  the  new 
Missouri  constitution 
did  not  allow  free 
blacks  or  mulattoes  to  settle  in  the  state.  A  sectional 
clash  on  this  provision  was  settled  by  a  second  compromise, 
engineered  by  Clay,  which  provided  that  the  Missouri  con- 
stitution should  never  be  construed  so  as  to  prevent  citizens 
of  other  states  from  migrating  to  Missouri. 

In  this  way  did  the  statesmen  of  that  period  settle  the 
first  important  slavery  controversy  under  the  Constitution. 
From  a  legal  point  of  view  the  result  was  wise  and  satis- 
factory. The  right  of  a  state  on  its  admission  to  the  Union 
to  decide  questions  that  were  left  to  the  states  which  were  in 
the  Union  was  affirmed,  as  well  as  the  right  of  Congress  to 
control  absolutely  the  national  territory  before  it  was  erected 
into  states.  As  slavery  had  existed  in  the  Louisiana  territory 
from  the  beginning  and  had  never  been  prohibited  in  any 


Territory  Affected  by  the 
MISSOURI  COMPROMISE 

A  Added  to  Mitsouri    (1836) 


MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos.  37,  38. 


288  American  History  [1819 

part  by  Congress,  the  prohibition  of  slavery  from  the  vast 
region  between  parallels  36°  30'  and  49°  and  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  ridges  of  the  Rockies  was  a  distinct 
advance,  as  so  little  territory  was  left  open  to  slavery.  As 
a  means  for  allaying  sectional  feeling  and  preventing  strife 
over  the  question  of  slavery,  it  was  a  decided  success,  for  in 
the  forty  years  that  elapsed  before  the  North  and  South 
finally  resorted  to  arms  to  settle  this  problem,  the  anti- 
slavery  section  had  developed  much  more  rapidly  than  the 
region  dependent  on  slavery. 

Florida  and  the       261.  Florida.  —  After   the   acquisition   of  Louisiana    in 

United  States      1803,   Spain  retained  the  Floridas  in  the  southeast  and 

Mexico  in  the  southwest.     Between  our  territory  and  these 

Burgrss,  Spanish  possessions,  no  definite  boundary  lines  had  been 

Middle  Period,    established.     We  claimed  the  western  part  of  the  Floridas 

as  part  of  Louisiana  (§  233),  but  failed  to  gain  this  region 

until   1811,  when  disorder  in  that  section  led   President 

Babcock  Am.     Macjjson  to  extend  the  authority  of  the  United  States  over 

Nationality, 

26-29.  128-130,  the  territory  as  far  east  as  the  Perdido  River.    During  the 
271-283.  war  with  England  the  rest  of  the  Floridas  was  used  as  a 

base  of  operations  by  the  British,  and  became  the  home  of 
slaves  and  criminals  who  escaped  from  the  states.  Spain 
was  unable  to  control  the  territory  or  to  prevent  runaways 
from  making  it  a  place  of  refuge.  When  these  difficulties 
were  aggravated  by  Indian  disturbances  which  threatened 
our  borders,  General  Jackson  invaded  Florida,  captured 
Pensacola  and  other  towns,  and  hanged  the  British  sub- 
jects, Ambrister  and  Arbuthnot,  who  had  stirred  up  the 
Indians.1 

1  Crawford,  Clay,  and  Calhoun  criticised  Jackson's  action  and  an 
attempt  was  made  to  have  him  censured  by  Congress.  This  failed  miser- 
ably. Only  one  member  of  the  cabinet,  Adams,  defended  Jackson;  but 
Jackson,  supposing  that  Calhoun  was  his  defender,  was  bitter  toward 
Adams,  especially  after  1825  (§  264).  When  ten  years  later  he  learned  that 
Calhoun  had  worked  against  him  at  this  time,  his  friendship  for  Calhoun 
was  changed  into  the  harshest  enmity.  These  enmities  which  grew  out  of 
the  attempt  of  jealous  politicians  to  discredit  a  general  who  was  becoming 
very  popular  had  a  great  influence  on  the  history  of  the  next  twenty 
years. 


1823]  Slavery  and  Foreign  Affairs  289 

Spain  and  Great  Britain   protested,  but   Spain,  rinding  Florida 'treaty 

that  she  could  not  control  the  territory  properly  and  that  (I8l9-i82i). 
it  would  be  seized  by  the  United  States  if  she  did  not  cede 

it  peaceably,  agreed  to  transfer  it  to  the  United  States  in  Mac  Donald, 

return  for  $5,000,000.    The  treaty  also  denned  the  south-  NO.M*^ 
western  boundary  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,1 

yielding  the  whole  of  Texas  which  the  United  States  desired  F          . 

but  could  not  claim  justly.2    This  treaty  of  1819  was  not  Diplomacy, 

ratified  by  the    Spanish    and  two   years  elapsed  before  a  256-26S- 
similar  treaty  was  concluded  with  slight  modifications  in 

favor  of  the  United  States.     In  this  way  the  United  States  Morse, 

rounded  out  her  territory  so  as  to  attain  a  natural  boundary  ^  ®'  Adams> 

i  i^-ng,  124— 

on  the  southeast.     Had  Spain  refused  to  sell  us  Florida,   I2s. 
we  should  have  been  forced  to  seize  the  peninsula  to  protect 
our   interests.     The   limitation    of   the   western    boundary 
was  a  grievance  to  the  expansionists,  for  Americans  were 
already  making  their  way  to  Texas. 

262.    The    Monroe    Doctrine   (1823).  —  Soon   after   the  The  Holy  Alli- 
settlement  of  the  Florida  difficulty  the  United  States  was  con-  a"ce *nd  Span" 

ish  affairs. 

fronted  by  a  very  much  more  serious  problem  growing  out  of 
the  inability  of  Spain  to  control  her  American  colonies  and 

,  i  ,,.  ,-,  Andrews,  Devt. 

the  attempt  on  the  part  of  an  alliance  of  four  European  pow-  0fMo(i.  EU- 
ers — Russia,  Austria,  Prussia,  and  France  —  to  reconquer  *#<?,  1, 115-125. 
for  Spain  her  colonies  that  had  revolted.3    This  alliance  had 
been  formed  originally  in  1815  by  the  emperors  of  Russia  McMaster, 
and  Austria  and  the  king  of  Prussia,  under  the  name  of  the    Unite 
Holy  Alliance,  for  the  real  purpose  of  upholding  the  rights 
of  monarchy  against  the  democratic  movements  which  had 
broken  out  in  different  parts  of  Europe,  especially  during 

1  For  this  line  of  1819,  see  map  page  255. 

2  Many  authorities  believe  that  Texas  was  part  of  the  Louisiana  pur- 
chase, and  there  is  no  doubt  that  Napoleon  would  have  insisted  on  the  Rio 
Grande  as  the  southwest  limit  of  the  territory. 

3  Most  of  Spain's  possessions  in  this  hemisphere  had  established  sepa- 
rate governments  during  the  years  following  1808  when  Napoleon  attempted 
to  rule  Spain.     They  had  returned  to  their  allegiance  after  the  Spanish 
monarchy  was  reestablished,  but  even  before  the  revolutionists  gained  the 
upper  hand  in  Spain  again  in  1820  the  colonies  declared  their  independ- 
ence. 

U 


290 


American  History 


[1823 


Monroe  mes- 
sage (1823). 


the  disorders  of  the  Napoleonic  wars.  All  attempts  to  gain 
a  greater  degree  of  self-government  within  their  dominions 
were  suppressed  by  force.  In  1820  the  people  of  Spain  and 
some  other  countries  revolted  against  the  arbitrary  rule  of 
their  monarchs,  revolutionary  governments  being  established. 
The  Alliance  directed  France  to  suppress  the  Spanish 
revolution.  The  Holy  Alliance  then  announced  that  the 
Spanish-American  states  were  to  be  conquered  for  Spain. 

As  England  desired  the  trade 
of  these  new  republics,  her 
prime  minister,  Canning,  im- 
mediately suggested  that  the 
United  States  should  join  her 
in  a  protest  against  this  re- 
actionary step.  President 
Monroe  sought  the  advice 
of  Jefferson,  Madison,  and 
his  cabinet.  All  agreed  that 
the  threatened  attack  of  the 
Alliance  must  be  averted, 
but  through  the  influence  of 
Secretary  of  State  Adams, 
Great  Britain  and  the  United 

States  decided  to  make  separate  protests  against  the  re- 
establishment  of  Spanish  rule  over  the  states  that  had 
declared  their  independence. 

In  his  regular  message  to  Congress  in  December,  1823, 
Monroe  announced  the  famous  doctrine  since  known  by 
his  name.1  He  declared  that  we  had  never  interfered  in 


JAMES  MONROE 


1  He  declared  that  "  we  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor  and  to  the  amicable 
relations  existing  between  the  United  States  and  those  powers  [the  Holy 
Alliance],  to  declare  that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to 
extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our 
peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any 
European  power,  we  have  not  interfered,  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with 
the  governments  who  have  declared  their  independence,  and  maintained  it, 
and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great  consideration,  and  on  just 
principles,  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for  the  pur- 


1823]  Slavery  and  Foreign  Affairs  291 

distinctively  European  affairs  and  had  no  intention  of  doing  MacDonald, 
so.     We  could  not  permit  the  Alliance  to  reduce  these  states  Documents> 
again  to  the  position  of  colonies.     In  another  part  of  his 
message  Monroe  considered  a  similar  question :  the  aggres- 
sions of  Russia  on  the  northwestern  coast.     "  The  occasion 
has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting  as  a  principle  in  which   156-174. 
the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States  are  involved, 
that  the  American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent 
condition   which   they  have   assumed   and   maintain,   are 
henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects  for  future  colon- 
ization by  any  European  powers."     In  this  way  and  at  this 
time  was  announced  formally  a  policy  which  the  United 
States  had  maintained  almost  from  the  beginning  and  which 
she  has  developed  with  our  needs  into  the  great  American 
doctrine. 

263.  Summary. — The   protest  against   the   commercial  Causes  of 
discriminations  of  France  and  England  was  one  of  the  chief  the  new 
causes  which  aroused  the  national  spirit  of  the  American 
people.    Comparatively  unimportant  as  the  military  events 
of  the  war  must  be  considered,  the  war  really  compelled  the 
people  to  depend  on  themselves  for  many  things  that  had 
been  furnished  formerly  by  Europe ;  it  made  them  unwilling 
longer  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  European  nations  in  matters 
of  internal  political  policies,  and  it  united  the  people  as 
they  were  not  united  even  at  the  beginning  of  the  conflict. 

The  new  national  spirit  which  grew  out  of  this  second    Results 

war   for   independence   was   especially    noticeable   in   the   of  the  new 

.  ,         .  ,.,...,  ,.  .     ,  .  national  spirit, 

consideration  of  distinctively  American  political  questions, 

in  the  adoption  of  a  national  protective  tariff,  and  a  new 
United  States  Bank  that  was  at  once  national  and  demo- 
cratic, in  increased  centralization  through  the  greater  powers 
exercised  by  Congress  and  indorsed  by  the  Supreme  Court. 
National  unity  in  its  turn  gave  us  a  better  international 
position,  so  that  we  may  be  said  to  have  risen  from  a  third- 
pose  of  oppressing  them  or  controlling,  in  any  other  manner,  their  destiny, 
by  a  European  power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an 
unfriendly  disposition  toward  the  United  States." 


292  American  History  [1811 

class  power  to  one  of  the  second  rate.  In  connection  with 
the  adoption  of  the  policy  now  known  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
we  gave  proof  that  we  were  no  longer  subservient  to  any  of 
the  great  nations  of  Europe. 

The  West  and  The  events  of  the  period  from  1811  to  1818,  the  latter 
iiems.  parj.  Q£  which  was  a  time  of  very  great  prosperity,  were  favor- 
able not  alone  to  the  development  of  a  national  spirit  and 
the  extension  of  national  authority  but  to  an  expansion  which 
made  the  West  and  western  questions  of  the  greatest  promi- 
nence. In  this  large  and  rapidly  growing  region,  with  nine 
states  to  fifteen  on  the  Atlantic  border,  there  were  developed 
more  democratic  institutions  than  those  of  the  East.  As  the 
tendency  of  the  century  was  toward  political  equality,  the 
West  simply  accelerated  the  movement  toward  democracy, 
so  that  before  1850  practically  the  entire  nation  had  aban- 
doned class  rule  and  many  social  inequalities.  The  growth 
of  t'.ie  West  compelled  the  nation  to  solve  many  problems, 
among  them  that  of  slavery  extension.  In  connection  with 
the  aJmission  of  Missouri,  the  first  great  contest  occurred 
between  the  forces  which  favored  the  extension  of  slavery 
and  those  that  opposed  its  adoption  in  new  states  and 
territories.  The  compromise  was  chiefly  important  in 
postponing  the  inevitable  conflict  between  the  forces  of  free 
labor  and  of  slave  labor. 

TOPICS 

1.  THE   CAREER   OF  THE   CONSTITUTION:     Roosevelt,  "Naval 
War  of  1812;"   Maclay,  "History  of  the  United  States  Navy,"  I; 
Mahan,  "War  of  1812." 

2.  TREATY   OF   GHENT   (1814):     Stevens,     "Albert    Gallatin," 
pp.  312-337;  Morse,   "John  Quincy  Adams,"  pp.  75-98;    Schurz, 
"Clay,"  I,    pp.    100-125;     Adams,  "United  States,"  VII,  Chapter 
XIV;    VIII,  Chapters  I-II. 

3.  TARIFF  OF  1816:   McMaster,  "People  of  the  United  States," 
IV,  pp.  319-345;    Taussig,   "Tariff  History  of  the  United  States," 
pp.    16-67;     Stanwood,    "Tariff    Controversies   of   the    Nineteenth 
Century,"  I,  pp.  128-159. 

4.  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISES:  Johnston,  "American  Political 
History,"  II,  pp.  110-120;    Von  Hoist,  "Constitutional  History  *»£ 


1824]  A  New  National  Spirit  293 

United  States,"  I,  pp.  356-381;   Burgess,  "Middle  Period,"  pp.  61- 
107;  Schouler,  "United  States,"  III,  pp.  99-103,  147-186. 

STUDIES 

1.  Perry's  victory  on   Lake   Erie.      (Mahan,    "War  of   1812," 
Chapter  XI.) 

2.  Financial  problems  of  the  war.     (Dewey,  "Financial  History 
of  United  States,"  pp.  128-142.) 

3.  Disorders  of  the  currency  which  influenced  the  crisis  of  1819. 
(McMaster,  "People  of  the  United  States,"  IV,  pp.  280-318.) 

4.  Building    the    Cumberland    Road    in    the    West.     (Hulbert, 
"Cumberland  Road,"  pp.  71-90.) 

5.  Character  of  the  West  (1815-1830).     (Turner,  "Rise  of  the 
New  West,"  pp.  84-110.) 

6.  The  Far  West.     (Turner,  "Rise  of  the  New  West,"  pp.  in— 

I33-) 

7.  Diverse   interests  in  the   South   (1820).     (Turner,    "Rise  of 
New  West,"  pp.  45-66.) 

8.  William  Pinckney  on  the   Missouri  controversy.     (Johnston 
(ed.),  "American  Eloquence,"  II,  pp.  63-101.) 

9.  Relations  of  Spain  and  the  United  States  around  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  (1783-1821). 

10.  Authorship    of    the    Monroe    Doctrine.     (Ford,    W.    C.,  in 
American  Historical  Review,  7  (1901),  pp.  676-696,  8,  pp.  28-52.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Summarize  the  grievances  of  New  England.     To  what  extent 
were  they  real  grievances  ?    What  just  complaint  did  the  administra- 
tion have  against  New  England  ?     What  were  the  results  of  New  Eng- 
land's course  during   the  war  on  the  war  itself?   on  the  Federalist 
party  ?   on  the  influence  of  New  England  later  in  the  councils  of  the 
nation  ? 

2.  Why  did  we  declare  war  against  Great  Britain?   How  many  of 
our  grievances  were  removed  during  the  war?  by  the  treaty  of  peace  ? 
How  many  of  the  grievances  existed  after  the  war  ?  what  new  inter- 
national complications  ? 

3.  Compare  fully  the  changes  which  followed  the  Revolutionary 
War  and  that  of  1812.     To  what  extent  were  the  movements  begun 
during  the  period  of  the  Revolution  completed  at  this  time  ? 

4.  What  justification  do  you  find  in  the  Constitution  for  a  protec- 
tive tariff,  a  national  bank,  internal  improvements  ?     Did  the  Repub- 
lican party  favor  a  looser  construction  of  the  Constitution  in  1816 
than  in  1792,  in  1803,  in  1808? 


294  American  History 

5.  Was  slavery  principally  a  political  or  an  economic  issue  ?     Com- 
pare the  advantages  won  by  each  side  in  the  Missouri  compromise. 
What  were  the  constitutional  results  of  the  compromises?   the  polit- 
ical results? 

6.  Just  how  did  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  strengthen 
nationality?    Was  the   court   sufficiently  conservative?    Would  its 
permanent  influence  have  been  greater  by  following  a  different  policy? 
If  so,  what  policy  ? 

7.  What  was  the  purpose  of  the  Holy  Alliance  ?    What  had  been 
done  by  the  Alliance  in  Europe?    What  was  the  attitude  of  England 
toward  the  Alliance  before  1822?   after  1822?    What  was  the  rela- 
tion of  the  Alliance  and  Russia  in  Alaska  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  ? 


CHAPTER  XHI 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRACY  (1824-1843) 


PRESIDENTS 


John  Quincy  Adams  (1825-1829) 
Andrew  Jackson  (1829-1837) 
Martin  Van  Buren  (1837-1841) 


William  Henry  Harrison 

(1841-1841) 
John  Tyler  (1841-1845); 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  DEMOCRACY  (1824-1829) 


:.. 


264.  The  Presidential  Election  of  1824  marks  the  fcegin-  Candidates, 
ning  of  the  transition  from  the  old  order  to  the  new,;  Ac- 
cording to  the  cus- 
tom that  had  been 
followed  at  pre- 
ceding elections 
the  secretary  of 
state  was  consid- 
ered trie  "  heir- 
apparent,"  but 
considerable  op- 
position was  de- 
veloped in  1823 
to  John  Quincy 
Adams,  who  had 
directed  foreign 
affairs  for  Monroe. 
Previously  nomi- 
nations had  been 
made  by  a  caucus 
of  congressmen.  As  there  was  but  one  party  now,  the  Burgess, 


desire  for  a  caucus  was  slight,  since  all  of  the  candidates  e  Period, 

would    be   Republicans.       However,  a  caucus  was  held, 
about    one  fourth    of    the    congressmea.  attending,   and 

295 


296 


American  History 


[1824 


Peck,  Jack- 
sonian  Epoch. 


Elections 
(1824  and 
1825). 


Burgess, 
Middle  Period 
136-144. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
V,  72-81. 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter  XI. 


Character  of 
J.  Q.  Adams. 


William  H.  Crawford  of  Georgia,  then  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  was  nominated.  The  other  candidates  were  Henry 
Clay,  the  most  popular  speaker  the  House  ever  had,  and 
Andrew  Jackson,  the  "  hero  of  New  Orleans,"  who  had 
emerged  from  the  Florida  imbroglio  with  added  reputation. 
Although  he  had  been  senator  from  Tennessee  twice  and  had 
held  other  public  offices,  he  was  considered  by  the  people  as 

entirely  different  from  the 
officeholding  candidates  whom 
he  opposed. 

The  election  was  not  de- 
cided in  November  as  is 
usually  the  case,  for  no  one 
had  a  majority  of  the  electoral 
votes.  Jackson  received  99, 
mainly  from  the  South  and 
West,  Adams  84,  principally 
from  the  Northeast,  Crawford 
stood  third  with  41,  and  Clay 
fourth  with  37.  As  the  Con- 
stitution requires  the  House  of  Representatives  to  select  the 
president  from  the  three  candidates  having  the  largest  number 
of  votes,  whenever  the  electoral  college  fails  to  give  any  one 
a  majority,  Clay  held  the  balance  of  power.  His  influence 
was  thrown  to  Adams,  who  was,  like  Clay,  a  believer  in  the 
liberal  construction  of  the  Constitution,  a  protective  tariff, 
and  internal  improvements.  But  when  Clay  was  selected 
as  Adams's  secretary  of  state,  followers  of  Jackson  cried 
out  that  a  "corrupt  bargain"  had  been  made  between 
Clay  and  Adams.  Jackson  never  forgave  Adams  for 
"  cheating  "  him  out  of  the  presidency,  and  his  dislike  for 
Clay  was  intensified  by  the  latter's  preference  for  his  rival. 

Austere,  painstaking,  and  impartial,  Adams  made  few 
friends  and  won  over  no  enemies,  by  settling  all  questions 
and  making  all  appointments  on  their  merits.  His  personal 
enemies  fought  him  at  every  turn  in  Washington,  and  the 
people  turned  from  him  and  his  policy  to  more  popular  men 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS 


1      F      1       C 


1826]  Triumph  of  Democracy  297 

and  measures.  The  last  president  of  the  old  regime,  Adams 
failed  because  the  country  had  outgrown  the  aristocratic 
system  which  he  represented  and  had  become  democratic. 

265.  New  Political  Parties.  —  The  presidential  election  National 
of  1824-1825  and  the  subsequent  formation  of  factions,  com-  Republicans. 
posed  on  the  one  hand  of  supporters  of  the  administration  — 
the  Adams  and  Clay  men  —  and  on  the  other  hand  of  the  J°hnston, 
Jackson  men,  marks  the  beginning  of  a  permanent  break  n  jMs-aas/1 
in  the  old  Republican  party.     Although  in  large  part  these 
factions  represented  personal  views  and  antagonisms,  they  „  . 
held  essentially  different  views  on  questions  of  public  policy,   i,  311-320. 
Both  Adams  and  Clay  were  ardent  protectionists  and  be- 
lieved in  a  broad  construction  of  the  Constitution  which  would 
extend    the    powers    of   the    national    government.    They 
adopted   therefore  the  name  of  "  National  Republicans," 
although  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  the  name  "  Whig  " 
was  used  more  commonly. 

Their  opponents,  who  gradually  rallied  around  Jackson  jacksonian 
as  the  coming  man,  were  as  a  rule  strict  constructionists.   Democrats. 
Although  not  at  the  beginning  supporters  of  popular  govern- 
ment, in  time  they  came  to  adopt  the  views  of  their  intense  Johnston, 
domineering  leader   on    that   question.    Jackson   ardently  ,™'    '  ''    *'  f" 
advocated  the  right  of  the  people  to  rule  untrammelled  by 

traditions   which    had    been    established    by   conservative  , 

MacDonald, 
aristocrats.     The  party  of  Jackson,  known  as  "  Democrats," 


occupied  a  rather  unusual  position.  While  they  believed  Democracy. 
in  a  strict  construction  of  the  Constitution,  they  asserted  3  3I5' 
with  Jackson  that  the  will  of  the  people  should  decide  how 
the  powers  of  the  general  government  should  be  used. 
Unlike  their  predecessors,  the  Jeffersonian  Republicans, 
who  opposed  centralization  and  favored  the  rights  of  the 
individual  and  the  expansion  of  state  powers,  the  Jacksonian 
Democrats  believed  in  the  supremacy  of  the  nation.  This 
peculiar  combination  of  contradictory  opinions  was  due  to 
the  personal  preferences  of  "  Old  Hickory,"  a  man  of  great 
simplicity  of  mind,  who  cared  neither  for  political  theories 
nor  political  consistency.  Because  the  nation  was  young, 


298 


American  History 


[1828 


Interest  In 
Jackson's 
candidacy. 


MacDonald, 
Jacksonian 
Democracy, 
28-37. 


Peck, 

Jacksonian 
Epoch. 


Campaign  and 
election. 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter  XI  I. 


Imperfect 
development 
of  a  national 
spirit  before 
1829. 


hopeful,  confident  of  itself,  and  charmed  by  the  personal 
magnetism  of  Jackson,  the  Democratic  party  gained  control 
of  the  affairs  of  the  nation  and  retained  that  control  almost 
without  interruption  for  three  decades. 

266.  The  Election  of  Jackson  (1828).  —  The  Democratic 
party  came  into  power  with  the  first  election  of  Jackson 
(1828).     Since   the   House   of   Representatives   had   been 
called  upon  to  choose  a  president  and  had  passed  by  the 
"  hero  of  New  Orleans  "  for  Adams  (1825),  the  Jackson  men 
had  not  ceased  to  cry  out  against  the  injustice  done  to  their 
leader.    The  will  of  the  people  has  been  defeated,  they 
claimed.    Continued  agitation  of  Jackson's  candidacy,  the 
resolutions  passed  by  numerous  legislatures  in  his  behalf, 
and  the  gradual   abandonment   of   the   old  undemocratic 
method  of  choosing  electors  through  the  legislatures  tended 
to  arouse  among  the  people  for  the  first  time  a  real  interest 
in  a  presidential  election.      Heretofore   the   officeholders 
had  decided  what  candidates  should  head  each  ticket  and 
officeholders. had  elected  the  president.      But  the  times  were 
changing.     In  response  to  a  strong  popular  demand,  the 
suffrage  laws  had  been  made  more  liberal,  so  that  nearly 
twice  as  many  people  could  vote  in  1828  as  in  1824. 

Aside  from  the  deeper  reasons  for  Jackson's  success, 
the  conduct  of  the  campaign  is  interesting.  The  tariff  was  an 
important  issue,  on  which  Jackson  skillfully  avoided  com- 
mitting himself.  Aided  by  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  ablest 
politician  of  that  period,  and  by  most  of  the  southern 
leaders,  Jackson  captured  the  vote  of  every  western  and 
southern  state,  besides  that  of  Pennsylvania  and  scattering 
votes  throughout  the  North.  In  the  electoral  college  the 
vote  stood  178  for  Jackson  to  83  for  Adams. 

267.  The   Importance   of   Jackson's  Election.  —  In   the 
history  of  the  United  States  at  this  time,  and  in  fact  through- 
out the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  were  two 
movements  of  very  great  importance.    The  first  of  these  was 
the  development  of  a  national  spirit  and  a  real  national  unity 
among  the  American  people;    the  second,  the  spread  of 


1829] 


Triumph  of  Democracy 


299 


democracy,  the  belief  in  the  right  of  the  people  to  rule. 
As  we  noticed  in  the  last  chapter  (§§  249-257),  the  national 
spirit  developed  rapidly  between  1810  and  1820,  but  it  had 
not  produced  a  great  change  in  the  central  government. 
To  be  sure  factional  strife  ceased  to  some  extent  and  the 

national   govern-    

ment  was  treated 
with  greater  re- 
spect than  before. 
But  as  the  enthu- 
siasm created  by 
the  war  died  out, 
the  people  re- 
membered again 
their  local  jeal- 
ousies and  the 
central  govern- 
ment was  in  dan- 
ger of  losing  most 
of  the  powers  that 
it  had  gained. 

In  the  two  dec-  ANDREW  JACKSON 

a  d  e  s    preceding 

the  election  of  Jackson,  democracy  had  been  gaining  a  real 
foothold  in  the  states.  Not  only  was  a  much  larger  num- 
ber of  people  allowed  to  vote  than  before,  but  the  voters  en- 
joyed an  infinitely  greater  share  in  public  affairs  (§§290, 
291).  This  has  been  shown  to  some  extent  in  preceding 
paragraphs.  But  this  almost  universal  change  in  the  poli- 
cies of  the  states  and  the  localities  had  produced  before  1828 
no  change  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  at  the  national  capital. 
There  the  rule  of  the  old-time  politician  was  supreme. 
Offices  were  acquired  and  held  according  to  the  length  of 
time  the  candidate  had  been  in  the  public  service.  The 
nation  was  ruled  really  by  a  clique  of  men  who  kept  them- 
selves continually  in  office. 

Jackson   made   the   central   government   of  the   United 


Turner, 
New  West, 
300-309. 


Democracy  in 
the  states  and 
in  the  nation 
before  1829. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
V,  380-394. 


Schouler, 
Const' I  Studies, 
231-245. 


3oo 


American  History 


[1829 


National  and 
democratic 
changes  after 
1829. 

Mace.  Manual 
of  Am.  Hist* 
192-201. 

Ford,  Am. 
Politics, 
Chapter  XIX. 

Nominations 
by  conventions. 

Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
166-177. 


The  campaign 
and  the  party 
"  machine." 


Ford,  Amer. 

Politics, 

144-149. 


States  both  national  and  democratic.  Under  him  it  re- 
sponded to  the  demand  of  the  people  that  they  should  be  al- 
lowed to  govern  and  to  the  wish  of  the  people  that  the  United 
States  should  be  recognized  as  a  real  nation.  Jackson  con- 
sidered himself  the  representative  of  the  nation,  and,  by  the 
fearless  use  of  his  position  as  president,  he  increased  greatly 
the  power  of  the  chief  executive.  In  some  ways  his  election 
deserves  to  be  considered,  as  many  have  called  it,  "  the 
revolution  of  1829." 

268.  New  Political  Methods.  — Since  the  people  were  much 
more  interested  in  government  than  formerly,  they  were  not 
satisfied  simply  with  electing  officials;  they  demanded  the 
initiative  in  political  affairs.  Formerly  the  politicians  in 
power  had  been  in  the  habit  of  holding  a  caucus  for  the 
nomination  of  candidates  for  their  party.  This  kept  them 
and  their  friends  in  power  and  preserved  a  class  rule  which 
was  distasteful  to  the  masses.  Parties  out  of  power,  who 
had  no  officials,  adopted  first  a  method  that  afterward  came 
into  general  use.  From  each  district  in  a  state  representa- 
tives were  chosen  to  a  state  convention,  which  nominated 
party  candidates.  The  first  national  convention  was  held 
by  the  Anti-Masonic  leaders  who  wished  to  perfect  their 
organization  throughout  the  United  States.  This  example 
was  followed  quickly  by  the  older  parties,  who,  in  many 
cases,  adopted  resolutions  stating  their  policy.  From  this 
custom  there  was  developed  in  time  the  platform,  now  an 
indispensable  part  of  the  work  of  every  national  and  many 
state  conventions. 

As  each  party  was  bidding  for  popular  support,  every 
effort  was  made  to  obtain  votes.  Two  of  the  most  important 
methods  introduced  were  the  campaign  and  machine  organ- 
ization. In  the  first,  voters  were  to  be  attracted  by  the 
popular  love  of  display  and  by  "  stump  speaking."  The 
later  presidential  elections  of  1840  and  1844  were  the  best 
examples  of  this.  Even  more  reliance  was  placed  on  more 
perfect  party  organization.  The  "  machine  "  was  not  a 
new  thing,  for  Tammany  Hall  had  used  methods  like  those 


1829]  Triumph  of  Democracy  301 

of  the  present  many  times  since  it  was  formed  in  1789,  but 
now  the  party  "  boss  "  became  a  recognized  power  in  political 
circles,  while  federal  and  state  patronage  were  used  to  control 
votes.  Bribery  was  used  more  frequently,  and  the  wretched 
system  of  the  open  ballot  boxes  made  intimidation  of  voters 
and  "  stuffing  "  of  the  boxes  not  only  possible,  but  quite 
common.  The  political  products  of  democracy  were  as  yet 
of  the  crudest  kind,  and  it  required  years  to  sift  out  the  good 
and  to  reject  the  less  perfect. 

269.  The  Spoils  System.  —  Jackson  introduced  into  the  Jackson's 
national  government  a  system  which  was  at  that  time  used  attitude 
extensively  in  the  states  and  known  best  as  the  "  spoils  appointments 
system."    This   consisted   of  filling  the  offices  with  party 
friends  on  the  principle  that "  to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils."  Wilson  Div 
Jackson  firmly  believed  that  he  could  not  do  his  duty  as  pres-  and  Reunion, 
ident  if  his  subordinates  were  political  enemies,  who  would   $$  I4-i9- 
not  work  with  him.     Himself  a  fierce  hater,  he  expected 
nothing  but  opposition  from  those  who  had  not  favored  his   MacDonaid, 
election  and  took  the  first  opportunity  to  remove  his  enemies    „   sontan 

rr  J  Democracy, 

from  office.  Thousands  of  his  party  followers,  knowing  his  54-63. 
loyalty  to  his  friends  and  already  acquainted  with  the  spoils 
system  at  home,  thronged  to  Washington.  This  horde  of  office- 
seekers  and  their  friends  pressed  into  the  White  House  at 
the  time  of  the  inauguration,  climbing  on  the  chairs  and 
behaving  in  such  a  way  that  the  older  politicians  bewailed 
the  advent  of  "  mob  rule."  Giving  Jackson  no  rest,  they 
importuned  him  day  after  day  for  positions.  They  were 
the  first  of  a  throng  of  office-seekers  who  have  infested  the 
capital  at  every  inauguration  from  that  day  to  this. 

Many  of  them  were  disappointed,  but  in  less  than  a  year  Removals 
Jackson  had  removed  from  office  fifteen  hundred  persons,  and  k'tchen 

...  ,      cabinet. 

about  ten  times  as  many  as  had  been  removed  in  the  preced- 
ing forty  years.  No  reasons  were  given  for  removals  and  no  , 

MacDonaid, 

attempt  was  made  to  appoint  men  except  as  a  reward  for  jacksonian 
party  services.    The  President  not  only  abandoned  precedent  Democracy, 
bv  adopting  the  spoils  system,  but  he  also  followed  a  new  plan  I7j?l'  °' 
of  seeking  advice  from  a  set  of  men  who  were  not  his  cabinet 


302 


American  History 


Georgia  and 
the  Indians. 


MacDonald, 
Jacksonian 
Democracy, 
169-173. 


Controversy 
with  the 
national 
government. 

Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 

210-220. 


American 
Nation,  XIV, 
309-313,  XV, 
173-180. 


officers.  These  advisers  were  known  as  his  "  kitchen 
cabinet."  Before  long  Jackson  abandoned  this  method  of 
securing  help  in  administering  the  duties  of  his  office.  It  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  state  that  his  successors  made  very  little 
use  of  such  an  unofficial  cabinet,  although  they  were  careful 
to  follow  his  policy  of  making  appointments  to  office  for  par- 
tisan reasons  only. 

NATIONAL  SOVEREIGNTY  versus  STATE  SOVEREIGNTY 
(1826-1833) 

270.  Controversies  over  Indian  Lands.  —  During  the 
administration  of  Adams  and  the  first  term  of  Jackson  the 
national  government  was  brought  into  conflict  with  the  state 
of  Georgia.  The  difficulty  arose  over  the  Indian  lands, 
which  settlers  wished  to  occupy,  and  over  which  the  govern- 
ment of  Georgia  desired  to  extend  its  jurisdiction.  These 
lands  in  1825  covered  about  fifteen  thousand  square  miles.1 
By  law  the  Indians  were  under  the  control  of  the  United 
States,  which  had  promised  Georgia  long  before  that  their 
lands  should  be  acquired.  The  promise  had  been  kept  in  part 
only,  because  it  was  customary  to  treat  the  tribes  as  separate 
nations. 

In  1826  Georgia  attempted  to  occupy  forcibly  some  Creek 
lands  which  the  United  States  was  then  seeking  to  acquire. 
The  United  States  troops  were  ordered  by  President  Adams  to 
maintain  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  and  an  armed  conflict  was 
avoided  narrowly  (1826).  A  few  years  later  Georgia  passed  a 
law  extending  her  jurisdiction  over  the  Cherokee  lands.  The 
Cherokees  appealed  to  the  United  States  courts,  which  upheld 
the  Indians  by  declaring  the  Georgia  law  null  and  void. 
When  the  state  proceeded  to  enforce  the  law,  President 
Jackson,  whose  sympathies  were  naturally  not  with  the  In- 
dians, refused  to  interfere,  declaring,  it  is  said,  "  John  Mar- 
shall has  pronounced  his  judgment,  let  him  enforce  it  if  he 

1  In  the  southern  states  east  of  the  Mississippi,  excluding  Florida  terri- 
tory, in  1825  the  Indians  controlled  an  area  larger  than  the  state  of  New 
York. 


1830]  National  vs.  State  Sovereignty  303 

can."    So  the  state  continued  to  disobey  the  decree  of  the 
court. 

Most  of  the  Indians  east  of  the  Mississippi  were  per-  Removal  of 
suaded  to  exchange  their  lands  for  territory  west  of  the  the  lndians. 
river,  chiefly  in  the  district  set  aside  as  Indian  territory.  MacDonaid, 
In  Florida  a  few  Seminole  chiefs  resisted  the  removal  and 
in  Iowa  Black  Hawk  sought  by  war  to  regain  lands  that 
had  been  ceded  already. 

271.  The  Webster-Hayne  Debate  (1830). — In  connection  Argument  of 
with  the  proposed  opening  to  settlement  of  public  lands  Webster, 
in  the  West  and  South,  the  year  following  Jackson's  election, 
there  occurred  the  interesting  debate  between  Webster  and   MacDonald. 
Hayne  of  South  Carolina,  regarding  the  nature  of  the  Union.   Nog  47>  ^ 
Webster  replied  to  Hayne's  earlier  argument  by  declaring 
that  the  Constitution  had  been  adopted  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States  in  the  aggregate.     A  real  union  had  been 
established  by  that  Constitution,  (i)  because  the  Constitution 
and  laws  made  in  accordance  with  it  were  declared  to  be  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,1  and  (.2)  because  the  Constitution 
itself  provides  that  the  national  courts  shall  decide  whether  a 
certain  power  was  given  to  the  national  government  or  with- 
held from  it.2    He  maintained  that  to  acknowledge  the  right  of 
nullification  by  any  state  would  reduce  the  Union  again  to  a 
"  rope  of  sand,"  as  under  the  old  Confederation. 

In  reply  Hayne  argued  that  the  states  had  been  sovereign  Argument 
before  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  and  claimed  that  they  of  Hayne. 
had  acted  in  their  sovereign  capacity  when  agreeing  to  that 
"  compact."     He  denied  that  the  clause  relating  to  the  su-  MacDonaid, 
premacy  of  the  Constitution  and  of  national  laws  transferred 
sovereignty  from  the  states  to  the  nation.  According  to  Hayne, 
when  a  question  arose  regarding  the  power  conferred  on 
the  central  government  by  the  Constitution,  "  resort  must  be 
had  to  their  common  superior  (that  power  which  may  give 
any  character  to  the  Constitution  they  may  think  proper) 
viz.:  three  fourths  of  the  states." 

Both  speakers  used  the  words  "  sovereign  "  and  "  sover- 

1  Constitution,  Art.  IV.  2  Constitution,  Art.  Ill,  §  2,  cl.  i- 


304  American  History  [1824 

The  theories       eignty  "  in  a  careless  way,  but  even  when  allowance  has 
from  an  histon-  ^en  macje  for  tnjs  iaxjty  jn  expression,  their  views  of  the 

calandapracti-  . 

cai  standpoint.   Union  were  seen  to  be  diametrically  opposed.     According 

to  the  one,  the  people  of  the  nation  were  sovereign;  in  the 

Lodge,  opinion  of  the  other  the  states  were  sovereign.     Hayne's 

Webster, 

174-180.  view  was  undoubtedly  the  one  held  by  the  great  majority 

at  the  time  the  Constitution  was  adopted,  but  in  the  inter- 

MacDonald,       vening  forty  years  so  strong  a  national  sentiment  had  been 

Democracy        developed  that  in   1830  the   majority  accepted  Webster's 

92-111.  position.     Hayne  stood  for  a  past  that  was  being  outgrown 

rapidly;  Webster  for  the  present  and  the  future  of  a  growing 

nation. 

Desire  for  272.  Changes  in  the  Tariff  (1824-1832).  —  Opposition  to 

ianges  a  protective  tariff  was  responsible  in  a  large  part  for  the  posi- 
tion taken  by  Hayne  and  other  southern  leaders.  On  ac- 
count of  the  numerous  and  rapid  changes  in  the  industrial 
dai  Hist  *6  78  conditions  within  the  United  States  after  the  close  of  the  war 
with  England,  several  changes  were  made  in  the  tariff 
schedules  after  1816.  New  industries  -that  were  protected 
inadequately  desired  help  which  they  found  the  general 
government  was  willing  and  able  to  give  to  favored  interests, 
especially  during  the  hard  times  which  began  in  1819.  How- 
ever, the  tariff  of  1816  stood  until  1824  with  but  slight  modi- 
fications. In  that  year  the  rates  were  increased  on  most 
articles  protected  formerly,  protection  was  granted  to  a  few 
manufacturers  not  aided  in  the  earlier  tariff  and  duties  were 
placed  on  some  raw  materials,  especially  hemp  and  wool. 
By  this  time  the  South  had  become  fully  convinced  that  a 
protective  tariff  was  interfering  with  her  agricultural  inter- 
ests and  her  general  development.  Joining  with  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  and  Massachusetts,  the  South  strove,  though 
without  success,  to  defeat  the  tariff  of  1824. 

The  tariff  Adams's   administration  was  marked  by  continued  agi- 

of  1828.  tation:   in  the  North,  for  additional  duties;   in  the  South, 

for  an  abandonment  of  the  protective  principle.     In  1827 

Dewey,  Finan-  a  conventjon  of  protectionists  called  by  the  wool  growers 

brought  pressure  to  bear  on  Congress  for  a  higher  tariff. 


1832]  National  vs.  State  Sovereignty  305 

As  a  presidential  election  was  approaching  in  which  Adams,   McMaster, 

Clay,  and  Jackson  were  likely  to  be  candidates,  the  coterie   Untted  State*< 

V,  243-256. 

that  had  for  years  opposed  the  administration  and  its  pro- 
tectionist policy,  now  sought  to  discredit  it  by  proposing  a 
tariff  which  the  followers  of  Clay  and  Adams  could  not  ac- 
cept. With  this  in  view  they  framed  a  tariff  bill  which 
carried  high  rates  on  manufactured  articles,  but  more  than  . 
nullified  the  protective  duties  that  were  desired  in  the  states 
in  which  Adams  and  Clay  had  the  largest  following,  by 
placing  very  high  duties  on  the  raw  materials  to  be  used  by 
the  manufacturers  in  those  states.  This  political  deal  failed 
miserably  because  the  manufacturers  accepted  the  tariff, 
hoping  to  obtain  later  the  changes  they  desired. 

This  high  tariff,  with  its  many  irregular  duties,  was  not  Tariff  of  1832. 
distinctively  a  protective  measure  and  was  known  commonly 
as   the   "  tariff  of  abominations."     In  spite  of  its  serious  Dewey,  Finan- 
defects   it  was   retained   until    1832.     The   tariff   of   that  dal  Hist.,  §  to. 
year  removed  most  of  the  objectionable  high  rates,  replacing 
them  by  uniformly  protective  rates.     Because  of  the  lower 
duties,  many  of  the  southerners  voted  for  the  measure,  but 
in  the  lower  South  the  opposition  was  very  active  because 
Congress  practically  had  accepted  protection  as  a  policy  of 
government. 

273.  The   South  and  the  Tariff. — The  first  organized   Opposition  to 
opposition  of  the  South  to  the  protective  system  was  noticed  l  ^e  m^"t^  °  s » 
in  connection  with  the  "  tariff  of  abominations  "  in  1828. 
After  the  passage  of  that  act  several   state   legislatures  MacDonaid, 

adopted  resolutions  denouncing  the  tariff.     South  Carolina,  v°cuments< 
r  Nbs.  44,  45. 

the  first  to  take  this  action,  indorsed  papers  prepared   by 

John  C.  Calhoun  and  best  known  as  the  "  South  Carolina   ^"''J' 

J  United  States, 

Exposition."    Calhoun  maintained  that  the  general  govern-  ^256-267. 
ment  had  no  constitutional  right  to  pass  a  protective  tariff. 
He  argued  that  the  tariff  was  oppressive  to  the  South  and 
tended  to  create  sectionalism. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  southern  political  leaders,  the  policy  The  South  and 
of  protection  was  undermining  the  industries  of  the  South  the  qu«tion  of 
and  building  up  those  of  the  North  at  the  expense  of  the 


306 


American  History 


[t832 


Turner, 
New  West, 
61-63, 
239-242. 


Nullification 
under  the  lead 
of  Calhoun. 


Peck, 

Jacksonian 

Epoch. 


Nullification 
ordinance. 

MacDonald, 
Jacksonian 
Democracy, 
I54-I59- 


slave  states.  High  tariffs  were  valuable  only  for  manu- 
facturing districts,  they  said,  and  as  the  slave  labor  in  the 
South  could  not  be  used  in  manufacturing  and  kept  out 
free  labor,  the  South  could  not  devote  herself  to  industry. 
Moreover,  Southerners  'claimed  that  protection  interfered 
with  commerce  by  limiting  exports,  that  it  increased  the 
price  of  all  manufactured  articles,  and  reduced  the  demand 
for  labor.  The  wealth  of  the  South  depended  on  the  sale  of 
her  surplus  cotton,  tobacco,  and  other  agricultural  products. 
Her  exports  were  at  this  time  much  greater  than  those  of 
the  North,  but  the  South  was  obliged  to  buy  elsewhere  what 
she  needed,  chiefly  in  the  North,  so  that  a  protective  tariff 
was  a  distinct  disadvantage  to  her.  Naturally  in  South 
Carolina  and  in  some  other  states  there  was  a  growing  senti- 
ment that  the  Constitution  did  not  give  Congress  the  right  to 
pass  a  tariff  which  protected  one  section  only. 

274.  Nullification  and  the  Compromise  Tariff.  —  When 
the  southern  opponents  of  protection  failed  to  defeat  the  tariff 
of  1832,  they  sought  to  apply  the  doctrine  of  nullification 
which  Calhoun  and  Hayne  had  announced  and  explained. 
Calhoun  was  really  the  leader  in  this  movement,  for  before 
1832  he  had  advocated  actual  nullification  of  the  tariff  unless 
it  was  revised  by  eliminating  the  most  protective  features. 
But  Calhoun's  leadership  of  the  nullification  forces  caused 
Jackson  to  consider  the  action  of  South  Carolina  in  a  personal 
light,  for  in  1830  he  had  discovered  that  Calhoun,  as  secre- 
tary of  war  in  1818,  had  wished  to  censure  him  for  his  actions 
in  Florida  (§  261).  This  made  him  Calhoun's  most  bitter 
enemy,  ready  to  attack  Calhoun  on  the  slightest  provoca- 
tion. 

A  convention  was  called  by  the  South  Carolina  legislature 
in  October,  1832,  for  the  purpose  of  nullifying  the  tariff 
of  that  year.  Before  it  met  Jackson  had  issued  instructions 
to  the  revenue  officers  in  South  Carolina  that  would  insure 
the  collection  of  the  tariff.  But  the  convention  proceeded  to 
declare  the  tariffs  of  1828  and  1832  null  and  void,  prohibited 
the  payment  of  duties  after  February  i,  1833,  and  declared 


1833]  National  vs.  State  Sovereignty  307 

that  the  state  would  secede  if  force  were  used  to  collect 
the  duties. 

A  few  days  later  Jackson  issued  a  proclamation  written  Jackson's 
undoubtedly  by  his  secretary  of  state,  Edward  Livingston,   counter- 
which  made  plain  two  things,    (i)  It  contained  an  elaborate 
argument  on  the  nature  of  the  Union  and  declared  that 
nullification  is   "  incompatible  with   the  existence  of  the    ,-,ac   °"*  ' 

Documents, 

Union,  contradicted  expressly  by  the  letter  of  the  Con-  NO.  55. 
stitution,  unauthorized  by  its  spirit,  inconsistent  with  every 
principle  on  which  it  was  founded,  and  destructive  of  the 
great  object  for  which  it  was  formed."  (2)  Jackson's 
attitude  toward  South  Carolina  was  stated  clearly.  "  The 
laws  of  the  United  States  must  be  executed.  I  have  no 
discretionary  power  on  the  subject.  My  duty  is  emphati- 
cally pronounced  in  the  Constitution.  Those  who  told  you 
that  you  might  peaceably  prevent  their  execution  deceived 
you  ;  they  could  not  have  been  deceived  themselves.  Their 
object  is  disunion,  and  disunion  by  armed  force  is  treason." 

During  the  weeks  that  followed,  South  Carolina  prepared  Compromise. 
to  enforce  her  nullification  ordinance;  the  President  took 
every  precaution  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  tariff  in  that  MacDonald, 
state,  and  Congress  discussed  possible  modifications  of  the  Jacksonian 
tariff.     February  i  brought  no  change,  the  duties  being  Democracy> 
collected  as  formerly  and  a  force  act  for  their  collection 
being  authorized  by  Congress,  March  2,  because  a  change  in 
the  tariff  seemed  probable.    Congress  agreed  finally  to  a   [ 


"  compromise    tariff,"    proposed    by    Henry    Clay.    This   IV,  91-109. 
provided  for  a  gradual  reduction  of  all  duties  which  were  in 
excess  of  twenty  per  cent  until  a  uniform  rate  of  twenty 
per  cent  was  attained  in  1842.* 

FINANCE  AND  POLITICS  (1829-1843) 

275.  First  Attack  on  the  United  States  Bank.  —  Perhaps  The  bank  and 
the  most  prominent  feature  of  Jackson's  administrations  its  enemies. 
was  the  war  which  he  waged  on  the  second  national  bank. 

1  About  one  half  of  this  reduction  was  to  be  made  during  the  years  1841 
and  1842. 


308 


American  History 


[1829 


Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
190-198. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
VI,  i-io. 


Jackson's 
attack. 

Election  of 
1832. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos.  46,  50-52. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
VI,  133-140. 

Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§{  86,  87. 

Amer.  Hist., 
Leaflets, 
No.  24. 


Removal  of 
the  deposits. 


Jackson  looked  upon  the  bank  as  a  great  monopoly,  con- 
trolled by  his  political  opponents  and  capable  of  dominating 
politics  because  of  its  resources  and  its  influence  in  the  world 
of  business.  At  the  time  of  Jackson's  first  inauguration  few 
persons  considered  the  bank  a  public  menace,  although 
its  conservative  methods  had  made  it  unpopular  in  the 
South  and  West.  Business  men  as  a  rule  placed  great  con- 
fidence in  the  bank,  for  although  it  had  been  mismanaged 
during  the  first  five  years  of  its  existence,  it  had  been  re- 
organized and  well  managed  for  several  years.  Jackson's 
attention  was  called  particularly  to  the  bank  in  June,  1829, 
when  some  of  his  followers  asked  for  the  removal  of  the 
president  of  the  branch  bank  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire. 
This  was  refused  by  the  bank  officials  on  the  ground  that  the 
man  was  capable  and  had  not  been  selected  for  partisan  rea- 
sons. 

The  following  December,  in  his  first  annual  message, 
Jackson  attacked  the  methods  of  the  bank  and  its  constitu- 
tionality, although  the  latter  had  been  affirmed  by  the 
Supreme  Court.1  As  Congress  approved  of  the  bank,  noth- 
ing was  done  until,  two  years  later,  the  President  said  he 
would  leave  to  the  people  the  question  of  rechartering  a 
bank.  The  bank  at  once  applied  to  Congress  for  a  new 
charter,  and  its  cause  was  championed  by  Clay,  who  was 
the  candidate  of  the  National  Republicans  or  Whigs  for  the 
presidency.  The  bank  bill  was  passed  by  both  chambers 
by  fair  majorities,  but  was  vetoed  by  the  President,  and 
failed  to  obtain  the  two  thirds  necessary  to  make  it  a  law. 
In  the  election  of  1832  the  chief  issue  was  that  of  the  bank, 
but  the  campaign  was  really  a  personal  contest  between 
Jackson  and  Clay.  Jackson  was  so  popular  that  the  people 
reflected  him  by  a  large  majority,  the  electoral  vote  being 
219  for  Jackson  to  49  for  Clay. 

276.  Overthrow  of  the  Bank.  —  Jackson  considered  his 
reelection  as  an  indorsement  of  his  bank  policy,  and  began 
a  much  more  active  campaign  against  the  bank.  He  wished 

1  In  M'Cullochvs.  Maryland  (1819)  (§  254). 


1836]  Finance  and  Politics  309 

first  to  remove  the  government  money,  which  had  been  MacDonald. 
deposited  in  branches  of  the  national  bank.    This  could  be  Docwnents> 
done  only  through  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.     As  Jack-  57_6'2  6^ 
son's  secretary  was  unwilling  to  do  this  without  the  author- 
ity of  Congress,  his  place  was  filled  by  William  J.  Duane  who  Dewey, 
refused  finally  either  to  remove  the  deposits  or  resign.     He  ciai  Hist., 
was  dismissed  and  his  place  filled  by  Roger  Taney,  who  * 88- 
carried  out  the  President's  plan.     For  removing  the  de- 
posits the  President  was  censured  by  the  Senate,  the  reso-  -„_„', 
lution  remaining  on  the  journal  until  expunged  two  years 
later. 

The  government  money  at  this  time  was  deposited  in  Substitutes  for 

state  banks  which  were  known  popularly  as  "  pet  banks."  a  national 

bcink 

There  was  considerable  rivalry  among  the  banks  in  order  to 

secure  a  part  of  the  funds,  which  were  increasing  con-   Dewe    Finan- 

stantly  on  account  of  the  very  great  amount  of  surplus  rial  Hist., 

revenue.    The  system  provided  was  so  unsatisfactory  that  $$  89-  IOI» 

in  1840  an  independent   treasury  was  established  by  the 

Democrats    (§  278).    This    was    abolished    by   the  Whigs 

(1841)  who  desired  another  national  bank,  which  they  failed 

to  get  on  account  of  President  Tyler's  opposition.     When 

the  Democrats   again  gained   control  of  the  government 

(1845),  they  reestablished  the  independent  treasury,  which 

has  been  developed  into  the  system  that  we  use  at  the  present 

time. 

Jackson's  second  term  was  a  period  of  unusual,  in  fact  Results  of  the 
unhealthy,  business  activity.    Speculation  was  very  common,  overthrow  of 

.,  ,  the  bank. 

and  a  wild  scramble  began  for  government  lands,  which  were 
sold  on  easy  terms  (§  280).    The  national  bank,  with  its  ,. 

Wilson,  Dm. 

currency  accepted  at  the  same  value  everywhere  and  its  and  Reunion, 
conservative  methods  of  making  loans,  had  acted  as  a  check  §§  45. 46- 
on  the  smaller  state  banks  and  on  business  in  general.     But 
when  it  became  apparent  in  1834  that  it  would  not  be  re-  McMaster, 
chartered  and  the  public  moneys  were  deposited  in  the  "  pet    Umted  states, 
banks,"  there  began  an  era  of  "  wild  cat  "  banking  un- 
equaled  during  earlier  periods.      Bank  notes  were  issued  in 
immense  quantities  and  loans  were  made  on  securities  which 


3io 


American  History 


[1836 


Extra  revenue. 
Distribution  of 
the  surplus. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
{$  92-94. 

Schurz,  Clay, 
II,  113-127. 


The  panic 
of  1837. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
{§96-98- 


Hart,  Slavery 
and  Abolition, 
298-305. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 

vi,  390-415- 


possessed  very  little  real  value.  Every  one  bought  on 
credit,  "  boom  "  towns  were  started  throughout  the  middle 
West,  and  land  values  rose  to  an  absurd  figure. 

277.  Government  Revenues  and  the  Panic  of  1837.  —  So 
much  public  land  was  sold  that  the  revenues  from  that 
source  increased  to  nearly  $15,000,000  in  1835  and  nearly 
$25,000,000  in  1836,  in  the  latter  year  for  the  first  and 
only  time  in  our  history  being  the  chief  source  of  govern- 
ment revenue.  The  expenses  of  the  government  did  not 
increase  as  rapidly  as  the  income,  but  the  compromise 
tariff  of  1833  could  not  be  changed  and  the  public  debt  was 
extinguished  in  1835.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  a  treasury 
surplus,  especially  when  a  nation  has  no  debt,  is  a  serious 
menace  to  business.  In  this  case  it  was  decided  by  Congress 
that  the  surplus  should  be  distributed  to  the  states  in  pro- 
portion to  their  representation  in  Congress.  As  objection 
was  made  that  this  would  not  be  constitutional,  the  distribu- 
tion was  called  technically  a  loan.  As  matter  of  fact,  only 
three  quarterly  distributions  were  made,  for  the  revenues 
fell  off  rapidly  in  1837,  when  the  panic  began. 

The  real  cause  of  the  panic  of  1837  was  the  unwise  specu- 
lation culminating  in  1836  and  1837,  but  the  government 
helped  to  bring  on  the  crisis  not  only  by  destroying  the 
national  bank,  but  in  two  other  ways,  (i)  Because  many  of 
the  notes  issued  by  the  western  "wild  cat"  banks  were  of 
little  or  no  value,  Jackson  issued  through  the  treasury  de- 
partment in  1836  the  famous  "specie  circular,"  requiring 
those  who  bought  public  lands  to  pay  in  cash.  Almost  all 
purchasers  of  government  land  had  bought  on  the  install- 
ment plan.  There  was  very  little  specie  in  the  West. 
Crops  in  1835  had  been  a  failure  and  the  farmers  could  not 
obtain  the  little  cash  in  circulation.  The  entire  West  was 
upset  by  this  change.  (2)  When  the  pet  banks  were  re- 
quested to  turn  over  to  the  states  the  surplus  which  had  been 
deposited  with  them,  the  banks  were  compelled  to  sacrifice 
their  securities  in  order  to  obtain  the  money.  In  some  cases 
banks  were  obliged  to  suspend  payments  on  their  notes. 


1840]  Finance  and  Politics  311 

The  failure  of  western  banks  was  followed  by  failures  else- 
where of  banks  and  later  of  business  houses  until  the  busi- 
ness depression  was  complete  throughout  the  United  States. 

278.  Administration  of  Van  Buren  (1837-1841). — During  Van  Buren. 
the  speculative  excitement  of  1836,  Martin  Van  Buren  of 

New  York,  the  Democratic  nominee,  was  elected  president  Van  Hoist, 
over  William  Henry  Harrison  of  Indiana.1    Van  Buren  had   Const' i  Hist., 
been  known  as  a  crafty  politician  before  he  became  Jackson's  H>  I47~158' 
secretary  of  state.     His  skill  as  a  diplomat  increased  his 
reputation  appreciably,  and  he 
undertook   now  to  carry  out 
Jackson's  policy  under   very 
trying  circumstances.    During 
the  business  crisis  of  1837  and 
the  years  that  followed  he  ex- 
hibited   firmness    and    good 
judgment  in  trying  to  save  the 
government     from     financial 
difficulties,  although    he    did 
not  show  those   qualities   of 

leadership  which  would  have 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 
been  invaluable  to  his  party. 

When  it  was  found  that  the  system  of  deposits  with  "  pet   Independent 
banks  "  was  unsatisfactory  in  almost  every  way,  President     r^asury    ct 
Van  Buren  recommended  to  Congress,  in  1837,  the  establish- 
ment of  an  independent  treasury  which  would  render  the 

.     ,  ,  .  r,  Dewey,  Finatt' 

government  independent  of  any  banking  institution,      bub-  cial  Hist< 
treasuries  were  to  be  established  at  convenient  places  for   §§  99-101. 
handling  government  funds  and  the  government  was  to  con- 
duct its  fiscal  operations  without  depositing  its  money  with 
the  banks.     Congress  debated  the  question  for  over  two 
years  befoie  passing  the  act  in  1840. 

279.  The  Election  of  Harrison  (1840).  —  Van  Buren  had   Policy  of  the 
not  gained  in  popularity  during  his  term,  partly  because  of  Wni8s- 
the  hard  times  and  his  unwillingness   to   compromise  in 

1  His  popular  majority  was  24,893,  but  the  electoral  vote  was  177  for 
Van  Buren,  73  for  Harrison,  and  57  for  other  Whig  candidates. 


312 


American  History 


[1840 


Schouler, 
United  States, 

iv,  327-335- 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter  XV. 


McMaster, 
United  ^  totes, 

vi,  550-558, 

572.       . 


New  election 
methods. 


Schouler, 
Un.  ted  States, 
IV,  335-341- 


any  way  with  the  opponents  of  hard  money,  but  he  was  re- 
nominated  by  the  Democrats  without  opposition.  The 
Whigs  began  and  continued  the  campaign  with  the  deter- 
mination to  win.  Instead  of  nominating  Henry  Clay,  the 
real  head  of  the  party  but  a  man  whose  political  views  were 
obnoxious  to  many  voters,  they  selected  William  Henry 
Harrison,  whose  services  during  the  war  of  181 2  had  been  only 
less  conspicuous  than  those  of  Jackson.  For  vice  president 
they  chose  John  Tyler  of  Virginia,  an  anti-administration 


"•-•'••> 


A  LOG  CABIN 


Democrat  who  was  expected  to  bring  the  ticket  many  voters 
from  Democratic  ranks.  Fearing  that  a  definite  statement 
of  their  policy  would  be  a  disadvantage,  they  adopted  no 
platform,  although  Harrison  made  clear  his  preference  for  a 
national  bank  and  a  more  liberal  national  currency  and  was 
outspoken  in  his  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  executive  rule 
of  the  last  three  terms. 

Not  content  with  the  natural  advantages  which  hard  times 
gave  them,  and  an  almost  perfect  union  of  all  elements  of  the 
party,  the  Whigs  introduced  into  the  campaign  methods 
that  would  appeal  to  the  voters.  Stump  speaking  was  used 
very  extensively.  Great  mass  meetings  were  held,  attended 
in  at  least  one  instance  by  one  hundred  thousand  persons. 


1842]  Finance  and  Politics  313 

Processions  paraded  the  streets,  displaying  banners,  and   McMaster, 

drawing  vehicles  on  which  were  log  cabins  or  great  casks  of    Umted  states. 

cider.     Harrison  was  lauded  as  a  plain  citizen,  a  man  of  the 

people;   Van  Buren  derided  as  an  aristocrat  who  favored 

hard  money  and  ignored  the  suffering  caused  by  hard  times. 

"  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too  "  was  the  cry  of  the  Whigs. 

Against  this  campaign  of  enthusiasm  and  appeal  to  popular 

fancy,  the  Democrats,  with   their  old-fashioned  methods, 

could  make  no  headway.     When  the  votes  were  counted,  it 

was  found  that  Harrison  had  carried  nineteen  states  to  seven 

for  his  opponent  and  that  his  electoral  vote  was  234  against 

60  for  Van  Buren.     By  the  same  election  the  Whigs  gained 

control  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives. 

280.  Tyler   and   the   Whigs    (1841-1842).  —  Exactly   a  Quarrel  over 
month  after  Harrison  was  inaugurated,  he  died,  and  John  abank- 
Tyler  became  president.     Tyler  was  known  to  be  a  strict 
constructionist  and  an  opponent  of  a  national  bank,  but  a   Dewey,  Fina» 
special  session  of  Congress  had  been  called  by  Harrison  to  c?a 
consider  the  question  of  a  bank,  and  that  body  proceeded  at 
once  to  repeal  the  independent  treasury  act  and  pass  a  bill  , 

r  r  J  r  Wilson,  Div. 

creating  a  "  fiscal  bank,"  which  was  little  different  from  the  and  Reunion, 
second  national  bank.    This  bill  Tyler  vetoed  because  it   §$  68-70. 
created  branch  banks  in  the  states.    Congress  at  once  passed 
a  new  bill  chartering  a  "  fiscal  corporation,"  a  term  pre-  McMaster. 
ferred  by  Tyler,  which  was  supposed  to  embody  the  views  of    Umted  states, 
the  President.     Either  because  Tyler  would  not  sign  any 
bank  bill  or  because  he  hoped  to  bring  the  Whig  leaders  in 
Congress  into  submission  to  himself,  Tyler  vetoed  this  bill 
also.    The  members  of  his  cabinet  resigned  at  once,  with  the 
exception  of  Webster,  secretary  of  state,  who  was  negotiat- 
ing with  Great  Britain  a  treaty  to  define  the  northeastern 
boundary  of  the  United  States.    The  break  between  Tyler 
and  the  Whigs  was  complete. 

The  northern  boundary  of  Maine  had  been  in  dispute  since  Webster- 
the  treaty  of  1783.     At  that  time  the  line  was  designated  as  Ashburton 

treaty  (1842) 

the  highlands  that  separate  the  rivers  that  flow  into  the  St. 
Lawrence  from  those  that  flow  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean.    As 


American  History 


[1842 


MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No.  70. 

Lodge,  Web- 
ster•,  252-260. 

Garrison, 
Westward 
Expansion, 
67-84. 


Democratic 
changes 


State  and 

national 

sovereignty. 


the  St.  Johns  River  empties  into  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  England 
maintained  that  the  valley  of  the  St.  Johns  did  not  belong  to 
the  United  States.  Naturally  we  claimed  all  that  part  of  the 
valley  west  of  the  eastern  boundary  of  Maine.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  submit  the  dispute  to  the  king  of  the  Nether- 
lands as  arbitrator  (1827),  but  he  proposed  a  compromise  line 
which  neither  party  would  accept.  On  account  of  an  insur- 
rection in  Canada  in  1837  and 
bad  feeling  over  the  dispute, 
some  decision  became  neces- 
sary to  avoid  worse  troubles. 
England  sent  a  special  envoy, 
Lord  Ashburton,  and  a  com- 
promise line  was  agreed  upon, 
the  United  States  yielding 
some  of  her  claims  in  the  St. 
Johns  valley  and  Great  Britain 
receding  from  most  of  her 
claims  in  Maine  and  practically 
all  in  northern  New  York.1 

281.  Summary.  —  The  dem- 
ocratic movement  which  had 
made  fair  headway  before  1825  in  the  states,  especially  in  the 
Mississippi  basin,  was  responsible  for  the  election  of  Jackson 
to  the  presidency  in  1829.  At  this  time  numerous  democratic 
changes  were  introduced  in  the  policies  of  the  political  parties 
and  the  national  government.  A  system  of  nominating 
conventions  came  into  use.  Appointments  to  office  were 
made  for  partisan  reasons  more  than  at  any  other  time.  The 
national  government  responded  readily  to  the  will  of  the 
people,  because  both  political  parties  favored  a  fairly 
strong  national  government  and  Jackson  believed  thoroughly 
in  a  national  democracy. 

National  development  caused  controversies  with  the  states 
pver  the  rights  of  the  states  and  of  the  national  govern- 
ment. In  the  Webster-Hayne  debate  especially  the  issue 

1  As  to  the  location  of  the  boundary  supposed  to  be  parallel  45. 


IIOVNIUKY   OF 


1843]  National  Democracy  315 

between  national  and  state  sovereignty  was  clearly  denned. 
The  old  theory  in  favor  of  the  states  was  upheld  by  the 
older  sections  of  the  Union,  especially  the  South,  whose 
agricultural  progress  seemed  to  be  threatened  by  the  pro- 
tective system  adopted  by  Congress.  Although  South 
Carolina  tried  to  nullify  the  tariffs  of  1828  and  1832,  the 
state  did  not  attempt  to  enforce  its  nullification  ordinance 
and  Congress  yielded  to  the  extent  of  passing  the  compro- 
mise tariff  of  1833. 

Financial  questions  engaged  a  large  share  of  attention  Financial 
during  the  administrations  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren.  Problems. 
Jackson's  attack  on  the  United  States  bank  on  the 
ground  that  it  enjoyed  a  political  monopoly  caused  the 
overthrow  of  the  bank  and  led  to  the  establishment  of  very 
many  "  wild-cat  "  banks.  Speculation  in  lands  by  the 
people  and  immense  issues  of  paper  by  the  banks  culmi- 
nated in  1837  in  a  panic,  the  business  depression  lasting 
about  six  years.  The  hard  times  reacted  against  the  Demo- 
crats, but  the  Whigs  failed  to  gain  a  real  victory  because 
Harrison's  death  deprived  them  of  the  presidency.  Even 
during  Tyler's  term  the  question  of  slavery  was  obscuring 
the  factional  quarrels  which  filled  most  of  the  years  before 
1843- 

TOPICS 

1.  BEGINNINGS    OF    THE    NOMINATING     CONVENTION:     Ford, 
"American    Politics,"    Chapter  XVI;     Dallinger,  "Nomination  for 
Elective  Office,"  pp.  13-45;  Woodburn,  "Political  Parties  and  Party 
Problems,"  pp.  151-174;   Ostrogorski,  "Democracy  and  the  Organi- 
zation of  Political  Parties,"  II,  pp.  39-79. 

2.  NULLIFICATION  BY  SOUTH  CAROLINA:    Johnston,  "American 
Political    History,"    I,    pp.    421-437;     Burgess,    "Middle    Period," 
pp.  220-241 ;  McMaster,  "  People  of  the  United  States,"  VI,  pp.  148- 
175;  Schouler,  "United  States,"  IV,  pp.  85-111;   Von  Hoist,  "Con- 
stitutional History  of  the. United  States,"  I,  pp.  495-505. 

3.  THE  SECOND  BANK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES:    Von  Hoist, 
"Constitutional    History,"   II,   pp.   31-68;    Sumner,    "Life  of  An- 
drew Jackson,"  pp.  254-276,  291-310;    Burgess,  "Middle  Period," 
pp.  190-209,  278-284;  White,  " Money  and  Banking,"  pp.  291-312. 


316  American  History 


STUDIES 

1.  Protection  and  the  tariff  of  abominations.     (Taussig,  "Tariff 
History  of  the  United  States,"  pp.  68-108.) 

2.  Webster  and  Hayne  on  national  and  state  sovereignty.   ("  Amer- 
ican History  Leaflets,"  No.  30.) 

3.  The  election  of  1832.     (Stanwood,  "  History  of  the  Presidency," 
Chapter  XIII.) 

4.  Banking  and  internal  improvements  in  a  western  state.  (Cooley, 
"Michigan,"  pp.  254-293.) 

5.  Foreign   affairs    under   Jackson    and    Van    Buren.     (Foster, 
"Century  of  American  Diplomacy,"  pp.  273-281.) 

6.  The  Seminole  War.    (McMaster,  "  People  of  the  United  States," 
VI,  pp.  329-334,  463-466.) 

7.  The  expunging  resolution.  (Benton,  in  "  American  Eloquence," 
I,  pp.  320-336,  and  in  Benton's  "Thirty  Years,"  I,  pp.  528-550.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Could   political   class  rule   have   been  abolished   during   this 
period  except  through  the  convention  and  by  the  use  of  the  "ma- 
chine"?   Was  the  new  system  preferable  to  the  old?     Give  reasons 
for  your  answer. 

2.  Compare  the  "political  revolution"  of  1829  with  that  of  1801. 
Consider  character,   change  from  former  system,  and  influence  of 
each. 

3.  State    the    difference    between    Jeffersonian    Democracy  and 
Jacksonian    Democracy.     Where  were    the    Democrats    strongest  ? 
Why  was  the  Democratic  party  successful  almost  without  interruption 
until  1860? 

4.  Explain   the    differences   between    nullification    in    Kentucky 
(1799),  that  in  New  England  (1814),  and   in  South   Carolina  (1828 
and  1832).     How  was  the   attitude  of  Georgia  in  regard  to  the  In- 
dians unlike  that  of  South  Carolina  on  the  tariff? 

5.  Did  Webster  or  Hayne  occupy  the  more  correct  position,  his- 
torically?    State  your  objections  to  the  arguments  of  each.     How 
was  the  question  of  national  or  state  supremacy  decided  in  the  nulli- 
fication controversy  of  1832  and  1833? 

6.  Had  the  national  bank  failed  to  establish  a  uniform  and  sound 
currency,  as  Jackson  claimed?      Was  the  bank  dangerous  because 
of  its  influence  in  elections  ? 

7.  What  were  the  most  important  political  doctrines  of  the  Whigs? 
To  what  extent  was  their  comparative  failure  due  to  the  unpopular 
issues  they  indorsed  ?   to  unwise  political  deals  (as  in  1840)  ?    to  other 
causes? 


CHAPTER  XIV 

A  HALF  CENTURY  OF  CHANGES 

TRANSPORTATION  AND  BUSINESS  (1815-1860) 

282.  The  Steamboat. — The  first  half  of  the  nineteenth   Progress  dur- 
century  is  notable  not  alone  for  the  remarkable  development  ing  the  half 

1  century. 

of  the  spirit  of  nationality  within  the  United  States.  It  is 
almost  as  noteworthy  for  the  great  advance  made  in  the  ideas 
of  political  and  social  equality,  for  the  numerous  mechanical 
improvements  which  brought  in  an  age  of  machinery,  and 
most  of  all  perhaps  for  the  changes  in  the  methods  of  trans- 
portation by  land  and  water  which  have  revolutionized 
traveling  and  commerce  within  the  boundaries  of  the 
United  States. 

The  steam   engine   was   used   for  water  transportation  The  earliest 
twenty  years  before  the  first  steam  railways  were  operated.  £teamers. 
Experiments  with  steamboats  had  been  made  during  the 
later  years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  but  it  was  not  until   McMaster. 

J '  United  States 

1807  that  Robert  Fulton  constructed  a  steamboat  that  was  Ini  486_494. 
an  unqualified  success.     After  Fulton's  Clermont  made  the 
trip  from  New  York  to  Albany  in  thirty-two  hours,  and   Marvin  Am 
began  a  little  later  to  carry  passengers  and  freight  regularly,  Merchant 
steamboats  were  built  on  many  of  the  rivers  and  lakes  east  Marme> 
of  the  Mississippi.     Before  1825  there  were  several  plying 
on  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries  and  a  few  employed  on 
the  Great  Lakes  and  for  the  coasting  trade.     In  1819  a 
vessel,  the  Savannah,  crossed  the  ocean  in  twenty-five  days 
by  using  steam  and  sails,  although  it  was  1838  before  the  first 
ocean  steamer  made  that  voyage.     About  the  same  time 
Ericsson  invented  the  screw  propeller,  which  was  very  much 
more  satisfactory  than  the  old  side-wheels  used  in  the  steam- 
ers of  an  earlier  day. 


318 


American  History 


[1812 


Use  of  the 
steamboats  in 
the  West. 

Sparks,  Expan- 
sion of  Am. 
People,  270-274. 

Me  Master, 
United  States, 

iv,  397-407- 


Interest  in  the 
subject. 

Johnston, 
Railway 
Transportation  t 
14-19. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
III,  471-480. 


Erie  canal. 


McMaster, 
United  States, 

IV,  415-418, 

V,  132-136. 


Steamboats  were  especially  valuable  in  the  West.  Before 
this  time  it  was  easy  to  descend  the  Cumberland,  the  Ohio, 
or  the  Mississippi  by  barge  or  raft,  but  little  progress  could 
be  made  against  the  current.  The  trader  from  Kentucky  or 
the  prairie  country  could  carry  his  wares  to  Natchez  or  New 
Orleans,  but  was  obliged  to  return  home  by  horseback  over 
the  western  trails  or  go  by  ship  to  Philadelphia  and  come 
west  by  road.  During  the  War  of  1812  the  first  regular 
steamboat  began  to  ply  between  Pittsburg  and  New  Orleans, 
and  from  that  time  communication  between  different  parts 
of  the  great  western  basin  was  comparatively  easy. 

283.  The  Era  of  Canals.  —  Improved  means  of  com- 
munication by  river  undoubtedly  gave  an  impetus  to  the 
building  of  canals,  in  which  many  people  were  interested 
before  the  steamboat  was  invented.  Among  others  Wash- 
ington formed  a  plan  for  the  construction  of  a  series  of 
canals  to  cross  the  numerous  peninsulas  of  the  Atlantic 
coast  or  to  connect  the  eastern  cities  with  the  Mississippi 
basin.  The  original  cost  of  constructing  a  canal  was  a 
serious  obstacle,  but  the  great  reduction  in  freight  charges 
and  the  greater  ease  of  traveling  would,  it  was  thought, 
justify  a  considerable  outlay.  Gallatin  and  others  tried  to 
interest  national  officials  in  plans  for  interstate  canals,  but 
Congress  did  not  appropriate  money  for  them  as  it  did  for 
the  Cumberland  road  (§  256).  The  credit  for  the  canals 
which  were  constructed  in  such  numbers  between  1815 
and  1835  belongs  to  individuals  or  to  far-sighted  state 
officials. 

The  earliest  of  the  canals  built  on  a  large  scale  was  the 
Erie  canal  which  connects  the  Hudson  River  with  Lake  Erie. 
By  following  the  Mohawk  River  this  canal  was  built  across 
the  only  low  pass  through  the  Appalachian  range  of  moun- 
tains. This  was  a  state  enterprise  which  was  completed  in 
1825  largely  through  the  efforts  of  DeWitt  Clinton.  The 
canal  was  much  narrower  and  shallower  than  it  is  to-day, 
but  it  shortened  the  journey  from  Albany  to  Buffalo  several 
days  and  it  reduced  the  price  of  freight  many  times.  From 


1835] 


Transportation  and  Business 


319 


the  beginning  it  was  a  financial  success  and  the  profits  re- 
paid the  cost  of  the  canal  within  ten  years. 

Pennsylvania  was  almost  as  much  interested  in  canals  as  Canals  in 
New  York,  but  accomplished  less  because  of  the  mountains  other  states. 
in  the  western  part  of  the  state.    This  difficulty  was  solved 
by  building  canals  as  far  as  possible  from  the  east  and  from 
the  west  and  connecting  them  by  a  "  portage  railway,"  over  205-211. 
which  the  canal  boats  were  carried.    Other  states,  east  and 


The  De  Witt  Cl 


RAILWAY  TRAIN  IN  AN  EARLY  DAY 


west,  began  to  build  canals  because  of  the  great  profit  made 
by  New  York,  but  because  of  geographical  difficulties  or 
sparseness  of  population,  most  of  these  were  not  financial 
successes. 

284.  Railways.  —  Interest  in  the  construction  of  canals 
almost  ceased  when  the  railway  came  into  use  between  1830 
and  1840.  The  cost  of  laying  a  railway  track  was  less  than 
the  cost  of  digging  a  canal.  Railways  could  be  built  on  grades 
instead  of  nearly  level  areas  and  railways  could  be  operated 
the  entire  year,  so  that  they  were  preferable  in  almost  every 
respect  to  artificial  waterways.  The  earliest  railways  were 
practically  horse-car  lines  of  no  great  length.  About  the 
time  that  Jackson  was  inaugurated,  the  perfection  of  Steven- 
son's Rocket  showed  that  locomotives  were  better  than  any 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
V,  136-143. 


First  railways. 

Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
235-241. 
Johnson, 
Railway 
Transportation , 
18-24,  34-44. 

McMaster, 
United  States, 
VI,  86-93, 
342.  350. 


320 


American  History 


Government 
and  early 
railways. 

Hart,  Slavery 
and  Abolition, 
39-45- 

Johnson, 
Railway 
Transportation , 
308-311. 


Railway 

development 

(1830-1860). 

Johnson, 
Railway 
Transportation, 
24-27. 

Smith, 
Parties  and 
Slavery, 
59-67. 

Semple, 
Gtographi 
Condition 
37I-389- 


Importance  of 
means  of  com- 
munication for 
a  large  country. 


other  motive  power,  and,  within  a  few  years,  railways  were 
operated  from  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore, 
and  Charleston  to  neighboring  towns,  as  well  as  between 
smaller  cities  that  were  farther  apart. 

These  railways  were  built  principally  by  private  capital, 
but  in  Michigan  and  a  few  other  states  they  were  public 
enterprises.  Subsidies  were  granted  to  a  large  number  of 
railways  by  different  states  and  cities  during  this  period, 
and  public  money  was  invested  in  railways  on  every  side. 
The  results  were  disastrous,  as  the  public  roads  could  not 
pay  expenses  and  were  sold  after  a  few  years.  Very  little 
of  the  capital  contributed  by  the  states  was  ever  returned  to 
them.  After  1850,  however,  the  states  gave  to  the  railways 
large  bonuses  of  public  lands  which  had  been  contributed 
by  Congress  for  that  purpose. 

Although  in  1830  there  were  less  than  twenty-five  miles 
of  steam  railway  in  use  in  this  country,  the  mileage  had 
increased  to  nearly  3000  in  1850  and  to  more  than  30,000  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War.  Before  1840  there  was  no 
line  loo  miles  in  length.  In  that  year  there  were  eleven 
distinct  railways  connecting  Albany  with  Buffalo.  These 
were  finally  consolidated  into  a  single  railway  system  soon 
after  1850,  but  it  was  not  until  1858  that  cars  ran  on  the  track 
of  a  single  company  from  New  York  to  Buffalo.  About  the 
same  time  the  first  series  of  railways  connected  New  York 
with  the  Mississippi  River.  This  policy  of  consolidation, 
which  made  rapid  progress  during  the  decade  before  the 
Civil  War,  aroused  most  serious  opposition.  Politicians 
sought  to  make  political  capital  out  of  the  threatened  dangers 
of  monopoly,  and  the  mass  of  the  people  would  have  pre- 
vented continued  consolidation  had  it  been  in  their  power. 

285.  Significance  of  Improved  Means  of  Transporta- 
tion. —  The  transformation  wrought  by  these  changes  on 
land  and  water  were  greater  than  might  be  apparent  at  first. 
In  a  country  covering  so  vast  a  territory  as  ours,  with  the 
limited  interstate  trade  or  travel  and  the  comparative  lack 
of  common  interests  among  the  people  of  the  states  which 


RAILROAD 
CONSTRUCTION 

From  183O  to  I860 

— 1830-1810 

1850  - 1860 

t  SCALE  OF  MILES 

0          100        200        300         400 


1840]  Transportation  and  Business  321 

existed  three  quarters  of  a  century  ago,  real  union  was  im- 
possible except  through  the  use  of  good  means  of  communi- 
cation. There  were  very  few  good  roads  in  the  United 
States  at  that  time.  Some  turnpikes  had  been  constructed, 
usually  within  the  limits  of  a  single  county,  but  the  con- 
dition of  the  rest  of  the  roads  was  deplorable  in  the  spring 
or  in  rainy  weather.  Moreover,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Cumberland  road  and  a  few  others,  the  better  highways 
never  crossed  state  boundaries.  Emigrants  used  the  trails  or 
hastily  constructed  roads  and  followed  the  rivers,  of  which 
there  were  a  large  number  in  the  West;  but  traders  found  it 
impossible  to  transport  goods  a  great  distance  on  land,  or 
even  on  water  unless  they  were  going  downstream.  The 
early  settlers  were  forced  to  live  near  rivers  if  they  raised 
articles  for  a  market  other  than  that  of  their  own  locality. 

By  the  use  of  the  steamboat  passengers  and  merchandise  Value  of  water- 
were  transported  easily  and  rapidly  from  the  cities  of  the  wa>"s  aiter  l8is- 
Atlantic  border  and  Gulf  to  the  upper  waters  of  the  coast  „ 

Turner, 

rivers  or  those  of  the  Mississippi  system.     A  large  interstate  New  West. 
trade  was  developed  on  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries  32-s8, 96-106. 
which   had   been   impossible   before    except    downstream. 

_>•  ...  ,       .      i        ,.i  11,  .  Semple,  Amer 

Rivers  of  the  western  basin  that  hitherto  had  been  inacces-  Hist  and  its 
sible  were  reached  without  difficulty.    Districts  distant  from    Geographic 

the  rivers  were  penetrated  by  the  canals  that  were  built  to   Co"dlttons> 

252-278. 
connect  large  rivers  or  important  bodies  of  water.    This 

opened  large  territories  to  cultivation  and  was  an  important 
cause  of  the  great  development  of  the  middle  West  during  the 
quarter  century  following  the  second  war  with  England. 
The  reduction  in  freight  rates  over  the  canals  gave  a  tremen- 
dous impetus  to  the  industries  of  the  towns  and  valleys  that 
could  now  find  a  market  for  their  productions.  This  com- 
merce was  especially  valuable  to  the  eastern  cities,  for  the 
canals  diverted  trade  from  the  earlier  channels  of  the  western 
rivers  so  that  the  exports  of  the  prairie  states  no  longer  went 
through  New  Orleans  exclusively.  New  York  owed  a  large 
part  of  her  commercial  supremacy  after  1820  to  the  Erie 
canal. 


322 


American  History 


[1810- 


Development 
by  means  of 
railways. 


First  telegraph 
line  and  cable. 


Bryn,  Progress 
if  Invention, 
15-22,  32-35. 


As  the  railway  superseded  the  canal,  the  social  expansion 
and  industrial  development  begun  by  the  improved  means 
of  communication  by  water  was  extended  many  times. 
Trips  that  in  1800  took  a  month  and,  in  1825,  weeks,  could 
now  be  made  in  as  many  days.  The  railways  went  every- 
where, not  only  bringing  new  settlers  and  increased  business, 

but  giving  improved  mail 
service  and  permitting 
the  interchange  of  new 
ideas  and  methods. 
Chicago  was  in  1860  as 
near  to  New  York  in  lime 
as  Philadelphia  had  been 
a  century  earlier.  The 
South  lost  most  of  the 
trade  from  the  Middle 
West,  but  the  Northeast 
and  Northwest  were 
united  by  closer  com- 
mercial ties  than  formerly, 
so  that  the  whole  North 
was  united  as  never 
before. 

286.    The    Telegraph 

and  Other  Inventions.  —  Annihilation  of  distance  by  steam 
was  little  less  noteworthy  than  the  infinitely  more  rapid 
transmission  of  news  by  electric  telegraph.  The  per- 
fection of  the  first  successful  transmitter  and  the  opera- 
tion of  the  first  satisfactory  telegraph  line  were  due  to 
the  genius  and  persistence  of  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse.  Morse 
had  made  use  of  crude  telegraphic  apparatus  as  early  as 
1832,  but  was  not  able  to  construct  a  line  until  Congress 
appropriated  $30,000  to  build  a  line  from  Washington  to 
Baltimore.  The  first  important  news  sent  over  this  line  told 
of  the  proceedings  in  the  Democratic  nominating  conven- 
tion of  1844.  Before  the  Civil  War  all  important  cities  and 
towns  in  the  countrv  were  reached  by  the  wires  of  some 


MORSE  AND  HIS  INSTRUMENT 


1860]  Transportation  and  Business  323 

telegraph  company,  and  an  Atlantic  cable  had  been  laid. 
This  cable  was  not  successful,  and  in  1866,  through  the 
efforts  of  Cyrus  W.  Field,  a  new  cable  connected  Europe  with 
America.  Perhaps  we  can  get  some  idea  of  the  value  of  the 
telegraph  if  we  note  its  use  in  conducting  a  single  business 
like  that  of  a  railway,  in  transmitting  general  news,  and  in 
dealing  with  questions  of  international  importance  which 
require  prompt  attention. 

The  period  following  1815,  especially  after  1829,  witnessed   inventions 
a  revolution  in  the  methods  of  production  due  to  changes  in   (I8l5-i84o). 
the  machinery  used.    -Among  the 
inventions  which  affected  industry  _ 

or   increased    the    comfort    of    the     ^BHll  140-142, 

people  may  be  mentioned  the  im-  nNl  323-342. 

provements  in  plows,  the  invention 
of  reapers  and  binders  and  thresh- 

ing    machines,    improved    cooking  9         156-161, 183- 

stoves,  the  first  successful  sewing 
machines,  and  rotary  printing 
presses.  The  process  of  making 

vulcanized    rubber    was    perfected,    HOWE'S  ORIGINAL  SEW- 

,,      ,-     ,  r  •  ,•  .  i  j  ING  MACHINE 

the  first  friction  matches  were  used, 

the  earliest  daguerreotypes  taken  at  this  time.  Illuminating 
gas  began  to  come  into  common  use.  In  1860  people  lived 
in  much  greater  comfort  than  in  1830  and  they  purchased 
most  articles  of  common  use  at  a  much  smaller  price. 

287.   Industrial  Changes  after  1810.  — On  account  of  the  Use  of 
improved  machinery  used  after  1810,  a  change  occurred  in  machinery, 
the  methods  of  manufacturing.     Until  about   1810  most 
articles  had  been  produced  in  small  shops  or  in  the  homes  Wright,  indus- 

of  the  workers.     Soon  after   1810  machinery  came  into  trtai 'Evolution> 

.     117-131. 
general  use  for  the  weaving  of  cotton  and  woolen  cloth  and  in 

other  industries.  Large  foundries,  using  anthracite  and 
bituminous  coal,  displaced  the  smaller  foundries  and  forges 
in  use  at  an  early  day.  Manufacturing  under  the  factory 
system  was  much  more  economical  than  the  older  methods, 
and  the  value  of  the  products  very  much  greater. 


324 


American  History 


[1816- 


Degree  of 

industrial 
development. 

Wright,  Indus- 
trial Evolution, 
132-142. 


Prosperity 
'and  panics 
(1815-1843). 


Tariff  of 
1842. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 

§  102. 


The  industrial  development  between  the  second  war  with 
Great  Britain  and  the  Civil  War  was  rapid,  but  net  greater 
than  the  increase  in  agriculture  and  commerce.  There  were 
many  difficulties  to  be  overcome  in  starting  these  "  infant 
industries."  Aid  was  given  by  the  national  government  in 
the  tariff  of  1816  and  for  about  two  decades  following,  but  the 
system  cf  protection  was  practically  abandoned  during  the 
quarter  century  preceding  the  Civil  War.  Manufacturing 
was  a  much  less  essential  part  of  the  nation's  life  than  it  has 
been  since  the  war  between  the  North  and  the  South.  Very 
few  products  of  the  factories  were  exported  and  only  four 
per  cent  of  the  people  were  employed  in  manufacturing. 

During  the  period  from  1815  to  1843  tne  country  passed 
through  several  periods  of  prosperity  and  depression.  The 
excessive  activity  following  the  war  of  1812  ended  in  1819 
in  a  panic  which  affected  business  in  general  and  the  new 
cotton  and  woolen  industries  especially.  The  hard  times  of 
that  period  reacted  on  the  people,  many  of  whom  were  less 
in  favor  of  the  expansion  of  national  authority  than  at  the 
close  of  the  recent  war  (§§  249-257).  The  return  of  pros- 
perity before  the  election  of  Jackson  restored  confidence  and 
enthusiasm  for  national  expansion,  and  culminated  finally 
in  more  radical  speculation  than  had  ever  been  tried  before 
(§  276).  The  panic  of  1837  (§  277)  put  an  end  to  "  wild- 
cat banking,"  to  the  "  booming  "  of  town  lots  and  public 
lands,  and  to  unwarranted  business  ventures,  ending  as  it 
did  in  the  greatest  business  depression  suffered  by  the  people 
to  this  time. 

288.  The  Era  of  "Free  Trade"  (1846-1857).— The 
country  had  not  recovered  from  the  hard  times  which  fol- 
lowed the  panic  of  1837,  when  the  compromise  tariff  of  1833 
was  completed  by  the  final  reduction  of  duties  in  1842  to  a 
level  of  twenty  per  cent.  As  the  government  obtained  in- 
sufficient revenue  from  the  duties  on  imports,  a  new  tariff 
was  proposed  by  the  Whigs  and  passed  in  1842  which  re- 
stored the  policy  of  protection,  with  rates  averaging  about  the 
same  as  those  in  the  tariff  of  1832, 


l857]  Transportation  and  Business  325 

Opposition  to  protection  developed  again  as  soon  as  good  Walker  tariff 
times  returned  a  year  or  two  later.    The  Democrats,  sue-  ofl846- 
cessful  in  the  election  of  1844,  made  their  plans  for  a  free- 
trade   tariff.     Articles   were   classified   in   schedules,   with 
rates  from  five  per  cent  to  one  hundred  per  cent,  and  many 
articles  on  the  free  list.     All  rates  were  levied  on  the  value 
of  goods  for  the  first  time,  and  a  great  amount  of  fraud 
resulted  because  importers  undervalued  their  goods. 

Because  of  the  reaction  from  the  depression  which  lasted   Prosperity 
from  1837  to  1843,  ^e  decade  following  1846  was  one  of  un-   (l845-l857)- 
usual  prosperity.   Our  foreign  trade,  which  in  1846  amounted 
to  $227,000,000,  had  increased  in   1857    to  $642,000,000. 
Large  numbers  of  immigrants  came  from  Europe  every  year. 
Crops  were  large,  prices  were  high,  and  business  of  every 
kind  active.       Immense  amounts  of  gold  had  been  taken   Rhodes, 
from  California  since  its  discovery  in  1848,  so  that  money  was    Umted  States, 
plentiful.    Capital  was  invested  recklessly,  especially  in  real       '  I4~27' 
estate  and  in  railways. 

Since  the  government  revenues  exceeded  the  expenditures  Tariff  and 
which  the  conservative  politicians  in  control  of  Congress  panic  (l857)- 
believed  it  to  be  wise  or  constitutional  to  make,  a  new  tariff 
act  was  passed  in  1857,  reducing  the  rates  on  articles  im-     -e)v%',  m 
ported.     Scarcely  had  this  been  done  when  excessive  specula-   j  II3. 
tion  led  to  a  panic  which  affected  business  in  general,  and  the 
railways  in  the  interior  particularly.     Failures  were  numer-  Rhodes, 
ous  and  the  government  kept  getting  deeper  into  debt  during    United  states, 
Buchanan's  administration,  although  business  revived  more 
rapidly  than  is  usual  after  a  depression. 

POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  CHANGES 

289.    Opening  of  the  Government  Lands.  —  The  rapid   Land  systems 
development  of  political  and  social  democracy  during  the  before  l82a 
first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  was  due  especially  to  the 
growth  of  the  West.    The  population  of  the  Middle  West 
increased  from  less  than  five  hundred  thousand  inhabitants  84-87, 135, 
in  1800  to  more  than  seven  and  one  half  millions  in  1850.   i4°-I43- 
This  expansion  was  influenced  not  alone  by  the  improved 


326  American  History  [1800- 

means  of  communication  in  the  Mississippi  basin,  but  by  the 
liberal  land  policy  of  Congress.  When  the  states  ceded  to 
Congress  (1781-1802)  their  claims  to  lands  in  the  West, 
Congress  gained  the  title  to  all  unoccupied  lands  in  that 
region.  A  system  of  surveys  was  begun  in  1785,  following 
after  1796  a  plan  similar  to  that  used  at  present.1  Congress 
expected  to  derive  from  the  sale  of  these  lands  considerable 
revenue,  of  which  it  was  greatly  in  need,  but  the  profits  dur- 
ing the  Confederation  were  slight.  After  other  sources  of 
national  income  had  been  devised  under  the  Constitution 
(§§  198,  217),  Congress  in  1800  decided  to  sell  lands  in  blocks 
of  320  or  640  acres  at  $2  per  acre,  payable  in  installments. 
Later  laws  made  it  possible  to  purchase  for  cash  public 
lands  in  still  smaller  lots,  usually  160  acres,  a  quarter  section, 
the  price  being  reduced  somewhat,  especially  for  actual 
settlers. 

Extensive  Many  of  these  lots  were  taken  by  speculators,  who  se- 

saie  of  lands.     cure(j  the  choicest  sections  in  the  fertile  valleys  and  ex- 
pected to  sell  them  at  a  great  advance.    Most  of  the  sales 
Hart,  Practical  were  to  actual  settlers,  except  during  the  years  from  1834 
to  1837,  when  a  mania  for  speculation  in  lands  and  the  sub- 
division of  districts  into  town  sites  reached  its  maximum. 
During  the  first  forty  years  of  the  century  an  area  was  sold 
jacksonian  '      equal  to  that  of  the  three  states  of  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  and 
Democracy,        Iowa.     Such  reckless  disposal  of  the  best  lands  in  the  finest 
agricultural  region  on  the  globe  was  unfortunate  except 
when  the  lands  were  taken  by  actual  settlers.     Yet  the  im- 
Donaidson,        petus  which  it  gave  to  immigration  into  the  West  and  the  in- 

Pub lie  Domain,  . 

200.208  nuence  which  the  sale  of  lands  in  small  blocks  had  upon  the 

democratic  character  of  the  western  states,  makes  the  sub- 
ject one  of  the  greatest  importance. 

Universal  29O-     Development    of    Democracy.  —  The    democratic 

movement         spirit  which  developed  rapidly  after  1815  affected  the  national 

government  much  less  than  it  did  the  states,  especially  in 

the  West.     Frontier  life,  with  its  crude  conditions,  its  lack  of 

huge  estates  or  great  fortunes,  is  a  social  leveler.    Men  are 

1  See  Ashley,  "  American  Government,"  §  299. 


i85o] 


Political  and  Social  Changes 


327 


History. 


judged  on  their  merits,  not  by  the  standards  of  money  or  Turner, 
former  social  position.     In  the  West  accordingly  democracy,   F™ntt*r  in 
political  and  social,  was  perfected  at  an  earlier  date  than 
elsewhere.     But  the  changes  in  the  West  affected  the  East, 
whose  people  protested  against  the  old  inequalities  which 
kept  many  men  from  voting  and  gave  more  legal  rights  to 
some  than  to  others.    This  democratic  movement  was  more 


pronounced  in  this  country  than  elsewhere,  but  the  same 
spirit  produced  in  Europe  reform  movements  or  revolutions 
which  sought  to  abolish  class  rule  and  secure  justice  for  the 
masses.  These  culminated  in  the  widespread  revolutions 
of  1848. 

In  the  United  States  "the  demand  of  the  people  for  a  share  Changes  in  the 
in  the  government  produced,  first  of  all,  changes  in  the  franchise- 
suffrage.     In  1815  only  three  or  four  states  along  the  Atlan- 
tic border  allowed  all  men  to  vote,  although  most  of  those  in 
the  Northwest  and  Southwest  had  very  liberal  qualifications  Of  Am.  People^ 
for  voters.    Thirty  years  later  practically  all  of  the  states   ll,476-483- 


328 


American  History 


[1800- 


McMaster, 
United  States, 
V.  380-394. 

Schouler, 
Const' I  Studies, 
231-248. 


Popular  par- 
ticipation in 
government. 

Thorpe, 
Const' I  Hist., 
II,  426-428, 
458-476. 

Schouler, 
Const' I  Studies, 
267-292. 

Distrust  of  the 
legislatures. 

Thorpe, 
Const' I  Hist., 
II,  413-4*9- 


New  activities 
of  the  states. 

Thorpe, 
Const'l  Hist., 
II,  429-446. 


allowed  white  men  to  vote  without  other  restrictions  than 
citizenship  and  a  short  period  of  residence  in  the  state. 
New  York  permitted  blacks  to  vote  if  they  owned  property, 
but,  as  a  rule,  the  laws  of  the  period  restricted  rather  than 
increased  the  voting  privileges  of  free  negroes.  Many  of  the 
western  states  tried  to  attract  immigrants  by  allowing  those 
who  intended  to  become  citizens  the  same  privileges  as 
citizens,  and  two  states  allowed  all  adult  male  residents  to 
exercise  the  elective  franchise. 

291.  Changes  in  the  States. —  Popular  demand  for  a 
share  in  the  work  of  governing  affected  much  more  than  the 
right  to  vote.  Formerly,  most  officials  had  been  appointed, 
the  governor  being  the  only  state  official  chosen  before  this 
time  by  the  people  in  all  of  the  states.  Local  sheriffs  and 
city  officials  were  no  longer  appointed.  Even  the  judges 
in  most  of  the  states  were  chosen  by  popular  vote.  More- 
over, after  1820  the  people  insisted  that  their  state  constitu- 
tions should  be  submitted  to  them  after  they  had  been  drafted 
by  the  conventions  chosen  for  that  purpose. 

Popular  distrust  of  the  officials  chosen  even  at  general 
elections  was  shown  by  the  great  number  of  subjects  that 
were  included  in  the  state  constitutions.  The  legislatures, 
which  in  1776  by  general  consent  had  held  almost  continuous 
sessions,  were  forced  to  be  content  with  sessions  of  about 
sixty  days  once  in  two  years.  Many  powers  were  taken  from 
the  legislature,  so  that  the  people  should  not  suffer  too  se- 
verely from  the  bane  of  over-legislation,  which  had  afflicted 
more  than  one  of  the  states. 

Nevertheless  the  people  of  the  states  were  willing  to  try 
new  experiments.  They  undertook  the  construction  of 
numerous  canals  (§  283),  voted  public  money  as  bonuses  for 
roads,  and  invested  state  funds  in  speculative  enterprises 
which  promised  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  state,  but 
resulted  in  nothing  but  the  exploitation  of  the  public  treas- 
ury. Permission  was  given  to  numerous  "wild-cat  banks  " 
which  issued  notes  practically  without  limitation  and  on  very 
limited  credit  or  capital.  Yet  the  enterprise  and  spirit  which. 


1850]  Political  and  Social  Changes  329 

prompted  all  of  these  movements  resulted  in  wonderful 
changes  in  the  condition  of  those  whose  rights  had  been 
denied  before  that  time. 

292.  Social  Legislation.  —  It  was  inevitable  that  sooner  Equalization 
or  later  class  privileges  should  disappear.     We  have  noticed   of  nshts- 
already  that  religious  qualifications  for  the  franchise  had 

been  the  first  to  go,  and  that  property  was  not  required  of  Cleveland, 
voters  to  any  extent.  Laws  of  inheritance  no  longer  gave  the  *'"°£'a'y' 
elde-t  son  a  special  share.  Imprisonment  for  debt  had  been  379-385. 
discontinued  gradually  after  1776,  and  was  used  very  little 
in  1840.  The  newer  states  were  beginning  to  make  home- 
steads exempt  from  seizure  by  creditors.  Through  consti- 
tutional provision  or  statute  some  states  were  following  the 
example  of  the  national  government  which  in  1840  made 
ten  hours  a  day's  labor  for  its  employees,  but  most  changes  of 
this  character  came  later,  after  the  Civil  War.  In  some 
cases  the  constitutions  expressly  stated  that  married  women 
might  hold  property  in  their  own  names,  and  gave  them 
certain  other  specific  rights  before  the  law  and  in  inher- 
itance. The  movement  in  favor  of  equalization  among 
white  men  was  almost  universal,  though  less  pronounced 
in  the  older  and  more  conservative  sections. 

An  instance  of  the  humanitarian  changes  of  the  time  is   Beginnings  of 
furnished  by  the  prisons.    The  prisons  of  the  eighteenth  prison  reform< 
century  were  of  the  worst  description,  the  prisoners  being 
herded  together  irrespective  of  age,  offense,  and  other  con-   McMaster- 

...  .  United  States, 

ditions,  sometimes  kept  in  cellar  dungeons  or  in  damp,  un-   l  g8_I02 
ventilated  mines.    Little  improvement  was  made  until,  about   1^532-549, 
1830,  a  few  model  prisons  were  built,  in  which  prisoners  were  VI-  96~"- 
allowed  to  work  under  sanitary  conditions,  and  decent  food 
and  shelter  were  provided. 

293.  Newspapers    and    Education. — The    same    causes  New  public 
which  gave  the  people  so  much  power  in  political  affairs  were  sch°o1 
influential  in  the  extension  of  systems  of  free  education.     Not 

only  did  people  begin  to  realize  that  it  was  necessary  to  be   McMaster 
trained  for  their  civic  duties,  but  they  felt  that  the  state  owed    united  states, 
every  child  the  opportunity  of  a  good  education.     Under  the   V,  343-372. 


330 


American  History 


[1800- 


Cheap  daily 
newspapers. 


Hapgood  and 
Maurice, 
Bookman 
14  (1902), 
567-584. 


Improved 
mail  service. 


Harrison,  This 
Country  of 
Ours,  233-240. 


lead  of  Mann  and  Barnard,  New  England  built  upon  her  old 
foundation  of  belief  in  common  schools  a  far  more  perfect 
free  system  than  had  yet  existed.  In  the  West  democracy 
insisted  upon  education  as  a  right.  As  all  of  these  states 
had  once  been  parts  of  the  public  domain,  each  had  an 
educational  fund  of  one  section,  or,  after  1848,  of  two  sec- 
tions, in  each  township.  This  greatly  lightened  the  burden 
of  the  local  school  taxes,  and  thus  gave  the  West  decided 
advantages  over  the  East. 

One  of  the  greatest  educational  forces  of  that  day  and  the 
era  since  that  time  has  been  the  modern  newspaper.  The 
newspapers  of  the  eighteenth  century  usually  contained  four 
small  pages  with  comparatively  little  news  and  very  little 
advertising.  As  better  presses  were  invented,  the  New  York 
Sun  and  other  papers  were  published  at  one  cent  (1833),  the 
first  modern  newspapers  at  a  popular  price.  These  papers, 
especially  in  New  York,  were  developed  into  bright,  inter- 
esting sheets,  with  valuable  editorial  comment  on  public 
questions.  Soon  there  were  very  few  villages  which  did  not 
have  a  local  newspaper.  Everywhere  these  papers  exerted 
a  tremendous  influence  on  public  sentiment.  It  is  said  that 
the  feelings  of  a  large  class  were  expressed  by  the  old  farmer 
who  was  asked  his  opinion  on  some  public  question  and 
replied,  "  I  don't  know.  The  Tribune  has  not  come  yet."  1 

The  national  government  helped  to  bring  this  education  to 
the  people  by  revising  its  postal  system.  It  adopted  ad- 
hesive stamps  and  reduced  letter  postage  from  twenty-five 
cents  for  all  distances  over  four  hundred  miles  to  a  uniform 
rate  of  three  cents  per  half  ounce  for  all  distances  less  than 
three  thousand  miles.  On  newspapers  and  other  periodicals 
rates  were  lowered  later  to  one  cent  per  pound,  if  sent  direct 
from  the  publishers.  For  a  long  time  this  involved  consider- 
able loss,  and  in  fact  the  receipts  do  not  equal  the  expendi- 
tures to-day;  but  this  loss,  most  of  which  comes  from  the 
transportation  and  delivery  of  periodicals,  is  justified  on  the 
ground  that  it  is  a  public  service  of  exceptional  value. 

1  The  New  York  Weekly  Tribune,  edited  by  Horace  Grceley. 


l85°]  Political  and  Social  Changes  331 

294.  American  Cities.  —  No  part  of  the  nation  grew  with  Growth  in  haft 
greater  rapidity  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen-  century- 
tury  than  the  cities.   In  1800  only  four  contained  as  many  as 

ten  thousand  inhabitants,  but  in  18^0  the  number  of  cities    ,a!ri.e'.    un' 

Admmistra- 

of  that  size  was  41.  In  the  half  century  the  urban  popula-  tion,  77-85. 
tion  had  increased  more  than  three  times  as  rapidly  as  the 
population  of  the  entire  United  States.  The  largest  city, 
New  York,  was  a  thriving  metropolis  of  over  a  half  million, 
just  beginning  the  decade  of  most  rapid  growth  in  its  history. 
Many  of  the  Irish  who  came  to  America  between  1846  and 
1860  settled  in  these  bustling  centers  of  population,  and 
thousands  of  farmer  boys  and  girls  left  the  country  yearly 
for  the  more  active  life  of  the  railway  centers  or  the  factory 
towns. 

Most   of   the    cities   abandoned    the    old    undemocratic  Changes  in 
government  that  they  had  used  during  the  colonial  and  early  government, 
national  periods.     In  adopting  a  more  popular  system  the 
cities  showed  most  of  the  faults  with  few  of  the  excellencies  Fairlie,  j.  A., 
possible  in  popular  rule.     In  them  the  "spoils"  system  was  '"     unictPa 

Programme, 

brought  nearest  perfection,  and  "boss"  rule  was  developed  n-i7. 
most  easily.  This  demoralizing  state  of  affairs  was  prob- 
ably due  to  two  things.  (i)  The  growth  of  the  cities 
was  quite  rapid,  and  a  large  part  of  the  new  population  was 
foreign.  As  suffrage  was  universal,  and  a  declared  intention 
to  become  a  citizen  often  gave  an  ignorant  immigrant  a 
vote,  the  elections  were  decided  by  an  element  easily  led  and 
corrupted.  (2)  The  rapid  growth  made  extensive  improve- 
ments necessary.  This  expenditure  acted  as  a  temptation 
to  certain  of  the  lower  classes  to  take  part  in  city  govern- 
ment, and,  as  the  money  was  expended  by  these  persons, 
it  tended  to  increase  the  evils  already  existing.  So  democ- 
racy in  the  cities  came  near  being  mob  rule. 

FREE  AND  SLAVE  STATES 

295.  Growth  of  the  United  States.  —  In  1800  the  United  Territorial 
States  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi  River  expansion 
and  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Floridas.    In  1850  its  (I8o°-l85°)- 


332 


American  History 


[1800- 


Garrison, 
Westward 
Extension, 
33-42. 


western  boundary  was  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Louisiana,  with 
its  indefinite  western  boundary,  had  been  acquired  from 
France  in  1803.  The  Floridas  had  been  ceded  by  Spain 
in  1819,  and  our  title  to  Oregon  from  42°  to  49°  became  clear 
in  1846.  In  1845  we  annexed  the  republic  of  Texas  (§  302), 
and  when  Mexico  objected,  we  made  war  on  her  and  seized 
the  territory  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Pacific.  In  a  half 


Increase  in 
population. 

Garrison, 
Westward 
Extension, 
3-21. 


century  the  United  States  had  grown  to  more  than  three 
times  its  original  size,  had  acquired  a  natural  boundary 
on  the  southeast,  and  had  .gained  a  seacoast  more  than  one 
thousand  miles  long  on  the  Pacific  —  a  magnificent  domain, 
symmetrical,  productive,  with  unlimited  natural  resources, 
and  located  midway  between  the  well-developed  nations  of 
Europe  and  the  older  civilization  of  the  Far  East. 

The  population  meanwhile  had  doubled  every  twenty- 
five  years.  From  only  5,300,000  inhabitants  in  1800,  the 
number  had  increased  to  23,000,000  in  1850  and  more  than 
31,000,000  in  1860.  But  the  growth  was  not  uniform 
throughout  the  country.  The  population  of  the  older  states 
had  not  increased  as  rapidly  as  that  of  the  West,  although  in 
1850  nearly  one  half  of  the  people  lived  east  of  the  Alleghany 


1860]  Political  and  Social  Changes  333 

mountains.  The  cities  had  grown  more  rapidly  than  the 
country,  although  more  than  eighty-seven  per  cent  of  the 
people  still  lived  on  farms  or  in  villages.  The  South  had  not 
kept  pace  with  the  North,  for,  although  they  started  togethei 
in  1800,  the  free  states  contained  4,000,000  more  people  than 
the  slave  states  in  1850,  and  in  1860  were  nearly  7,000,000 
in  advance  of  the  southern  states. 

296.  Foreign  Immigration.  —  A  considerable  part  of  this  Irish  and 
increase  was  due  to  the  very  large  immigration  from.  Europe  German 
which  followed  the  Irish  famines  after  1845  an<^  the  failure 
of  the  revolutions  in  Europe  in  1848.    About  two  and  one  half  Thor  g 
millions  came  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century   const' i Hist., 
and  as  many  more  landed  at  the  ports  of  the  United  States  11,496-498. 
during  the  decade  from  1850  to  1860.    Most  of  these  were 
Irish  or  Germans,  people  of  unusual  intelligence  and  energy  Hal1; Immi- 
who  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  people  of  the  United  States 
and  discarded  to  a  large  extent  all  their  former  social  charac- 
teristics.   Many  of  the  Irish  settled  in  the  cities  where  they 
interested  themselves  particularly  in  the  work  of  city  govern- 
ment, often  complicating  the  problems  that  the  cities  were 
forced  to  solve  during  this  transitional  period  of  their  exist- 
ence.   Many  of  the  other  immigrants  went  directly  to  the 
West,    where    they    obtained    government  lands.     Almost 
without  exception  they  settled  in  the  North  in  order  to  avoid 
competition  with  slave  labor. 

Had  it  been  impossible  for  the  United  States  to  assimilate  National 

so  large  a  body  of  foreigners,  their  great  numbers  would  influenceof 

,  ....  __  foreigners, 

have  been  a  decided  menace  to  our  institutions.  Yet  no- 
where did  they  retain  their  old  national  characteristics  of 
race,  language,  and  customs,  for,  even  if  the  first  generation 
failed  to  become  truly  American,  it  was  never  so  with  the 
second.  As  they  were  industrious  and  thrifty,  they  increased 
the  wealth  and  producing  power  of  the  nation.  More- 
over, they,  consciously  and  unconsciously,  aided  in  the 
development  of  a  national  spirit  and  gave  their  support  in 
favor  of  a  strong  central  government.  The  Irish  and  the 
Germans,  at  least,  had  struggled  for  the  perfection  of  na- 


334  American  History  [1845 

tional  unity  in  their  former  homes  and  were  in  sympathy 
with  the  similar  movement  in  this  country.  They  were 
drawn  to  the  United  States  as  the  land  of  the  free,  but  they 
knew  little  and  cared  less  about  the  states.  Directly  and 
indirectly  they  were  a  great  help  in  developing  a  national 
sentiment  in  the  North. 

States  admitted  297.  The  Admission  of  New  States.  —  In  spite  of  the 
ki  20-1  50).  much  more  rapid  development  in  the  North  than  in  the 
South,  Congress  had  preserved  the  balance  of  the  states 
until  1850.  After  the  struggle  over  the  admission  of  Mis- 
souri (§  260),  no  state  was  admitted  for  fifteen  years.  Then 
Arkansas  and  Michigan  were  admitted.  Later  Texas  and 
Florida  were  followed  by  Iowa  and  Wisconsin.  When  Cali- 
fornia was  admitted  as  a  free  state,  the  balance  was  broken, 
for  there  was  no  territory  in  the  South  between  Texas  and 
California  that  was  well  settled.  Even  in  this  territory  the 
people  were  opposed  to  the  system  of  slavery,  for  in  New 
Mexico  in  1850  the  vote  was  nearly  10  to  i  in  favor  of  asking 
for  admission  as  a  free  state.  The  Northwest,  on  the  con- 
trary, was  growing  rapidly  and  in  the  natural  course  of 
events  would  be  divided  into  free  states. 

Attitude  of  the  It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  so  far  in  our  history,  except 
new  states  jn  fae  disputes  arising  over  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
national  River,  all  of  the  tendencies  toward  disunion  and  most  of 

government.  those  favorable  to  state  sovereignty  came  from  the  older 
commonwealths.  The  reason  for  this  is  evident.  The 
old  states  looked  upon  the  Union  as  their  creation;  the 
new  considered  the  nation  their  creator.  Nearly  all  of  the 
territory  formed  into  states  after  1789  has  been  at  some  time 
under  the  absolute  control  of  the  national  government. 
When  these  new  states  were  admitted  to  the  Union,  the  old 
states  apparently  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  change.  Con- 
gress passed  the  enabling  act,  Congress  imposed  conditions, 
if  such  there  were.  The  new  commonwealths  had  no  local 
traditions,  no  revolutionary  claim  to  sovereignty,  no  insti- 
tutions productive  of  either  particularism  or  sectionalism. 
They  favored  a  strong  government  for  foreign  affairs  and  for 


Political  and  Social  Changes 


335 


internal  improvements,  and  only  in  the  few  matters  directly 
antagonistic  to  their  interests  did  they  disapprove  of  national 
authority. 

298.  Early  Abolitionists.  —  Not  only  were  the  slave 
states  behind  the  more  progressive  free  northern  common- 
wealths, but  they  found  that  their  institution  of  slavery  was 
threatened  by  the  growth  of  a  new  and  practically  world- 
wide movement  in  favor  of  uni- 
versal freedom  for  blacks  as  well 
as  whites.  The  abolition  move- 
ment became  prominent  in  the 
United  States  about  1831.  Before 
that  time  all  of  the  northern  states 
had  made  provision  for  the  eman- 
cipation of  their  slaves,  and  a  few 
of  the  southern  states  had  looked 
with  favor  on  some  form  of 
gradual  emancipation.  In  1831 
William  Lloyd  Garrison  established 
in  Boston  his  paper  called  "  The 
Liberator  "  which  was  thenceforth 
devoted  with  unlimited  zeal  to 
the  cause  of  negro  freedom.  . 

Unfortunately  in  the  same  year  there  was  an  insurrection 
of  blacks  in  Virginia  led  by  a  negro,  Nat  Turner.  Before 
this  could  be  suppressed,  over  sixty  whites,  most  of  them 
women  and  children,  lost  their  lives.  Severe  laws  were 
enacted  against  the  blacks  in  several  states  and  further 
consideration  of  emancipation  in  the  South  ceased.  Many 
people,  North  and  South,  believed  that  Turner's  insurrection 
had  been  produced  by  the  abolitionists,  and  so  great  was  the 
feeling  aroused  against  Garrison  and  his  followers  that 
abolition  meetings  were  broken  up,  speakers  were  mobbed 
in  almost  every  northern  state,  a  large  amount  of  property 
was  destroyed,  and  a  few  of  the  more  radical  leaders,  like 
Lovejoy  in  Illinois,  put  to  death.  The  movement  grew 
slowly.  In  1833  a  national  anti-slavery  convention  was 


Movement 
toward  eman- 
cipation. 


Wilson,  Div. 
and  Reunion, 
$$60-62. 


Hart,  Slavery 
and  Abolition, 
157-183. 

Old  South 
Leaflets, 
No.  78. 


WILLIAM  LLOYD  GARRISON 


Progress  of 
the  abolition 
movement. 

Schouler, 
United  States, 
IV,  210-216, 
296-300. 


336 


American  History 


['835 


Congress's 
attitude  toward 
abolition. 


Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
254-273- 

Hart,  Slavery 
and  Abolition, 
256-275. 


held,  but  before  1835  very  few  people  had  identified  them- 
selves with  the  abolitionists,  although  in  1840  they  claimed 
about  two  hundred  thousand  members  in  various  abolition 
societies.  Public  sentiment  changed  gradually  toward  the 
abolitionists  so  that  after  1840  they  suffered  comparatively 
little  from  mob  violence  in  the  North,  although  they  did 
not  control  the  sentiment  of  many  states  except  possibly 
in  parts  of  New  England. 

299.  Abolition  and  Petition  (1835-1840).  —  Since  the 
beginning  of  the  national  government  petitions  had  been 
presented  in  Congress  requesting  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia.  At  first  the  Quakers  were 
the  only  persons  interested^  but  after  1830  the  abolitionists 
circulated  and  presented  numerous  petitions.  In  1835  the 
radical  members  of  the  House  became  engaged  in  a  contest 
over  these  petitions  which  had  a  very  momentous  result. 
After  several  months  of  bitter  debate,  the  House  adopted 
a  "  gag-resolution  "  by  which  all  anti-slavery  petitions  were 
to  be  laid  on  the  table,  with  no  further  action  whatever  to 
be  taken  on  them  later.  The  Senate  adopted  rules  which 
prevented  the  consideration  of  similar  petitions  in  much  the 
same  manner.  Nothing  else  could  have  brought  before  the 
attention  of  the  people  the  cause  of  the  abolitionists  as  had 
this  debate.  Instead  of  reducing  the  number  of  petitions, 
the  agitation  continued  to  spread  until  the  House,  thinking 
to  rid  itself  of  this  question,  was  persuaded  by  the  southern 
members  to  go  one  step  farther.  "After  1840  no  petitions 
are  to  be  received  by  this  House  or  entertained  in  any  way 
whatever."  In  short,  the  House  had  denied  to  large  num- 
bers of  citizens  their  constitutional  right  of  presenting  peti- 
tions.1 In  seeking  to  injure  the  anti-slavery  movement, 
the  radical  congressmen  had  given  the  abolitionists  definite 
legal  grounds  for  opposing  slavery.  The  pro-slavery  leaders 
had  shown  that  in  their  opinion  they  must  protect  slavery 
even  though  they  interfered  with  the  rights  of  other  citizens, 
certainly  a  fatal  mistake. 

1  Constitution,  Amendment  i. 


1850]  A  Half  Century  of  Changes  337 


TOPICS 

1.  LAND   POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES:     Hart,  "Practical 
Essays  on  Government,"  No.  10;   Willoughby,  in  "Johns  Hopkins 
University  Studies,"  Sato,  S.,  in  "Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies," 
IV,  Nos.  vii-ix. 

2.  ANTI-SLAVERY    MOVEMENT:      Burgess,    "Middle    Period," 
pp.  242-277 ;  Hart,  "  Contemporaries,"  III,  Nos.  174-184 ;  Von  Hoist, 
"Constitutional  History  of  United  States,"  II,  pp.  80-139,  219-292; 
Hart,  "Slavery  and  Abolition,"  pp.  152-275. 

STUDIES 

1.  Spread  of  population  in  the  Mississippi  valley  as  affected  by 
geographic  conditions.     (Semple,  "American  History  and  Its  Geo- 
graphic Conditions,"  pp.  150-177.) 

2.  Local  influences  of  the  Erie  canal.     (Hulbert,  "  Great  American 
Canals,"  II,  pp.  152-177.) 

3.  Government    of    democracy  in    America.     (De   Tocqueville, 
"Democracy  in  America,"  I,  pp.  198-238.) 

4.  "Who  reads  an  American  book?"     (Hart   (ed.),   "Contem- 
poraries," III,  No.  152.) 

5.  American  poets  of  the  Middle  Period.     (Trent,   "American 
Literature,"  pp.  393-460.) 

6.  An  Englishwoman's  view  of  a  western  town.     (Mrs.  Trollope, 
"Domestic  Manners  of  the  Americans,"  I,  pp.  61-131.) 

7.  Removal  of  the  Indians  east  of  the  Mississippi.     ("  The  Ameri- 
can Nation,"  XIV,  310  (maps),  XV,  Chapter  X.) 

8.  People  without  a  Country.     (Thorpe,  "Constitutional  History 
of  the  United  States,"  I,  pp.  356-399.) 

9.  Economic  character  of  slavery.     (Hart,  "Slavery  and  Aboli- 
tion," pp.  40-66.) 

10.  The    slave     market.      (Hart,     "Slavery    and    Abolition," 
pp.  123-135.) 

n.  Slavery  agitation  in  Congress.  (Benton,  "Thirty  Years  in 
Senate,"  I,  pp.  576-588,  609-623.) 

12.  J.  Q.  Adams  on  constitutional  war  powers  over  slavery. 
(Johnston  (ed.),  "American  Eloquence,"  II,  pp.  115-122.) 

QUESTIONS 

i.    Compare  the  internal   improvements  made   by  the   national 
government  with  those  undertaken  by  the  states.     Was  there  any 
difference  between  the  character  and  extent  of  the  improvements 
made  by  the  eastern  and  by  the  western  states  ? 
z 


338  American  History 

z.  Give  a  full  comparison  of  the  ways  of  transportation  in  1750, 
1800,  and  1850.  What  changes  or  improvements  coincided  with 
the  close  of  the  first  war  with  Great  Britain?  the  second  war  with 
Great  Britain?  the  election  of  Jackson? 

3.  Make  a  table  showing  in  one  column  the  periods  of  prosperity 
and  business  depression  since  1815;  in  a  second  the  wars,  movements 
of  population  (indicated  by  new  states,  etc.),  and  extension  of  territory; 
in  a  third  very  important  laws  or  acts  of  the  national  government. 

4.  During  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  what  changes 
occurred  in  the  franchise,  in  popular  participation  in  government,  in 
laws  regarding  debt,  imprisonment  for  debt  and  methods  of  punish- 
ment, in  civil  rights  in  general  ? 

5.  Trace  the  changes  from  1 780  to  the  present  in  our  Indian  pol- 
icy; in  our  postal  service;  in  our  public  land  system. 

6.  Compare  the  United  States  in  1850  with  the  United  States  in 
1800.     Note  area,  population,  percentages  of  rural  and  urban  popu- 
lation, occupations,  culture,  degree  of  national  unity,  and  changes 
considered  in  2  and  4  above. 


PART   IV 

THE   STRUGGLE   OVER   SLAVERY 

(1843-1877) 

CHAPTER  XV 

SLAVERY  IN  THE   TERRITORIES   (1843-1857) 

300.  Introduction. — The  period  between  1843  an^  Slavery  and 
1877  is  concerned  principally  with  questions  arising  out  of  the  South, 
slavery.  This  system,  which  had  once  been  universal  in  this 
country,  had  been  superseded  gradually  in  the  North  by 
free  labor.  The  reasons  for  this  are  topographical,  eco- 
nomic, and  social.  We  have  noticed  already  the  decay  of 
slavery  in  the  North  and  the  spread  of  an  abolition  senti- 
ment throughout  that  section.1  In  the  South,  on  the  other 
hand,  since  the  invention  of  the  cotton  gin  (§  206),  there  had 
been  a  great  and  constantly  increasing  demand  for  slaves, 
who  could  be  employed  profitably  on  the  large  cotton  plan- 
tations.2 After  1830  the  cotton  industry  developed  with 
especial  rapidity,  so  that  long  before  1860  it  had  become  the 
chief  occupation  of  the  South,  and  of  value  to  the  whole 
country,  furnishing  as  it  did  two-thirds  of  the  exports  of 
the  United  States. 

So  important  was  this  industry,  so  essentially  a  part  of   influence 
the   life   of    the   South,  so  valuable   was    cotton    in   our  ofcotton- 
foreign  commerce,  that  almost  every  one  believed  "  Cotton 
was  King."    Not  only  did  it  make  slavery  more  necessary 
to  the  South,  but,  through  its  demand  for  slave  labor,  it 
helped  to  uphold  that  patriarchal  plantation  system  that  was 
the  chief  characteristic  of  the  Old  South.      Throughout  the 

1  §§  298,  299.  2  See  Turner,  New  West,  46-50. 

339 


340 


American  History 


[1843 


The  nation 
and  slavery. 


Four  peiiods 
in  the  contest 
between  the 
nation  and 
slavery. 


southern  states  there  was  preserved  until  the  coming  of  war 
a  life  of  social  pleasures,  of  large-hearted  hospitality,  which 
even  cotton  could  not  make  commercial.  These  plantation 
owners  were  men  of  high  ideals  who  opposed  democratic 
innovations  and  considered  manual  labor  degrading,  who 
had  no  sympathy  with  the  bustling,  energetic,  commercial 
North,  and  were  particularly  anxious  to  protect  and  extend 
the  institution  of  slavery. 

Naturally  the  South  desired  more  territory  in  which  new 
plantations  might  be  started;  to  which  the  institution  of 
slavery  might  be  extended.  As  there  was  no  possibility  of 
reestablishing  slavery  in  the  North,  the  South  turned, 
of  course,  to  territories  south  and  west  of  the  slave  states. 
The  southern  leaders  desired  more  than  new  territory  suit- 
able for  slavery,  for  they  insisted  that  slavery  must  be 
established  and  maintained  in  these  lands.  The  South  had 
not  grown  as  rapidly  as  the  North,  so  that  unless  new 
slave  states  were  added  soon  to  the  Union,  the  political 
balance  between  the  free  and  the  slave  states  would 
be  broken  forever.  But  the  extension  of  slavery,  in 
fact  even  the  maintenance  of  slavery,  was  at  this  time 
threatening  the  completion  of  that  national  development 
which  had  been  the  chief  result  of  our  history  to  this  time.1 
Although  slavery  tried  to  prevent  the  completion  of  nation- 
ality, in  the  end  the  nation  conquered  and  destroyed  the 
institution. 

The  struggle  between  these  two  forces  covers  four  periods : 

(1)  The   attempt   to   acquire   more   territory  and   extend 
slavery  to  all  of  the  territories  controlled   by  Congress; 

(2)  the  attempt  to  protect  slavery  by  means  of  secession  and 
civil  war;  (3)  the  triumph  of   the  Union  over  secession; 
and  (4)   the  reconstruction  of  the  states   that  attempted 
to  secede.     We  shall  consider  in   the  following  chapters 
these  four  phases  of  the  slavery  contest,  which  covered  a 
third  of  a  century  and  assured  the  future  success  of  the 
republic. 

1  On  the  incompatibility  of  slavery  and  nationality,  consult  §§  330,  331. 


1844]  Territorial  Expansion  341 

TERRITORIAL  EXPANSION  (1843-1848) 

301.  Texas  before  1843. —  Soon  after  the  United  States  The  settle- 
abandoned  its  claims  to  Texas  in  the  treaty  of  1819  (§  261),  ™ent  and 
Mexico  revolted  against  the  rule  of  Spain  and  established  ^f  Texas' 
her  independence.    One  of  the  states  of  the  new  republic 

was  that  of  Coahuila-Texas,  the  eastern  part  of  which,  as  Burgess, 
far  as  the  Nueces  River,  was  called  Texas  and  was  settled  Middle  Period, 
almost  exclusively  by  immigrants  from  the  United  States.   2  9~295- 
These  Texans  had  nothing  in  common  with  the  Mexicans  of 
the  Coahuila  part  of  the  double  state,  but  the  Mexicans  were 
so  much  more  numerous  that  they  ruled  the  state.     Opposi-   210-227. 
tion  to  Mexican  rule  culminated  in  an  attempt  to  gain  inde- 
pendence for  Texas.     This  succeeded  practically  when,  in 
1836,  General  Sam  Houston  defeated  at  San  Jacinto  an  army 
much  larger  than  his  own  under  President  Santa  Anna, 
capturing  the  Mexican  general  and  a  large  force  of  men. 
Early  the  next  year  the  independence  of  Texas  was  ac- 
knowledged by  the  United  States  and  by  foreign  powers. 

From  the  beginning  the  Texans  had  desired   annexation   Proposed 
to  the  United   States.    This  was   not  favored   by    either  annexation- 
Jackson  or   Van  Buren,  but  was  discussed  somewhat  in 

Burgess, 

Congress  and  throughout   the  country.      As  early  as  1836  Middle  Period, 

Calhoun  announced  in  the  Senate  that  he  considered  the  295-302. 

annexation  of  Texas  necessary  to  preserve  that  balance 

between  slave  and  free  states  which  alone  would  preserve 

the  Union.    Others  at  this  time  opposed  the  annexation  for 

exactly  the  same  reason,  but  it  did  not  become  a  sectional 

question  until  much  later. 

302.  The  Annexation  of  Texas  (1843-1845). — President  Annexation 
Tyler  desired  annexation,  but  was  unable  to  accomplish  treaty  (l844)« 
anything  in  this  direction  until  Webster  resigned  his  position  Rhodes 

as  secretary  of  state  in  1 843 .     Plans  for  a  treaty  of  annexation  United  states, 

had  been  almost  completed  when  Calhoun  accepted  the  port-  l>  78-82. 

folio  of  state  in  1844.    The  Texas  treaty  was  rejected  in  the  Burgess, 

Senate  by  an  emphatic  vote,  probably  less  because  the  Middle  Period, 

senators  opposed  annexation  than  because  they  disliked  the  3°2-3i°- 


342 


American  History 


[1844 


Election 
of  1844. 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
IV.  465-480. 

Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
209-225. 


way  the  President  dictated  to  them.  Some  feared  also  that 
the  annexation  of  Texas  with  a  claim  to  the  Rio  Grande 
would  involve  us  in  war  with  Mexico. 

-Scarcely  had  the  Senate  rejected  the  Texas  treaty  when 
conventions  met  to  nominate  candidates  for  the  presidency. 
The  Whigs  adopted  a  short  platform  in  which  Texas  was  not 
mentioned.  They  nominated  Henry  Clay.  In  the  Demo- 
cratic convention 
there  was  a  con- 
test between  the 
friends  and  ene- 
mies of  Van 
Buren.  His 
friends  had  a  ma- 
jority of  the  dele- 
gates, but  could 
not  muster  the 
two  thirds  nec- 
essary for  the 
nominat  ion . 
James  K.  Polk 
of  Tennessee,  for- 
merly speaker  of 
the  house,  was 
selected  finally. 
The  platform 

stated  that  "  the  reoccupation  of  Oregon  and  the  reannexa- 
tion  of  Texas  at  the  earliest  practicable  period  are  great 
American  measures  which  this  convention  recommends  to  the 
cordial  support  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Union."  Under 
the  name  of  the  Liberty  party,  the  abolitionists  took  part  in 
this  campaign  as  in  that  of  1840.  At  first  Clay  emphatically 
opposed  the  annexation  of  Texas  on  the  ground  that  it  would 
involve  us  in  war  with  Mexico,  but,  as  the  campaign  pro- 
gressed he  wrote  to  a  friend  in  the  South  that  he  favored  an- 
nexation if  it  could  be  done  "without  dishonor,  without  war, 
with  the  common  consent  of  the  Union,  and  upon  just  and 


ELECTION  OF  1844 

-R>».  /tern.  170  V:Z5*( 
Clay,  Whig,  J06  g^g) 


1845]  Territorial  Expansion  343 

fair  terms."  This  attitude  alienated  enough  of  his  supporters 
in  New  York  so  that  Polk  carried  that  state  and  the  election.1 

When  Congress  met  in  December,  1844,  resolutions  were  Texas 
introduced  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  by  joint  action  of  annexed 
the  houses  of  Congress.    These  were  adopted  and  signed  by  Burgess, 

President  Tyler,  March  i,  1841;.    Mexico  threatened  war  if      l     e 

320-323. 

Texas  accepted  the  offer  to  enter  the  Union,  but  the  state  ,. 

Garrison, 

adopted  a  constitution  and  was  admitted  in  December  of   Texas, 
that  year.2  256-268. 

303.  Oregon  Territory  to   1846.  —  In  the  campaign  of  Joint  occupa- 

1844  the  desire  for  territorial  expansion  had  been  voiced  tlonof  °reg°n 

(1818-1846). 
not  simply  by  the  desire  to  annex  Texas,  but  by  the  demand 

for  "  the  whole  of  Oregon."     This  was  expressed  in  the  Johnston. 

Am.  Pol.  Hist., 

campaign  motto  "54-40  or  fight."     Since  1818  the  Oregon   11,76-78. 
territory  from  42°  to  54°  40'  had  been  held  jointly  by  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States.    Spain  had  surrendered  to  us  Diplomacy, 
her  claims  to  land  north  of  the  forty-second  parallel  in  the  302-307. 
treaty  of  1819.      Russia  had  agreed  to  remain  north  of  54°  gchouier 
40'.    The  question  to  be  settled  was  therefore  the  boundary    United  states, 
line  between  British  Oregon  and  American  Oregon.    This  IV>  5°4-5"- 
remained  in  abeyance  until  1844. 

American  claims  to  the  Oregon  country  were  based  upon  American  and 
the  discovery  of  the  Columbia  River  in  1792,  the  Lewis  and  Bntlsh  claims. 
Clark  explorations  in  1804-1806,  settlements  and  trading 
posts  established  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  before  the  J°hns'°n'    . 

Am.  Pol.  Htst., 

second  war  with  England,  Spanish  claims  which  had  been  \\t  73-76. 
transferred  to  us,  and  actual  settlement  of  the  territory  by 
missionaries  and  others,  most  of  whom  went  to  Oregon  after 
1835.  Great  Britain  based  her  claims  on  the  explorations 
of  Vancouver  and  others  before  1800,  the  acknowledgment 
of  her  territorial  rights  by  Spain  in  1790,  and  the  many  posts 
established  by  the  Hudson  Bay  company.  In  1844  none 

1  The  vote  was  1,337,243  for  Polk,  1,288,062  for  Clay,  and  62,300  for 
Birney  (Liberty  party).    The  electoral  vote  was  170  for  Polk  and  105  for 
Clay. 

2  The  United  States  did  not  guarantee  the  Rio  Grande  boundary  nor 
assume  the  public  debt  of  Texas  exceeding  the  sum  of  $10,000,000. 


344 


American  History 


[1846 


Oregon 
tfeaty  (1846). 

Foster,  Amer. 
Diplomacy, 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
IV,  511-514. 


Hostilities 
on  the  Rio 
Grande. 

Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
327-331. 


ni  ^^^sr^xs10^ 

•-     i          s^^z^s     H"      -bJ 

H.      rl^/N       IL-J        A      N 


of  these  claims  were  of  the  least  value  except  those  based 
on  actual  occupation.  In  that  respect  England  had  the  ad- 
vantage if  we  consider  areas,  for  the  Hudson  Bay  company 
had  been  very  active  in  extending  its  trade.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Americans  were  much  truer  settlers  and  had  a 
much  more  valid  claim  in  the  territory  which  they  held. 

About  1825  the  United  States  had  desired  a  division  of 
Oregon  by  extending  the  line  of  49°  to  the  Pacific.  Great 

Britain  wished  to  have 
the  Columbia  from  its 
mouth  to  parallel  49° 
and  then  use  that  line 
to  the  Rockies.  No 
agreement  was  reached 
and  little  interest  was 
taken  in  Oregon  by  the 
people  of  the  United 
States.1  In  1846  England 
agreed,  however,  to  a 
treaty  which  extended  to 
the  Pacific  the  existing 
line  between  Canada  and 
the  United  States  east  of 
the  Rockies,  49°. 

304.  War  with  Mexico  (1846-1847).  —  Before  theOregon 
treaty  had  been  signed,  hostilities  with  Mexico  had  begun  in 
April,  1846.  The  republic  of  Texas  had  claimed  the  Rio 
Grande  as  its  western  boundary,  and,  although  at  the  time 
of  annexation  the  United  States  had  not  agreed  to  retain 
this  boundary  line,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  people  of  the 
nation  believed  the  Rio  Grande  to  be  the  rightful  boundary. 


1  Some  suggested  that  the  Rocky  mountains  formed  our  natural  bound- 
ary on  the  West.  Interest  in  Oregon  was  renewed  after  1840,  especially 
by  Marcus  Whitman  and  other  settlers  who  realized  its  value.  England 
was  very  anxious  to  gain  a  foothold  in  California  and  so  declined  to  recede 
from  the  line  of  the  Columbia  until  the  intensity  of  feeling  in  the  United 
States  thoroughly  convinced  her  statesmen  that  if  she  did  not  accept  the 
line  of  49°  the  United  States  would  insist  on  a  still  larger  share  of  Oregon. 


Territorial  Expansion 


345 


Moreover  the  desire  among  the  people  to  possess  on  the 
Pacific  coast  a  territory  much  greater  than  that  of  Oregon 
made  them  willing  to  have  the  war  which  Mexico  claimed  she 
would  wage  if  we  annexed  Texas.  To  be  sure,  a  powerful 
and  active  minority,  especially  in  New  England,  opposed 
this  policy  of  aggression  because  it  would  extend  the  power 
of  slavery.  War  began  when  United  States  troops  under  Gen- 
eral Zachary  Taylor  were  ordered  by  President  Polk  to  oc- 
cupy the  disputed 
territory  between 
the  Nueces  River 
and  the  Rio 
Grande.  The 
Mexicans  ordered 
Taylor  to  with- 
draw. When  •  he 
failed  to  do  so, 
they  crossed  the 
Rio  Grande,  but 
early  in  May  were 
defeated  by  Tay- 
lor and  driven 
back  across  the 
river. 

Congress  im- 
mediately voted 
men  and  money  for  the  prosecution  of  an  offensive  campaign.1 
Plans  were  made  at  length  for  Taylor  to  advance  into 
northeastern  Mexico  and  for  General  Scott  to  seize  the 
city  of  Mexico.  Taylor  had  no  difficulty  in  capturing 
Monterey,  the  largest  city  in  his  route.  When  he  advanced 
farther  into  Mexico,  he  encountered  at  Buena  Vista  an 
army  four  times  as  large  as  his  own  unde"  Santa  Anna, 
who  had  again  become  dictator  of  Mexico.  So  stubborn 

1  Delay  was  caused  by  the  desire  to  give  the  chief  command  to  a  Demo- 
crat, as  both  Taylor,  known  as  "  Old  Rough  and  Ready,"  and  Winfield 
Scott,  who  was  nicknamed  "  Fuss  and  Feathers,"  were  Whigs. 


THE  MEXICAN  WAR 
1S4G-1847 

SHOWING  TERRITORY  ACQUIR] 
BY  THE  UMTED  STATES 


Schouler, 
United  States, 
IV,  521-528. 

Hart,  Con- 
temporaries, 
IV,  Nos.  8-11, 
IS- 


Taylor  and 
Scott  in 
Mexico. 

Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
331-334. 


346 


American  History 


[1847 


Garrison, 
Westward 
Extension, 
245-251- 


Contest  over 
California. 


Garrison, 
Westward 
Extension, 
230-239. 


was  the  resistance  of  the  Americans  that  they  defeated 
the  enemy  with  great  loss.  Santa  Anna  now  returned  to 
the  defense  of  the  capital  which  was  threatened  by  General 
Winfield  Scott.  Scott  was  obliged  to  capture  first  the  sea- 
port of  Vera  Cruz  which  many  considered  impregnable. 
Crossing  a  range  of  mountains  by  means  of  the  national  road, 
Scott  defeated  the  Mexicans  at  every  point  and  came  at 
length  in  sight  of  the  city.  Here  he  abandoned  the  road, 

both  sides  of  which  were  for- 
tified, and  cut  his  way  over 
lava  beds  to  the  rear  of  the 
city,  where  the  capture  of  the 
fortress  at  Chapultepec  forced 
Santa  Anna  to  surrender  the 
city. 

305.  Conquest  of  Cali- 
fornia; Peace.  —  When  the 
United  States  became  in- 
volved in  war  with  Mexico, 
steps  were  taken  to  secure 
possession  of  California. 
For  years  Great  Britain  had 
looked  longingly  at  this  re- 
gion, hoping  to  gain  this  territory  peaceably  by  treaty  with 
Mexico  or  wrest  it  from  her  when  she  was  engaged  in  diffi- 
culties with  the  United  States.  Our  government  had  offered 
to  buy  California  in  order  to  avoid  such  a  catastrophe,  but 
Mexico  was  unwilling  to  part  with  her  northern  possessions 
to  either  England  or  the  United  States.  As  soon  as  news 
reached  the  Pacific  coast  that  war  had  been  declared, 
Captain  John  C.  Fremont  seized  some  of  the  towns  in  the 
interior  and  Commodores  Sloat  and  Stockton  occupied 
Monterey,  the  northern  capital  of  California.  A  bear  flag 
was  raised  by  the  people  of  Sonoma  and  for  a  short  time  the 
"Bear-Flag  Republic"  was  proclaimed.  The  conquest  of 
California  was  completed  by  the  cooperation  of  the  Amer- 
ican inhabitants  and  the  United  States  forces  during  1847. 


JAMES  K.  POLK 


1848]  Territorial  Expansion  347 

The  United  States  had  been  making  plans  for  negotiations  Treaty  of 
as  early  as  1846.    The  important  point  with  the  administra-   Guadal"Pe 
tion  and  the  public  seems  to  have  been  the  cession  of  at  least 
part  of  upper  California.    The  instructions  issued  when  the 
first  envoy  was  sent  in  1847  included  the  line  of  the  Rio   ^°!t,er>  Amer' 

Diplomacy, 

Grande,  New  Mexico,  both  Californias,  and  a  right  of  way  317-321. 

across   the   isthmus   of  Tehuantepec.     As   Scott   had   not 

captured  the  city  of  Mexico  at  this  time,  the  Mexicans  Burgess, 

would  yield  very  little  and  negotiations  were  broken  off.   Middle  Period, 

During  the  months  which    followed   the   capture   of    the  337~339' 

Mexican  capital   public   sentiment   in   the    United    States 

changed.     President  Polk  claimed  that  but  for  his  influence 

the  members  of  his  cabinet  would  have  insisted  on  the 

acquisition  of  all  Mexico.1  The  public  heard  rumors  of  this, 

and,  not  desiring  the  destruction  of  Mexico  or  so  great  an 

extension  of  territory  in  which  slavery  might  be  established, 

opposed  the  scheme.    The  Mexican  politicians  finally  be- 

came alarmed  and  agreed  to  yield  all  upper  California  and 

New  Mexico  and  acknowledge  the  Rio  Grande  boundary 

for  Texas  on  the  payment  of  a  sum  of  $15,000,000.    The 

first  Mexican  cession  was  supplemented  in  1853  by  a  strip 

south  of  the  Gila  River  known  as  the  Gadsden  Purchase.2 

SLAVERY  IN  NEW  TERRITORY  (1848-1853) 

306.  The  Wilmot  Proviso.  —  In  August  of  1846,  when  the   Contest 
war  with  Mexico  had  been  in  progress  three  months,  Presi-  between  the 
dent   Polk   requested   Congress   to   grant   him   $2,000,000       1 


to   be   used   in   negotiating   a   treaty   of   peace.      It   was 

generally  believed  that  the  government  wished  this  money  Hart,  Content- 

in  order  to  purchase  from  Mexico  a  large  strip  of  territory,   poraries, 

Wilmot  of  Pennsylvania  therefore  proposed  in  the  House       ' 

of  Representatives  as  an  amendment  to  the  appropriation 

bill  that  slavery  should  not  be  permitted  in  any  territory  Burgess, 

acquired  from  Mexico.     The  bill  was  passed  twice  by  the 

House  with  the  Wilmot  proviso  ;  but  in  the  later  session  the 

1  Hart,  "Contemporaries,"  IV,  No.  14. 

2  See  map  following  page  508. 


348  American  History  ['847 

Johnston,          House  rescinded  its  action  when  the  Senate  refused  to  concur. 


Am.  Pol.  Hist.,  Tne  southern  members  of  Congress  voted  solidly  against  the 
proviso  in  both  houses  and  many  northerners  opposed  it  on 
the  ground  that  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  at  that  time 
would  hamper  the  administration  in  its  prosecution  of  the 
war  and  in  concluding  peace. 

Contest  over          307.  Oregon  Territory;    Election  of  1848.  —  The  ques- 
orgamzmg         j.jon  Qf  organjzmnr  the  Oregon  country  as  a  territory  with  or 

Oregon  Tern-  / 

tory.  without  slavery  was  brought  up  at  the  same  time  as  the 

Wilmot  proviso  (August,  1846),  but  was  not  settled  until 

Burgess,  ^on§  after-    The  pro-slavery  senators  knew  that  they  could 

Middle  Period,  not  prevent  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  Oregon,  but  hoped 

340-347-  to  gain  certain  concessions  in  return  for  a  few  necessary 

votes.    A  determined   attempt  was  made  to  extend   the 

Missouri  Compromise  line  (36°  30')  to  the  Pacific  and  to 

connect  the  question  of  organizing  Oregon  territory  with  the 

organization  of  territorial  governments  in  California  and 

New  Mexico,  so  that  slavery  should  be  permitted  in  the  lat- 

ter if  forbidden  in  the  former.    These  attempts  failed  and 

the  Oregon  bill  was  passed  (1848)  prohibiting  slavery  in  that 

territory. 

Presidential  In  the  election  of  1848  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  ter- 

eiection  (1848).  ritories  was  ignored  by  the  Whigs  and  the  Democrats. 
The  Whigs  nominated  General  Zachary  Taylor  of  Louisi- 
Stanwood.  ana  an(j  Millard  Fillmore  of  New  York.  They  adopted 
22X243  '  no  platform  whatever.  The  Democratic  nominee  was  Lewis 
Cass  of  Michigan  who  believed  that  the  question  of  slavery 
in  the  territories  should  be  decided  by  the  voters  of  each 
territory  for  themselves,  a  view  afterward  known  as  "  popu- 
lar sovereignty,"  or  "  squatter-sovereignty."  Those  who 
favored  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot  proviso  united  to  form 
a  new  party,  known  as  the  Free  Soil  party,  and  nominated 
ex-President  Van  Buren,  whose  reputation  added  greatly 
to  their  strength,  so  that  the  party  polled  over  a  quarter  of  a 
million  votes.  Taylor  carried  a  majority  of  the  states  North 
and  South  as  well  as  most  of  those  in  the  Northeast,  obtaining 
163  electoral  votes  to  127  for  Cass.  In  the  same  election  the 


1849]  Slavery  in  New  Territory  349 

Free  Sellers  elected   thirteen   congressmen  who  held   the 
balance  of  power  in  the  new  House  of  Representatives. 

308.  California.  —  In  the  interval    between  the  election   Settlement  and 
of  the  thirty-first  Congress  and  its  first  meeting  in  December,   Provlslonal 

,          .       ,  .  .      ,    government. 

1849,  great  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  territory  acquired 

from  Mexico.    The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  by  John  Schouler 

Marshall  in  January,  1848,  had  brought  to  the  Golden  Gate    United  states, 

tens  of  thousands  from  all  parts  of  the  world.     Caravan  v>  I33-I42- 

after  caravan  of  "  forty-niners  "  crossed  the  plains  and  the 

mountains.    Many  proceeded  ma  the  Isthmus  of  Panama 

and  large  numbers  sailed  around  Cape  Horn.    The  slave 

states  were  represented  as  well  as  the  free  states,  but  the 

people  of  the  southern  states  brought  few  slaves  with  them, 

for  California  at  that  time  had  little  use  for  slave  labor.1 

When  a  constitutional  convention  was  held  at  Monterey,  California's 
a  constitution  was  framed  by  which  slavery  was  prohibited   application  for 
within  the  state.     All  delegates  to  the  convention,  whether 
from  the   North  or  the  South,  supported  this  anti-slavery 

...          .  .  Schouler, 

provision.  With  this  constitution  California  applied  for  united  states^ 
admission  to  the  Union  as  a  free  state,  to  the  dismay  of  the  V,  142-146. 
pro-slavery  advocates.  Since  there  were  already  as  many 
free  states  as  there  were  slave  states,  the  admission  of  Cali- 
fornia would  disturb  forever  the  equality  between  the  sections 
which  had  existed  since  the  formation  of  the  Constitution. 
Not  only  was  a  large  part  of  California  south  of  the  line 
of  36°  30',  but  it  was  understood  that  in  the  territory  east 
of  California  and  south  of  that  line  the  prevailing  sentiment 
was  opposed  strongly  to  slavery.  Unless  something  were 
done  to  protect  slavery  interests  it  would  be  only  a  question 
of  time  before  the  Senate  —  heretofore  the  stronghold  of  the 
slavery  interests  —  would  be  controlled  by  the  opponents  of 

1  As  Congress  had  neglected  to  pass  a  territorial  act,  there  was  no  gov- 
ernment in  that  region  other  than  the  provisional  one  under  General  Riley, 
the  military  commander  of  California.  To  President  Taylor,  who  was  ac- 
customed to  direct  methods,  it  seemed  as  though  California  should  apply 
at  once  for  admission  to  the  Union  without  going  through  the  territorial 
stage.  He  accordingly  dispatched  an  agent  to  the  Pacific  coast  in  order 
to  learn  whether  the  population  justified  this  step. 


350 


American  History 


[1849 


Diverse  views 
on  political 
questions. 

Johnston. 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
11,91-95. 
122-123. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
I,  104-110, 
130-136. 


slavery.  The  admission  of  California  as  a  free  state  seemed 
therefore  to  the  less  conservative  southerners  a  menace  to 
their  prosperity  and  development  and  a  sufficient  reason  for 
secession  from  the  Union. 

309.  The  Elements  of  a  Compromise  (1850).  — The 
admission  of  California  with  the  constitution  which  she  had 
adopted  was  recommended  by  President  Taylor  to  Congress 
in  his  message,  December,  1849.  No  action  was  taken  at 
once,  but  a  number  of  questions  regarding  slavery  and  con- 
nected especially  with  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  territory 
ceded  by  Mexico  were  discussed  at  Washington.  Among 
these  were  the  admission  of  California,  the  organization  of 
territorial  government  for  the  rest  of  the  Mexican  cession, 
the  dispute  over  the  boundary  between  Texas  and  New 
Mexico,  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, and  the  problem  of  returning  fugitive  slaves  to  their 
masters  under  the  law  of  1793.  The  majority  of  the  people 
in  the  North  undoubtedly  believed  that  the  further  exten- 
sion of  slavery  should  be  discouraged,  and  felt  that  the  United 
States  could  not  afford  to  take  a  backward  step  by  opening 
to  slavery  the  new  lands  in  the  Southwest,  in  which  slavery 
had  been  prohibited  by  Mexican  law.  A  large  and  active 
minority  in  the  North  desired  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from 
all  new  territory  and  the  abolition  of  slavery  as  well  as  the 
slave  trade  in  the  national  capital.  Many,  South  and  North, 
would  have  preferred  to  leave  the  question  entirely  alone, 
or,  if  this  were  impossible,  settle  the  question  in  such  a  way 
that  the  Union  would  be  preserved.  To  Clay  it  seemed  that 
disunion  might  be  prevented  and  the  slavery  question  might 
be  settled  for  all  time  by  combining  these  measures  before 
Congress  and  asking  both  sections  to  make  concessions  in  a 
great  compromise.1 


i  It  was  Clay's  suggestion  that  California  be  admitted  as  a  free  state, 
the  territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah  be  organized  without  restrictions 
as  to  slavery,  Texas  to  be  asked  to  relinquish  her  claims  on  New  Mexico 
for  a  money  consideration,  the  slave  trade  but  not  slavery  be  prohibited 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  a  new  fugitive  slave  law  be  enacted. 


i85o] 


Slavery  in  New  Territory 


351 


310.  Discussion  of  the  Compromise.  —  For  six  months  Senatorial 
Congress  discussed  the  measures  proposed  by  Clay.    The  leaders-  Cla7 

IT-  ...  andCalhoun. 

weightiest  speeches  were  delivered  in  the  Senate  where  the 
great  triumvirate,  Webster,  Clay,  and  Calhoun,  still  held 
sway,  though  about  to  give  way  to  younger  men,  of  whom   Schurz- 
Seward,  Chase,  Douglas,  and  Sumner  were  the  most  promi-   n  ?3I-.337 
nent.      Clay  spoke  fervently  in  favor  of  compromise  and 
pleaded  for  concessions  on  each  side  that  would  make  possible 


CALHOUN,  WEBSTER,  AND  CLAY 

a  permanent  settlement  of  this  dreaded  question.    Calhoun   Hart.  Content- 
also  pleaded  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,  which,  in  his  P°rartes< 

IV,  No.  19. 

opinion,  had  been  endangered  by  the  slavery  agitation  in 

the  North.     He  asserted  that  the  Union  could  be  preserved 

only  by  giving  the  South  a  share  in  the  government  equal    united  <Uates 

to  that  of  the  North.    This  must  be  done  by  the  North,  for  i,  119-130. 

the  "  South  has  no  compromise  to  offer  but  the  Constitution, 

and  no  concession  or  surrender  to  make." 

In  his  "Seventh  of  March  speech"  Webster  claimed  that  Webster's  and 
slavery  was  excluded  from  California  and  New  Mexico  by  Seward'sviews. 
the  law  of  nature,  and  urged  that  no  Wilmot  proviso  should 
be  applied  to  those  sections  when  it  was  unnecessary.    The 
parts  of  the  speech  which  dealt  with  the  abolitionists  and 


352 


American  History 


[1850 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  Nos  20,  22. 


Rhodes. 
United  States, 
I,  162-168. 


Provisions 
of  the 
compromise. 

Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
362-364. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
Nos.  80-83. 


INNESOTA 
,TER. 


the  fugitive  slave  law  gave  great  offense  to  many  living  at 
the  North,  but  Webster's  earnest  plea  to  support  the  Con- 
stitution and  prevent  secession  undoubtedly  gained  many 
supporters  for  the  proposed  compromise.  The  position  of 
those  who  opposed  the  extension  of  slavery  was  voiced  by 
William  H.  Seward,  senator  from  New  York.  He  opposed 
all  compromise  with  slavery  and  deemed  the  fugitive  slave 

law  "  unjust,  un- 
constitutional, and 
immoral."  "The 
Constitution  de- 
votes the  domain 
[i.e.  the  territories] 
to  union,  to  jus- 
tice, to  defense, 
to  welfare,  and  to 
liberty.  But  there 
is  a  higher  law 
than  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  regu- 


THE  conrnonisE 

Admitted  free  (Cal(fomia)_ 
Territorial  in  which  slai-ery  c 
be  prohibited  (Utah  and  Sew 


lates  our  authority 

over  the  domain,  and  devotes  it  to  the  same  noble  purposes."  l 
311.  Completion  of  the  Compromise  of  1850.  —  In  its 
final  form  the  compromise  of  1850  comprised  five  separate 
bills:  (i)  California  was  admitted  as  a  free  state.  (2)  New 
Mexico  and  Utah  were  organized  as  territories,  the  territorial 
legislatures  being  forbidden  to  restrict  slavery.  (3)  The 
northwestern  boundary  of  Texas  was  fixed  as  at  present,  a 
sum  of  $10,000,000  being  paid  to  the  state  for  relinquishing 
its  claims  on  New  Mexico.  (4)  A  fugitive  slave  act  was 
passed  which  provided  that  a  master  or  his  agent  could  take 

1  In  April  all  resolutions  on  the  questions  under  discussion  were  sub- 
mitted to  a  committee  of  thirteen.  The  committee  reported  one  "  omnibus 
bill  "  covering  all  subjects  in  dispute  in  the  Southwest,  and  separate  bills 
on  the  other  matters.  But  nothing  was  done.  President  Taylor  was  not 
friendly  to  the  compromise,  but  his  death  in  July  led  to  a  reorganization 
of  the  cabinet  under  Fillmore  who  was  largely  under  the  influence  of 
Webster. 


1850]  Slavery  in  New  Territory  353 

a  supposed  fugitive  from  the  state  in  which  he  was  residing 
without  a  jury  trial  in  that  state.  It  imposed  fines  on  those 
who  interfered  with  the  capture  or  rendition  of  fugitive 
slaves.  It  compelled  all  citizens  who  were  summoned  to 
aid  in  the  capture  of  fugitives  to  give  their  assistance,  and 
it  provided  that  the  fee  received  by  United  States  marshals 
for  negroes  who  were  declared  to  be  fugitives  should  be 
$10,  for  others  $5.  (5)  The  slave  trade  was  abolished  in 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  radicals  of  both  sections  were  loud  in  their  com-  Direct  results, 
plaints  that  all  concession  had  been  made  by  their  side, 
but  the  majority  of  the  people  were  relieved  that  a  settle-   Rhodes, 
ment  was  secured  which  promised  to  be  fairly  satisfactory,    ^niud  States, 
Conventions  were  held  in  the  South  to  consider  the  ques-     ' I 
tion  of  secession  from  the  Union,  but  none  of  these  favored 
separation. 

As  the  majority  of  the  people  felt  that  the  question  of  Election  of 
slavery  had  been  definitely  settled  by  the  compromise,  the  l852' 
politicians  proceeded  on  that  hypothesis  by  ignoring  the 
subject  utterly  in  campaigns  following  1850.    To  insure  the   Burgess, 

execution  of  the  laws  enacted  at  that  time,  Franklin  Pierce  Mlddle  Peru>d< 

375-377. 

of  New  Hampshire,  a  pro-slavery  Democrat,  was  in  1852 
elected  President  over  Winfield  Scott,  the  Whig  candidate, 
by  a  very  large  majority.  The  Free  Soilers  polled  a  vote 
little  more  than  half  as  large  as  in  1848,  for  less  interest  was 
taken  in  the  topic  of  slavery  in  the  territories  since  the 
status  of  slavery  in  all  parts  of  the  national  domain  had  been 
fixed  by  sacred  pledges  that  were  supposed  to  be  irrevocable. 

312.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law. — The  execution  of  the  Fugitives, 
drastic  fugitive  slave  law  succeeded  in  arousing  more  feeling  ^enof7 

3    liberty "  laws, 

than  the  compromise  allayed.    Thousands  of  fugitives  had  and  the 

settled  in  different  parts  of  the  North  and  had  become  useful  underground 

citizens  of  those  communities.      Many  of  them  were  now  rallway- 
reclaimed  by  their  former  masters  and  carried  away  to  the 

plantations  without  an  opportunity  of  proving  their  freedom.  Middle' Period^ 

The  North  was  aroused  as  it  never  had  been  before  at  the  365-374. 
sight  of  seizures  made  on  its  soil.      State  after  state  passed 


354 


American  History 


[1850 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
I,  209-213, 
498-506, 
11,73-78. 


Loss  to  the 
South. 


Cuba. 

Ostend 

Manifesto. 


Foster,  Am. 
Diplomacy, 
326-329, 
342-347- 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No.  89. 


"  personal  liberty  laws,"  which  forbade  state  officers  to  aid  in 
the  capture  of  negroes  and  prevented  citizens  from  taking 
part  in  the  return  of  fugitives.  The  use  of  the  jails  was 
denied  to  national  officers  in  charge  of  runaways.  Police 
officers  refused  to  interfere  when  negroes  were  rescued  by 
mobs.  Channing  says  truly,  "  the  execution  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law  did  more  to  arouse  the  moral  sentiment  of  the 
northerners  than  the  arguments  of  the  abolitionists  had  done 
in  twenty  years."  In  many  northern  states  there  were 
established  complete  routes  from  the  South  to  Canada,  over 
which  fugitives  might  escape  by  hiding  in  the  daytime  and 
traveling  at  night  to  the  next  house  on  the  route.  These 
were  called  "  underground  railways." 

Even  if  there  had  been  very  great  need  of  so  severe 
a  measure,  the  passage  of  this  act  would  have  been  a  serious 
blunder.  But  when  it  is  understood  that  only  the  border 
states  lost  many  slaves  and  that  less  than  one  thirtieth  of  one 
per  cent  of  the  slaves  attempted  to  obtain  their  freedom  in 
any  one  year,  we  realize  the  magnitude  of  the  mistake. 
The  feeling  of  the  North  was  intensified  by  the  publication 
in  1852  of  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe's  book,  "Uncle  Tom's 
Cabin,"  which  was  read  by  every  one  and  was  accepted  as 
a  true  picture  of  slavery. 

313.  Attempts  to  gain  More  Slave  Territory. — Not  only 
did  the  pro-slavery  leaders  wish  to  extend  the  limits  of  slave 
territory  still  further,  but  many  expansionists  who  had 
favored  the  acquisition  of  California  and  New  Mexico 
desired  the  extension  of  our  boundaries  on  the  south, 
especially  by  annexing  the  island  of  Cuba.  During  Folk's 
administration  we  offered  $100,000,000  for  Cuba.  A  few 
years  later  slavery  sympathizers  joined  in  filibustering  ex- 
peditions to  Cuba  which  accomplished  nothing  except  to 
involve  the  United  States  in  difficulties  with  Spain.  France 
and  Great  Britain  opposed  any  attempt  to  transfer  Cuba 
from  Spain  to  the  United  States  and  tried  to  persuade  us  to 
join  them  in  a  treaty  which  would  have  guaranteed  to  Spain 
permanent  control  of  the  island.  In  1854  the  Ostend  Mani- 


1854]  Slavery  in  New   Territory  355 

festo,  which  was  issued  by  our  ministers  to  Great  Britain,  Smith, 

France,  and  Spain,  announced  the  position  held  by  a  large  Parhes  and 

number  of  Americans  that  we  would  be  justified  in  seizing  82-88. 
Cuba  without  the  consent  of  Spain  if  "  Cuba  in  the  possession 
of  Spain  seriously  endangers  our  internal  peace  and  the  ex- 
istence of  our  cherished  Union."  On  the  eve  of  the  Civil 
War  other  offers  were  made  for  Cuba,  and  since  that  time 
many  persons  have  desired  the  annexation  of  the  island. 

During   this   period    filibustering   expeditions   went   out  Central 

from  the  United  States  to  Mexico  and  Central  America  as  Ame"ca. 

well  as  Cuba.    The  most  famous  of  these  was  that  of  Walker  Schouier, 

which  gained  control  of  Nicaragua  for  a  time,  only  to  be  Umted  states, 

driven  from  the  country  by  the  inhabitants.     Except  in  the  400>  4I6. 

case  of  expeditions  to  Cuba,  none  of  these  attempts  received  smith 

the  support  of  a  large  percentage  of  the  people  in  the  United  Parties  and 

States.  slavery- 

88-93,  251-259 

SLAVERY  IN  OLD  TERRITORY  (1854-1857) 

314.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  (1854).  —  When  it  be-  The  original 
came  necessary  to  organize  territories  in  the  region  north  of  Nebraska  Bli- 
the Missouri  Compromise  line,  and  lying  between  the  Mis- 
souri River  and  the  Rocky  mountains,  the  question  of  slavery  MacDonald. 

.  .  ,  Documents, 

in  the  territories  was  again  reopened.     It  would  seem  as   NO  35. 
though  this  subject  had  been  settled  by  the  provision  of  the 
Compromise  of  1820  which  "  forever  prohibited  "  slavery  Hart,  Contem- 
within  this  territory,  especially  as  that  was  but  one  of  three  poraries, 
provisions  in  a  compromise,  the  other  two  of  which  could       '    °'34' 
not  now  be  altered.     In  the  debate,  however,  it  became  clear 

i  i  11  Burgess, 

at  once  that  some  congressmen  believed  or  pretended  to  Mi"d^ie  peri0± 
believe  that  the  principle  of  "  popular  sovereignty  "  which  381-387. 
had  been  adopted  in  the  Compromise  of  1850  for  the  ter- 
ritories in  the  Southwest  should  be  applied  to  all  national  Amer.  Hist. 
territory.    This  was  the  view  taken  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas,   ^a^efs> 
Democratic  senator  from  Illinois  and  chairman  of  the  Senate 
committee  on  territories.      He  reported  a  bill  for  organizing 
a  single  territory  in  the  country  purchased  from  France 
north  of  the  line  of  36°  30'  with  "  popular  sovereignty," 


356 


American  History 


[1854 


Criticism  of 
the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill. 


Smith, 
Parties  and 
Slavery, 
98-108. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
I.  441-444. 
448-452. 
463-468. 

Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No.  17,  9-18. 


Vote  on 
the  bill. 


because,  he  said,  the  Compromise  of  1850  had  replaced  the 
Compromise  of  1820. 

Douglas's  claim  regarding  the  effect  of  the  Compromise 
of  1850  on  that  of  1820  was  denied  emphatically  by  a  large 
number  of  senators,  and  his  argument  that  the  territories 
should  decide  the  question  of  slavery  for  themselves  was 
held  up  to  ridicule.  Chase  of  Ohio  asserted  that  there  was 

no  more  reason  for  giving 
this  territory  home  rule 
regarding  slavery  than  in 
any  other  respect  and 
demanded  that  it  be 
governed  as  Congress  saw 
fit.  Chase  and  other  free 
soil  Democrats  protested 
vigorously  in  the  public 
press  against  the  Ne- 
braska bill  as  a  "  gross 
violation  of  a  sacred 
pledge,  as  a  criminal  be- 
trayal of  precious  rights, 
as  a  part  and  parcel  of 
an  atrocious  plot  to  ex- 
clude from  a  vast,  unoc- 
cupied region  immigrants 
from  the  old  world  and  free  laborers  from  our  own  states, 
and  convert  it  into  a  dreary  region  of  despotism  in- 
habited by  masters  and  slaves."  Throughout  the  North, 
while  the  bill  was  before  Congress,  the  press  and  the 
public  expressed  themselves  in  no  uncertain  way,  a  large 
number  of  public  meetings  being  held  to  denounce  the 
measure.  Several  legislatures  also  petitioned  against  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 

315.  Passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  (1854). — 
These  demonstrations  and  demands  had  considerable 
influence,  for,  although  the  bill  was  passed  by  a  large  major- 
ity in  the  Senate  and  by  a  vote  of  113  to  100  in  the  House,  not 


STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS 


1855] 


Slavery  in  Old  Territory 


357 


a  single  northern  member  in  either  house  aside  from  the 
Democrats  voted  for  the  bill.  Northern  sentiment  is  shown 
further  by  the  fact  that  only  7  of  the  42  members  of  the 
House  from  that  section  who  voted  for  the  bill  were  re- 
elected  in  the  fall  of  1854. 

The  original  Nebraska  bill  had  been  modified  early  in 
the  discussion,  and  it  was  passed  finally  in  this  form.  There 
were  to  be  two  territories:  one,  Kansas,  extending  from 
37°  to  40°  and  the 


KANSAS  AND  NEBIUSKA  (1854) 


other,  Nebraska,  from 
40°  to  49°.  The  act 
of  1820  which  pro- 
hibited slavery'  in 
these  territories  was 
expressly  repealed  and 
the  people  were  left 
free  to  permit  or  ex- 
clude slavery  not  only 
when  the  states  should 
be  admitted  to  the 
Union,  but  while  they 
were  territories  as 
well.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  belief  that  by  creating 
two  territories,  one  would  be  left  open  to  slavery  while 
the  other  was  devoted  to  freedom. 

As  a  pro-slavery  measure  the  Kansas- Nebraska  Act  was  a 
very  serious  blunder,  because  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  Act  aroused  the  North  as  even  the  Fugitive 
Slave  law  had  not  done.  It  led  to  an  organization  of  the 
anti-slavery  extension  forces  into  a  single  political  party. 
This  would  have  been  accomplished  many  years  later  but  for 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  a  pledge  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  North,  Congress  had  no  right  to  alter.  The 
direct  results  of  the  act  were  (i)  the  organization  of  a  large 
political  party,  made  up  at  first  of  what  were  known  as 
anti-Nebraska  men,  who  controlled  the  North  from  this 
time,  and  (2)  the  contest,  little  better  than  civil  war, 


Burgess, 
Middle  Period^ 
398-399. 


Provisions  of 
the  act. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No.  88. 


Results  of 
the  act  " 


358 


American  History 


[1855 


Republican 
party. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  No.  35. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
11,45-49. 

Smith,  Parties 
and  Slavery, 
109-114, 
118-120. 


Know-nothing 
party. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
II,  50-56. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
II,  258-265. 

Smith,  Parties 
and  Slavery, 
114-120, 
145-148. 

Election  o' 
1856. 

Smith,  Parties 
and  Slavery, 
161-173. 

Stan  wood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter  XX. 


which  was  waged  in  Kansas  for  the  control  of  that  ter- 
ritory. 

316.  Reorganization  of  Political  Parties.  —  When  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  passed,  the  times  were  ripe  for 
great  changes  in  the  political  parties.  In  the  election  of 
1852  the  Whigs  had  been  badly  demoralized.  The  party  had 
been  split  on  the  slavery  question  into  two  factions,  neither 
of  which  could  maintain  more  than  the  shadow  of  an  op- 
position to  the  now  triumphant  Democratic  party,  so  that 
it  required  only  a  new  issue  to  produce  another  party. 
This  issue  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  provided,  for  it  gave  all 
anti-Nebraska  men  a  chance  to  unite  in  opposition  to  slavery 
extension.  All  of  the  Free  Soilers  and  most  of  the  Whigs 
of  the  North  joined  this  new  party,  which  was  known  after 
1855  by  the  name  Republican,  and  large  numbers  of  free- 
soil  Democrats  became  members  of  the  same  organization. 

Most  of  the  southern  Whigs  and  large  numbers  of  the 
voters  in  the  North  who  opposed  any  discussion  of  slavery 
threw  in  their  lot  with  the  new  American  party,  the  members 
of  which  were  called  "  Know-nothings "  because  their 
affairs  were  conducted  after  the  manner  of  secret  societies 
and  outsiders  were  not  informed  of  their  doings.  The 
original  American  party  had  been  organized  in  order  to  keep 
from  political  power  the  foreigners  who  had  come  to  the 
United  States  in  such  numbers  after  1845  (§  296).  After 
1854  the  Know-nothing  party  was  composed  principally  of 
those  who  were  unwilling  to  take  sides  on  the  question  of 
slavery.  In  1855  'they  carried  several  states. 

The  election  of  1856  was  a  test  of  strength  between  the 
old  Democratic  party  and  the  new  Republican  party,  as 
the  Know-nothings,  even  with  Millard  Fillmore  as  their  can- 
didate, carried  only  one  state.  The  Democrats  declared 
their  belief  in  the  principles  of  the  Compromise  of  1850 
and  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  and  nominated  James 
Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania,  who  had  been  our  minister  to 
Great  Britain  and  therefore  had  no  record  on  the  Kansas 
question.  The  Republicans  declared  that  Congress  had  no 


1855] 


Slavery  in  Old  Territory 


359 


authority  to  permit  slavery  in  any  territory  and  denounced 
the  administration  for  its  attitude  toward  Kansas.  Contrary 
to  the  custom  of  those  days  they  selected  both  candidates 
from  free  states,  John  C.  Fremont  of  California  being  nomi- 
nated for  the  presidency.  The  Republicans  carried  all 
but  four  states  of  the  North,  but,  as  three  of  these  were  large, 
Buchanan  had  174  electoral  votes  to  114  for  Fre'mont. 

317.  The  Struggle  for  Kansas  (1855-1861).  —  Since  the 
fate  of  Kansas  was  to  be  settled 
on  the  principle  of  "  popular 
sovereignty,"  neither  side  hesi- 
tated long  in  its  attempt  to 
gain  the  state.  An  emigration 
society  was  formed  in  New 
England,  by  which  thousands 
of  "  free  state "  men  were 
sent  to  the  territory  by  way 
of  Iowa.  Some  pro-slavery 
men  became  actual  settlers 
of  the  disputed  region,  but 
slave  owners  were  unwilling  to 
take  their  slaves  to  a  region 
which  they  knew  was  little 
adapted  to  slavery  and  in  which  slavery  might  prove  to  be 
a  complete  failure.  As  it  cost  a  slaveholder  six  times  as 
much  to  establish  his  home  in  Kansas  as  it  did  a  free 
state  man,  the  population  was  predominantly  anti-slavery 
from  the  beginning. 

When  the  first  territorial  legislature  was  chosen  in  March, 
1855,  Kansas  was  invaded  by  thousands  of  Missourians 
who  claimed  that  they  had  the  same  right  to  vote  as  free 
state  men  sent  out  by  emigrant  societies.  The  free  state 
settlers  then  took  things  into  their  own  hands  by  adopting 
a  constitution  and  electing  a  free  state  legislature.1  From 

1  During  this  political  struggle,  Charles  Sumner  delivered  his  famous 
speech  on  "  the  crime  against  Kansas  "  in  which  he  criticised  in  scathing 
language  several  senators,  notably  Butler  of  South  Carolina.  Butler's 


CHARLES  SUMNER 


Emigration  to 
Kansas. 


Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
407-417. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  Nos.  36-38. 


Political  and 
civil  war  in 
Kansas  (1855^ 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  No.  39, 


American  History 


[1856 


Smith,  Parties 
and  Slavery, 
121-135. 


The  Lecomp- 
ton  constitu- 
tion (1857). 


Facts  of 
the  case. 

Burgess, 
Middle  Period, 
449-453- 


this  time  the  partisans  of  the  two  sides  came  to  blows. 
Lawrence  was  sacked  by  the  pro-slavery  forces  and  in  re- 
taliation five  men  were  killed  on  Pottawattamie  creek 
by  John  Brown  and  his  followers.  Bands  of  armed  men 
roamed  over  the  eastern  part  of  Kansas,  destroying  crops 
and  houses.  About  two  hundred  persons  lost  their  lives 
in  the  civil  war  which  gave  to  the  territory  the  name  of 
"  bleeding  Kansas."  These  outrages  continued  until  they 
threatened  to  affect  seriously  the  presidential  election  of 
1856,  when  the  army  was  used  to  restore  order. 

In  1857  a  convention  was  held  under  the  direction  of 
the  original  pro-slavery  legislature  at  Lecompton.  A  con- 
stitution based  on  that  of  Missouri  was  drawn  up  and  the 
people  were  allowed  to  vote  on  it,  with  slavery  or  without 
slavery.  The  free  state  men,  who  now  controlled  the  legis- 
lature, refrained  from  voting,  so  that  the  constitution  was 
adopted  with  slavery.  Buchanan's  administration  advo- 
cated the  admission  of  Kansas  with  this  constitution,  but 
Douglas  maintained  that  there  had  not  been  fair  play 
in  Kansas  and  declared  that  popular  sovereignty  had  not 
had  a  fair  test.  The  people  were  allowed  to  vote  again  on 
the  Lecompton  constitution,  which  they  rejected  by  an 
overwhelming  majority.  From  this  time  the  free  state  men, 
who  comprised  four  fifths  of  the  settlers,  controlled  the 
territorial  government  and  in  1861  Kansas  was  admitted 
to  the  Union  as  a  free  state. 

318.  The  Case  of  Dred  Scott  (1857). — Just  three  days 
after  the  inauguration  of  Buchanan  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  rendered  its  decision  in  the  case  of  Dred 
Scott.  Scott  was  a  negro  who  had  been  taken  by  his  master 
in  1836  to  what  was  afterward  Minnesota,  a  part  of  the 
territory  from  which  slavery  had  been  "  forever  prohibited  " 
by  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820.  He  had  been  brought 

nephew,  representative  Brooks,  attacked  Sumner  in  the  Senate  rhamber, 
striking  him  repeatedly  over  the  head.  Brooks  resigned  from  the  House, 
but  was  elected  again  by  his  constituents.  The  feeling  aroused  in  the 
North  by  this  brutal  attack  was  intense. 


r857]  Slavery  in  Old  Territory  361 

back  to  Missouri  in  1838  and  afterward  decided  to  sue  for 
his  freedom.  He  was  about  this  time  sold  to  a  citizen  of 
New  York,  a  Mr.  Sandford.  Scott  immediately  began  suit 
in  the  circuit  court  of  the  United  States,1  which  decided 
against  Scott.  The  case  was  then  appealed  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  whose  decision  was  awaited  with 
great  interest  in  the  hope  that  it  might  settle  the  controversy 
over  slavery  in  the  territories. 

The  court  decided  that  Scott  was  not  a  citizen  and  could   Decision  and 
not  sue  in  the  courts.     In  supporting  this  position  the  chief  opinions, 
justice,  Taney,  made  the  statement  that  at  the  time  the  Con- 
stitution was  adopted  negroes  were  not  citizens,  and  unfor-  MacDonald. 

11111  i  •  .1  1.1      Documents, 

tunately  added  that  at  that  time  negroes  had  no  rights  which   No  gl 
white  men  were  bound  to  respect.    The  court  decided  also 
that  the  case  must  be  dismissed  as  the  court  had  no  juris-  Hart,  Contem- 
diction  over  it.     Unwisely  the  chief  justice  and  a  number  poranes, 
of  his  associates  believed  that  this  was  a  favorable  time  to   IV>  No>  4I~43 
give  their  opinions  on  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  territories 
and  thereby  settle  that  problem  for  all  time.     In  a  most  Middle  'period 
elaborate  argument  the  chief  justice  stated  that  the  general  452-459. 
government  had  acquired  Louisiana  territory  for  the  states, 
that  it  must  protect  in  that  territory  all  possessions  that  were  Amer.  Hist^ 
legally  property  in  any  of  the  states,  and  that  therefore  ^fa^efs- 
Congress  could  not  prohibit  slavery  in  any  territory  acquired 
after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  in  1787.    On  this 
account  the  law  of  1820,  a  part  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
which  prohibited   slavery  in  the  territory  acquired  from 
France  north  of  36°  30',  was  "  null  and  void  from  the  begin- 
ning."   The  influence  of  this  opinion  was  widespread,  for  it 
was  very  different  from  the  views  held  by  most  of  the  North 
and  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  very  large  number  of 
people  who  opposed  the  further  extension  of  slavery  (§  320). 
319.    Summary. — The  period  from   1843  to   ^4^  was  Territorial 

one  of  rapid  territorial  expansion.     At  the  earlier  date  our  exPansion 

(1843-1848). 
western  boundary  was  virtually  the  Rocky  mountains  at 

1  By  virtue  of  clause  in  United  States  Constitution  giving  national  courts 
jurisdiction  of  cases  between  citizens  of  different  states. 


362 


American  History  [1843- 


FREE    AND 
SLAVE   AREAS 

(1844) 


1857]  Slavery  in  Old  Territory  363 

the  north  and  a  river  about  three  hundred  miles  west  of 
the  Mississippi  at  the  south,  although  we  occupied  Oregon 
with  Great  Britain.  Most  of  the  people  in  the  United  States 
desired  an  extension  of  our  territory  to  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
and  the  return  of  good  times  aroused  a  new  spirit  of  enter- 
prise throughout  the  nation.  The  opposition  to  expansion 
in  the  Southwest  came  almost  exclusively  from  those  who 
did  not  favor  the  extension  of  slavery.  Naturally  the  pro- 
slavery  leaders,  who  saw  that  the  slave  states  were  growing 
less  rapidly  than  those  of  the  North,  took  the  initiative  by 
securing  (1845)  tne  annexation  of  Texas.  Disputes  over 
the  western  boundary  of  Texas  led  to  the  war  by  which  we 
wrested  from  Mexico  the  territory  from  the  Rio  Grande  to 
the  Pacific.  At  the  same  time  Oregon  was  divided.  By 
1848  our  title  had  been  made  clear  to  the  entire  Pacific 
coast  from  parallel  32  to  parallel  49. 
The  contest  over  slavery  in  the  territories  of  the  nation  struggle  over 

may  be  divided  into  three  parts,     (i)  The  contest  over  the  slavery  in  the 

.,      .          rr«i  •  j     -j    j    i_  •   •        r^.  territories, 

new  territories.    This  was  decided  by  organizing  Oregon 

as  a  free  territory,  by  admitting  California  as  a  free  state,  and 
by  forbidding  the  legislatures  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah  to 
prohibit  slavery.  The  good  results  of  the  Compromise  of 
1850,  in  which  the  last  two  questions  were  settled,  were 
nullified  by  the  enactment  of  an  unwise  fugitive  slave  law. 
(2)  The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  so  far  as  it  ap- 
plied to  the  territory  between  the  Missouri  River  and  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  This  opened  to  slavery  two  territories 
in  which  it  had  been  prohibited,  led  to  a  bitter  struggle  for 
Kansas,  and  caused  the  majority  of  the  voters  in  the  North' 
to  unite  in  a  new  party,  the  Republican,  in  order  to  op- 
pose the  further  extension  of  slavery.  (3)  The  opening  of 
all  territories  to  slavery.  This  was  the  natural  conclusion 
of  the  opinion  rendered  by  the  justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  the  case  of  Dred  Scott.  It  completed  the  final 
though  temporary  triumph  of  the  faction  that  was  protect- 
ing the  interests  of  slavery. 


364  American  History  [1843- 


TOPICS 

1.  FUGITIVE  SLAVE  LAW:    Hart  (ed.X  "Contemporaries,"  IV, 
Nos.  29-33;    Rhodes,  "United  States  since  1850,"  I,  pp.  192-227, 
498-506,  II,  pp.  73-78;    Wilson,  "Rise  and  Fall  of  Slave  Power," 
II,  pp.  291-337,  352-395,  435-461;   Sites  and  Keener,  "Growth  of 
the  Nation,"  pp.  295-310,  331-343- 

2.  KANSAS-NEBRASKA  ACT:  Burgess,  "Middle  Period,"  pp.  380- 
406;    Johnston   (Woodburn),   "American  Orations,"   III,  pp.  3-89; 
Rhodes,  "United  States  since  1850,"  I,  pp.  424-506;    Von  Hoist, 
"Constitutional  History,"  IV,  pp.  280-461. 

3.  STRUGGLE    FOR    KANSAS:     Smith,    "Parties    and    Slavery," 
pp.    121-135,  149-160,  209-222;    Greeley,  "American   Conflict,"  I, 
pp.  224-251 ;  Von  Hoist,  "Constitutional  History,"  V,  pp.  70-76,  134- 
185,  284-313;  Wilson,  "Rise  and  Fall  of  Slave  Power,"  II,  pp.  462- 
477,  496-507,  534-565;   Spring,  "Kansas,"  pp.  24-267. 

STUDIES 

1.  Marcus   Whitman's   ride   to   Oregon.     (Bourne,    "Essays   in 
Historical  Criticism,"  pp.  3-99.) 

2.  The    "Pathfinder   of   the    Rocky   Mountains."     (Appleton's 
"Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography,"  under  Fremont,  John  C.) 

3.  Earliest    debate   over   the    Wilmot    Proviso.     (Benton    (ed.), 
"Debates  of  Congress,"  XIV,  pp.  643-651.) 

4.  The  Barn  Burners.     (Hammond,  "Political  History  of  New 
York,"  II.) 

5.  Benton's  view  of  the  Compromise  of  1850.     (Benton,  "Thirty 
Years,"  II,  pp.  742-769.) 

6.  Attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  Cuba.     (Latane",  "Diplo- 
matic Relations  with  Spanish  America,"  pp.  89-137.) 

7.  Douglas    on    the    Kansas-Nebraska    bill.     (Johnston    (ed.), 
"American  Eloquence,"  III,  pp.  50-87.) 

8.  Beginnings    of    the    Republican    party.     (Macy,    "Political 
Parties  (1846-1860).") 

9.  Effect  of  the  Dred  Scott  opinion  on  the  North.     (Nicolay  and 
Hay,  "Life  of  Lincoln,"  II,  Chapter  IV.) 

10.  Kossuth  in  Boston.     ("Old  South  Leaflets,"  No.  in.) 

QUESTIONS 

i.  What  were  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  annexing 
Texas?  What  was  the  influence  of  annexation  on  sectional  senti- 
ment within  the  United  States?  on  our  relations  with  Mexico?  What 
obligations  did  we  assume  with  Texas  ? 


l857]  Slavery  in  the  Territories  365 

2.  What  was  the  purpose  of  the  Mexican  War  as  shown  (a)  by 
the  attitude  of  northern  capitalists  ?  (b)  by  that  of  the  northern  people 
in  general  ?    (c)  by  the  plan  of  campaign  ?  and  (d)  by  the  treaty  of 
peace? 

3.  Make  a  table  showing  the  action  of  Congress  regarding  slavery 
in  the  territories  from  1787  to  1862.     Compare  areas  closed  or  left 
open  to  slavery.   What  changes  occurred  during  the  period  from  1843 
to  1857? 

4.  Was  a  compromise  necessary  in  1850?     Which  provisions  were 
favorable  to  the  North?    which  to  the  South?      Did  the  Compro- 
mise of  1850  introduce  any  new  principle  of  territorial  government? 

5.  Make  a  careful  study  of  the  "Seventh  of  March"  speech. 
Had  Webster  changed  his  position  on  the  slavery  question?    Were 
his  criticisms  of  the  northern  radicals  justified?     From  our  point  of 
view  was  he  right  or  wrong? 

6.  Has  Congress  the  right  to  pass  irrepealable  laws  ?    May  Con- 
gress repeal  part  of  a  compromise  when  the  repeal  of  the  rest  is  im- 
possible ?     Could  a  state  in  which  slavery  had  been  forever  prohibited 
by  Congress  become  a  slave  state  ?     Why  was  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act  a  serious  mistake  ? 

7.  Which  was  more  in  conformity  with  our  customs  and  our  in- 
stitutions, popular  sovereignty  or  territorial  government  by  Congress? 
What  was  the  difference  between  the  provisions  for  slavery  in  the  ter- 
ritories in  the  acts  of  1850  and  1854? 

8.  Compare  the  arguments  of  Taney  and  Curtis  regarding  negro 
citizenship.     Which  was  right  ?     Do  you  approve  Taney's  argument 
in  regard  to  the  relation  of  the  nation  to  the  territory  acquired  from 
France  in  1803? 


\ 


CHAPTER   XVI 
DISUNION  AND   CIVIL  WAR   (1857-1861) 

PRESIDENTS 
James  Buchanan  (1857-1861)       Abraham  Lincoln  (1861-1865) 

APPROACHING  A  CRISIS  (1857-1860) 

Buchanan.  320.  The  Situation  in  1857.  —  It  is  unfortunate  that  at 

this  time  the  presidential  chair  was  occupied  by  a  man  as 

Rhodes,  little  fitted  to  prevent  disunion  as  was  James  Buchanan. 

United  States,  ^  mild,  courteous  gentleman  who  disliked  controversy,  he 
was  utterly  incapable  of  acting  with  decision  and  vigor 
to  prevent  a  conflict  between  the  opposing  sections,  and  in 
fact  by  his  vacillation  aided  in  the  development  of  the  slavery 
crisis. 

influence  of  The  chasm  between  the  North  and  the  South  which  had 
1  been  growing  wider  year  by  year,  especially  since  the  enact- 
ment of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  law,  had  been  increased  to 
a  very  great  extent  by  the  opinion  of  the  justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of  Dred  Scott.  The  South  was 
content  naturally,  not  realizing  that  the  adoption  of  so 
radical  a  pro-slavery  policy  by  the  courts  would  react  against 
the  institution  of  slavery  not  simply  in  the  territories,  but  in 
the  states  as  well.  The  majority  of  the  people  in  the  North 
were  aghast  at  the  conclusion  reached  in  the  opinion.  Most 
of  them  opposed  the  further  extension  of  slavery  in  the  ter- 
ritories, and  were  exceedingly  indignant  over  the  announce- 
ment of  the  new  doctrine  that  Congress  could  not  prohibit 
slavery  in  national  territory.  People  did  not  stop  to  con- 
sider that  this  was  simply  the  opinion  of  justices  of  the  court 
and  not  a  part  of  the  court's  decision.  The  justices  had 
made  clear,  they  claimed,  that  a  negro  had  no  rights  which 

366 


1857]  Approaching  a  Crisis  367 

a  white  man  was  bound  to  respect.  It  was  evident  that  the 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in  seeking  to  settle  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery  in  the  territories,  had  precipitated  the  con- 
troversy over  slavery. 

The  increase  of  sectionalism  in  the  years  following  1845  Increase  of 
is  marked  not  only  by  the  drift  in  politics,  but  by  the  changes  sectionalism, 
in  churches  and  other  national  organizations.    The  Metho- 
dists and  Baptists  had  divided  on  sectional  lines  soon  after 
1845,     Fewer  southern  men  attended  northern  colleges  than 
formerly.     In  social  life  and  even   in  business  sectional 
prejudices  made  themselves  felt. 

321.  Political  Factions  and  Parties. — It  may  be  inter-  Factions  in 
esting  to  notice  at  this  time  the  sentiments  of  the  existing  the  North, 
factions  in  the  United  States,  (i)  In  the  North  there  was 
a  small  but  exceedingly  -active  group  of  reformers  which 
demanded  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  everywhere.  To 
these  men  the  Constitution  under  which  the  institution  was 
protected  within  the  states  was  "a  covenant  with  death, 
and  an  agreement  with  hell."  (2)  Less  radical  than  the 
abolitionists  but  more  interested  in  the  restriction  of  slavery 
than  in  any  other  question  was  a  faction  whose  attitude 
may  be  expressed  by  the  phrase,  "let  the  Union  slide." 
(3)  An  overwhelming  majority  at  the  North  believed  that 
slavery  was  morally  wrong  and  desired  to  see  it  excluded 
from  the  territories  of  the  nation,  although  they  were  not  will- 
ing to  sacrifice  the  nation  to  that  end.  (4)  A  large  minority 
at  the  North  were  opposed  to  any  active  discussion  of  the 
slavery  question  and  were  indifferent  probably  to  its  ex- 
tension in  or  exclusion  from  national  territories.  They 
were,  however,  emphatically  opposed  to  any  interference 
with  slavery  in  the  states. 

To  the  South  the  preservation  of  slavery  in  the  states  Factions  in 
was  a  matter  of  vital  importance,  that  of  slavery  extension  the  South- 
in  the  territories  one  of  the  greatest  interest.     Seeing  that 
the  South  was  falling  behind  the  North  in  population,  wealth,  ^  stoay 
and  resources  of  every  kind,  southerners  felt  that  slavery  292-304. 
should  be  protected  by  the  equality  of  the  sections,     (i)   At 


368  American  History  [1857 

first  only  a  few  leaders  like  Calhoun  realized  the  need  of 
territorial  extension.  By  1850  this  aggressive  pro-slavery 
faction  began  to  demand  that  one  half  of  the  nation  should 
be  set  aside  for  slavery.  Later  they  increased  their  num- 
bers so  as  to  include  most  of  those  in  the  South  who  were 
interested  in  the  political  future  of  that  section.  Their 
program  developed  until  they  demanded  that  slavery  be 
excluded  from  those  states  only  where  it  was  prohibited  by 
the  wish  of  the  people  of  the  state.  (2)  Another  faction  in 
the  South  was  indifferent  to  the  extension  of  slavery,  pro- 
vided that  the  slaves  in  the  states  were  left  alone.  (3)  Still 
a  third  faction,  composed  of  some  merchants  and  of  those 
mountaineers  who  owned  no  slaves,  had  nothing  in  com- 
mon with  the  slave  interests.  They  possessed  little  political 
influence.  One  of  their  number,- Hinton  Helper,  published 
in  1857  a  book  called  the  "Impending Crisis"  which  showed 
how  the  South  was  controlled  by  three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  slave-owners  and  how  slavery  had  retarded  the 
development  of  the  South.  This  book  was  written  in  a 
sensational  style  and  created  a  furore  in  political  circles 
little  less  than  that  made  by  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin." 
Lincoln.  322.  The  Lincoln-Douglas  Debates  (1858). — One  of  the 

most  interesting  elections  in  our  history  was  that  held  in 
1858  in  the  state  of  Illinois.  Members  of  the  legislature 
were  elected  who  were  to  choose  a  successor  to  Senator 
Douglas.  Both  parties  selected  their  senatorial  candidates 
long  before  the  election,  the  Democrats  renominating  Doug- 
las and  the  Republicans  naming  Abraham  Lincoln.  Lin- 
coln was  little  known  at  this  time  outside  of  the  central  part 
of  Illinois  where  he  enjoyed  an  excellent  reputation  as  a 
lawyer  of  rare  honesty  and  ability.  Born  in  Kentucky, 
(1809)  to  the  heritage  of  the  poor  white  pioneer,  he  had 
grown  up  in  Indiana  and  later  in  Illinois,  with  a  determina- 
tion to  acquire  an  education.  His  experience  as  rail-splitter 
and  flatboat-man,  as  well  as  his  study  at  night  by  a  pine- 
knot  fire,  is  well  known.  Lincoln  had  served  several  terms 
in  the  Illinois  legislature,  and  had  spent  two  years  in  Wash- 


1858]  Approaching  a  Crisis  369 

ington  as  a  representative.  Very  tall  and  exceedingly 
ungainly  in  appearance,  Lincoln  did  not  attract  at  first 
until  one  was  impressed  by  his  earnestness  and  the  kindness 
of  his  homely  face,  or  was  won  by  his  never  failing  humor. 

During  the  summer  of  1858  Lincoln  and  Douglas  held  a  Joint 
series  of  joint  debates.     By  far  the  most  notable  of  these  senatorial 
was  held  at  Freeport,  where  Lincoln  asked  Douglas  four 
questions,1  the  answers  to  which  prevented  Douglas  from 
gaining  the  support  of  the  southern  Democracy  in  the  presi-    United  'states 
dential  election  two  years  later.    Lincoln  forced  Douglas   11,321-339. 
to  choose  between  his  favorite  doctrine  of  popular  sover- 
eignty and  the  opinion  expressed  by  the  justices  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  in  the  case  of  Dred  Scott.    Douglas  tried  to 
reconcile  the  two  by  saying  that  slavery  could  not  exist  in 
any  territory  if  the  people  did  not  make  local  police  regula- 
tions for  its  support,  and   therefore  popular  sovereignty 
would  decide  whether  the  territory  should  have  slavery  or 
not.    Lincoln  showed  that  slavery  could  exist  without  these 
local  regulations,   and   that  popular  sovereignty  and  the 
Dred  Scott  opinion  were  incompatible.    The  South  agreed 
with  Lincoln  and  abandoned  Douglas,  although  the  people 
of  Illinois  by  a  narrow  margin  reflected  Douglas  senator. 

323.    Union  and  Slavery.  —  At  the  beginning  of  the  sena-  Lincoln's 
torial  campaign  Lincoln  had  made  a  speech  which,  in  the  "House- 

•    •  r  iv   •  u-        u  r    divided" 

opinion  of  many  politicians,  jeopardized  his  chances  of  speech. 

election.    It  was  a  speech  worthy  of  the  man,  and  now 

classed  with  the  famous  speeches  of  our  history.     "'  A  house  Hart,  Contem- 

divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.'    I  believe  this  govern-  poraries, 

ment  cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  Iv>  No-  **' 

I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved  —  I  do  not  expect 

the  house  to  fall  —  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  Rhodes- 

T         MI    i  T-I.  United  States, 

It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other.     Either  the   11,315-318. 
opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it  and 

1  One  question  was:    "Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  territory, 
under  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits,  prior  to  the 
formation  of  a  state  constitution?" 
2  B 


370 


American  History 


[1858 


Seward's 
"  Irrepressible 
conflict " 
speech. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  No.  45. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
H.  344-346. 


Influence  on 
southern  senti- 
ment. 


place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that 
it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates 
will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all 
the  states,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 
This  was  a  statement  of  the  nation's  future  which  no  mere 
politician  would  have  had  the  foresight  or  the  courage  to 
announce. 

In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  in  which  Lincoln  made  this 
prophecy  William  H.  Seward, 
the  most  conspicuous  man  of 
the  Republican  party,  startled 
the  nation  by  proclaiming  a 
similar  opinion.  He  stated: 
"  Our  country  is  a  theater  which 
exhibits,  in  full  operation,  two 
radically  different  political 
systems:  the  one  resting  on 
the  basis  of  servile  or  slave 
labor,  the  other  on  the  basis 
of  voluntary  labor  of  free- 
men. .  .  .  The  two  systems 
are  at  once  perceived  to  .be 
incongruous.  But  they  are 
more  than  incongruous,  they 
are  incompatible.  They  never  have  permanently  existed 
together  in  one  country,  and  they  never  can.  .  .  .  These 
antagonistic  systems  are  continually  coming  into  closer 
contact,  and  collision  results.  They  who  think  that  it  is 
accidental,  unnecessary,  the  work  of  interested  or  fanatical 
agitators,  and  therefore  ephemeral,  mistake  the  case  alto- 
gether. //  is  an  irrepressible  conflict  between  opposing  and 
enduring  forces,  and  it  means  that  the  United  States  must 
and  will,  sooner  or  later,  become  either  entirely  a  slave- 
holding  nation,  or  entirely  a  free-labor  nation." 

324.  Influence  of  John  Brown's  Raid  (1859).  —  Public 
utterances  frequently  fix  public  sentiment,  but  definite 
acts  make  history.  The  Fugitive  Slave  law  and  the  repeal 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD 


1860]  Approaching  a  Crisis  371 

of  the  Missouri  Compromise  had  united  the  North  against  Burgess, 

the  further  extension  of  slavery,  the  John  Brown  raid  united   Ctml  War' 

I  34—44. 
the  South  for  the  protection  of  slavery.     Before  1859  the 

South  was  in  no  real  sense  committed  to  the  radical  program 

of  its  pro-slavery  leaders :   after  that  date  it  identified  itself    ,      ef', 

Umtea  States, 

much  more  closely  with  the  institution  of  slavery  than  be-  11,410-416. 
fore.     It  may  seem  remarkable  that  the  attack  of  twenty 

men  on  the  United  States  arsenal  at  Harpers  Ferry  could  chadwick, 

have  such  a  potent  influence,  especially  when  the  attack  ended  Causes  of 

in  the  capture  of  Brown  and  his  followers.     But  the  South  ,tvt      ar' 

67-89. 

was  impressed  by  the  fact  that  Brown  had  collected  arms 
near  Harpers  Ferry  and  had  planned  to  free  the  slaves. 
That  he  desired  the  freedom  of  all  the  slaves  in  the  South 
is  certain,  and  he  believed  this  could  be  accomplished  only 
by  force  of  arms.  This  would  involve  necessarily  a  servile 
insurrection  which  was  the  nightmare  of  all  classes  in  the 
South,  slaveholders  and  others.  The  danger  of  such  a 
calamity  was  enough  to  unite  all  southern  factions,  and  to 
give  the  impression  that  the  North  would  stop  at  no  means 
to  destroy  slavery.  This  impression  was  strengthened  by. 
the  enthusiasm  with  which  John  Brown's  attempt  was  re- 
ceived in  many  parts  of  the  North.  The  Republican  leaders 
were  very  careful,  however,  to  disavow  any  connection  with 
the  affair  and  to  condemn  the  methods  used. 

325.    The  Election  of  1860.  — The  decisive  factor  in  the  Democratic 
election  of  1860  was  the  attitude  of  the  Democratic  party.   convention- 
This  party  had  a  majority  of  voters  in  the  South  and  a  large 
minority  of  those  in  the  North.     If  they  cooperated,  success  Schouier, 

,  •          -r  r     i  i  •    •  i     i  •  r     United  States, 

seemed  certain.     If  they  were  divided  on  the  question  of  v  454_4S7  462 
slavery,    the    Republicans    might    win.    The    Democratic 
convention  was  held  at  Charleston,  April  2*.    The  south-   r 

Burgess, 

ern  delegates  contended  for  a  platform  declaring  that  not   civil  War, 
only  should  the  Dred  Scott  opinion  be  enforced,  but  Congress   I, 50-58, 67-70 
must  protect  slavery  in  the  territories  by  every  means  in 
its  power.     They  were  outvoted,  for  the  northern  Demo- 
crats succeeded  in  adopting  a  plank  which  stated  that  the 
party  would  "abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court 


372 


American  History 


[1860 


Republican 
convention. 


Chadwick, 
Causes  of 
Civil  War, 
116-123. 


of  the  United  States  on  the  questions  of  constitutional  law." 
Most  of  the  southern  delegates  then  withdrew  and  two 
Democratic  conventions  were  held  later.  That  comprised 
chiefly  of  northern  delegates  nominated  Douglas,  while  the 
southern  men  adopted  the  platform  which  they  preferred, 
and  named  John  C.  Breckenridge  of  Kentucky  for  the  presi- 
dency. Remnants  of  the  Whig  party  and  conservatives 


A  CARTOON  OF  1860. 

of  all  parties  united  under  the  name  "Constitutional  Union," 
and  nominated  Bell  of  Tennessee. 

The  Republicans  met  in  Chicago  in  May.  As  the  party 
was  composed  of  numerous  elements  united  chiefly  by  their 
desire  to  prevent  the  further  extension  of  slavery,  the  dele- 
War,  i,' 58-67.  gates  agreed  without  difficulty  on  a  plank  that  denied  "the 
authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  or  of  any 
individual  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  territory 
of  the  United  States."  But  they  maintained  especially 
the  right  of  each  state  to  order  and  control  its  own  domes- 
tic institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively. 
They  denounced  Buchanan's  Kansas  policy,  and  favored 


i860] 


Approaching  a  Crisis 


373 


a  protective  tariff.  Because  the  party  was  composed  of 
various  elements  with  different  opinions  on  many  questions 
except  the  main  issue,  the  convention  ignored  the  more 
radical  candidates,  William  H.  Seward,  the  real  leader  of  the 
party,  and  Salmon  P.  Chase.  On  the  third  ballot  Lincoln 
was  selected,  and,  to  satisfy  the  East,  Hannibal  Hamlin 
of  Maine  was  chosen  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket. 


ELECTION  OF  18GO 

Lincoln.  Republican— . 
Brtctinridge    So.  Dm.- 

Bell.  Contt'l  Dm 

Douglas  No.  Dtm 


...3 


The  campaign  was  full  of  interest  and  excitement.     When  The  election, 
the  polls  were  closed,  it  was  found  that  Lincoln  had  carried 
all  of  the  northern  states,1  that  Breckenridge  had  been  sue-  Stanwood, 

cessful  in  the  South,  and  Bell  had  secured  the  vote  of  three  ency' 

295-297. 

border  states.    This  gave  Lincoln  180  of  the  303  electoral 
votes,  the  others  being  divided  as  follows,  Breckenridge,  72; 

'  *•**.*  ^  Schouler, 

Bell,  39;  and  Douglas,  12.    On  the  popular  vote,  however,    united  states, 
the  combined  votes  of  the  other  three  were  nearly  one  million   V,  462-469. 
more  than  those  cast  for  Lincoln. 

THE  SECESSION  MOVEMENT  (1860-1861) 

326.    Secession  in  South  Carolina  (December,  1860). —  Action  before 
When  it  was  learned  that  Lincoln  had  been  elected,  the  legis-  Dec-  20> 

1  Except  three  of  the  seven  votes  of  New  Jersey. 


374 


American  History 


[1860 


Schouler, 
United  States, 

v,  469-471- 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  115-125, 
192-196. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  No.  59. 


Secession 
resolutions. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  196-207. 


Larned  (ed.), 
Hist,  for 
Ready  Re/., 
3407-3409. 


Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No.  12. 


Buchanan's 
message. 


Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
I,  82-88. 


lature  of  South  Carolina  called  an  election  for  members  of 
a  convention  which  should  meet  December  17  and  consider 
the  relations  between  the  state  and  the  Union.1  There  was 
no  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  one  in  South  Carolina  that  this 
result  would  be  secession.  In  October,  when  all  indications 
pointed  to  a  Republican  victory,  the  governor  of  South 
Carolina  had  sent  to  most  of  the  other  southern  governors 
a  letter  asking  their  cooperation.  The  United  States  sena- 
tors from  South  Carolina  and  most  of  the  national  officials 
in  the  state  resigned  as  soon  as  the  convention  was  called 
and  every  preparation  was  made  to  sever  connections  with 
the  Union.  Nevertheless  the  act  of  the  convention  on 
December  20  was  a  shock  to  the  people  of  the  nation. 

In  her  secession  ordinance  the  state  repealed  the  act  of 
1 788  by  which  she  had  ratified  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  declared  that  "the  union  now  subsisting  between 
South  Carolina  and  other  states  under  the  name  of '  the  United 
States  of  America'  is  hereby  dissolved."  A  few  days  later 
the  convention  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  giving  reasons 
for  their  action.  They  reviewed  the  course  of  events  during 
the  formative  years  from  1775  to  1789  to  prove  that  the  state 
was  sovereign  and  the  Constitution  a  compact.  They  main- 
tained that  the  North  had,  by  personal  liberty  laws,  nulli- 
fied a  law  of  the  Union  (the  Fugitive  Slave  Act)  and  that  the 
election  of  a  Republican  president  threatened  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery.  The  arguments  of  South  Carolina  probably 
did  not  influence  the  action  in  the  rest  of  the  slave  states, 
but  similar  causes  led  to  the  calling  of  conventions  in  the 
other  states  of  the  South. 

327.  Attempted  Conciliation  (December- January) .  —  Un- 
til South  Carolina  had  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession,  the 
North  was  indifferent,  the  administration  inactive.  Gen- 
eral Scott,  as  commander  of  the  army,  had  urged  during 
November  that  the  forts  in  the  states  of  the  South  be  strength- 
ened, but  Buchanan  did  nothing.  As  he  could  not  ignore 

.  *  The  legislature  had  been  in  session  to  choose  presidential  electors. 
This  method  had  given  way  to  popular  election  in  all  of  the  other  states. 


1861]  The  Secession  Movement  375 

in  his  annual  message  (December  3)  the  threatened  destruc-  Rhodes, 

tion  of  the  Union,  he  considered  the  subject  in  a  most  ex-  Umtedstate^ 

traordinary  way.  He  declared  that  no  state  had  any  right  ^jl^s! 
to  secede  from  the  Union,  but  asserted  that  if  a  state  saw 
fit  to  secede,  neither  the  president  nor  Congress  could  pre- 
vent her  from  doing  so  or  could  bring  her  back  into  the  Union. 
Buchanan  denounced  the  anti-slavery  agitation  in  the  North 
as  the  cause  of  the  whole  trouble  and  recommended  consti- 
tutional amendments  protecting  slavery  in  the  states  and  in 
the  territories. 

During  the  month  following  this  message  the  President's  change  in 

attitude   toward   the    Soijth   changed   considerably.    Most  Buchanan's 
of  the  members  of  his  cabinet  who  favored  secession  resigned} 

and  their  places  were  taken  by  ardent  Union  men.    The  Schouler- 

.    '  United  States, 

administration  even  went  so  far  as  to  send  provisions  and  v,  481-485. 

troops  to  Fort  Sumter  in  [Charleston  harbor,  but  the  relief  . 

Larned  (ed.), 

ship  was  fired  upon  and  turned  back,  January  9,  1861.  Ready  Kef., 
In  Congress  committees  were ,  appointed  by  each  house  34II~34I2. 
early  in  December  to  suggest  means  for  preventing  disunion.  Attempted 
The  southern  leaders  wished  to  have  irrepealable  constitu-  compromise 
tional  amendments  that  WjOuld  prevent  Congress  from  inter- 
fering with  slavery  in  the  states  or  in  the  territories.    The  Schouier, 

,111  .,,.  Ai  i  -i  United  States, 

northern  leaders  were  willing  to  agree  that  slavery  in  the  v  ,-04-1:07 
states  should  be  free  forever  from  interference,  but  they 

refused  their  consent  to  slavery  at  any  time  in  any  part  of  Harf,  Contem- 

the   territories.    Other   attempts   to   reach   a   compromise  fy^W>6 

satisfactory  to  both  sides  were  made  in  Congress  and  out  66,68,69. 
of  Congress  during  the  last  two  months  of  Buchanan's  term 

(§  329)- 

328.    The  Confederate   States  of  America.  —  When   the  Secession  of 

southern  leaders  saw  that  the  northern  members  in  Congress  the  Gulf  states 

would  not  accept  their  terms,  they  advocated  the  secession  Hart  Contem. 

of  the  other  states.    Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Mississippi,  poraries, 

and  Louisiana  seceded  during  January,  believing  that  they  IV,  Nos.  58,61 

could  dictate  terms  if  they  severed  their  connection  with  T 

Rhodes, 

the  Union.    There  was  opposition  in  these  states  to  seces-  United  states, 

sion,  especially  in  Georgia,  where  Alexander  H.  Stephens  111,271-279. 


376 


American  History 


[1861 


Chadwick, 
Civil  War, 
140-150. 


A^'ormation  and 
provisions  of 
the  constitu- 
tion. 

Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
I,  116-119. 

MacDonald, 
Documents, 
No.  97. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  No.  62. 


Battles  and 
Leaders,  I, 
99-110. 


President 
Davis. 

Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
1,  119-123, 


pleaded  against  disunion.  In  none  of  them  was  the  seces- 
sion ordinance  submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification,  al- 
though the  result  would  have  been  the  same  probably  in 
any  case. 

On  the  4th  of  February,  1861,  delegates  from  these  six 
seceded  states  and  Texas  met  at  Montgomery ,  Alabama,  and 
drew  up  a  constitution  for  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 

This  constitution  was  in 
most  respects  a  copy  of 
the  national  Constitu- 
tion of  1787.  Several 
important  defects  or 
omissions  of  that  docu- 
ment were  remedied, 
and  some  changes  made 
in  the  interest  of  state 
sovereignty  or  slavery. 
Each  state  was  said  to 
act  "in  its  sovereign 
and  independent  char- 
acter." Congress  did 
not  have  power  to  give 
bounties  or  lay  protect- 
ive duties,  but  exports  might  be  taxed  by  a  two  thirds 
vote  of  each  house.  The  president  was  chosen  for  a  term 
of  six  years,  but  was  not  reeligible.  The  Confederate 
States  might  acquire  new  territory  in  which  slavery  was 
to  be  "recognized  and  protected,"  but  no  new  state  should 
be  admitted  to  the  Confederacy  except  by  a  two  thirds  vote 
of  both  houses  of  Congress,  the  senate  voting  by  states. 
There  were  fewer  limitations  on  the  states  than  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States. 

The  government,  organized  provisionally  in  1861  and 
permanently  in  1862,  included  Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi 
as  president,  and  Stephens  of  Georgia  as  vice  president. 
Davis  was  a  man  of  extended  and  varied  experience  in  pub- 
h'c.  life,  as  he  had  served  in  the  army,  in  Congress,  and  in 


JEFFERSON  DAVIS 


1861]  The  Secession  Movement  377 

Pierce's  cabinet.      Although  more  radical  in  his  views  than   Rhodes, 
Stephens,  he  was  not  considered  an  extremist,  and  adminis-    Untted  states> 
tered  well  the  duties  of  his  trying  position,  although  to  the 
satisfaction  of  very  few. 

329.    Close  of  Buchanan's  Term. — The   states   in   the  Confederacy 
Confederacy  seized  the  property  of  the  national  government  and  the  United 
which  was  located  within  their  borders,  including  numerous 
arsenals  and  forts.    None  of  these  arsenals  manufactured 

Chadwick, 

arms  —  they  were  simply  depots ;     but   large   numbers  of   causes  of  civil 
muskets  and  a  fair  quantity  of  military  supplies  had  been    W^,  184-204. 
transferred  to  southern  forts  or  arsenals  by  Buchanan's 
secretary  of  war,  perhaps  in  anticipation  of  hostilities  be- 
tween the  North  and  the  South.    The  Confederate  govern- 
ment selected  commissioners  to  visit  Washington  and  make 
a  treaty  of  friendship  with  the  United  States  (February, 
1861). 

Meanwhile,  the  discussion  of  compromise  measures  con-  Crittenden 
tinued   at   Washington.    The   Senate   still  considered   the  resolutions. 
Crittenden  resolutions  which  had  been  proposed  originally  ence  etc 
December  18.    They  favored  irrepealable  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  for  the  extension  of  the  line  of  36°  30',   Bur 
all  territories  north  of  that  line  being  free  and  all  south,  slave;    civil  War, 
the  admission  of  states  as  free  or  slave  as  they  decided;  and   *•  96-104, 
the  compensation  of  slave  owners  for  all  fugitives  not  re- 
turned to  them.     Durfng  February  there  was  held  in  Wash- 
ington a  peace  conference  attended  by  delegates  from  two    r|lode,s> 

J  United  Mates, 

thirds  of  the  states.     By  a  narrow  margin  the  convention  ni,  150-156, 

voted  in  favor  of  the  36°  30'  line  for  all  existing  territories,  3°5-3°8-' 

the  admission  of  states  with  the  constitutions  they  selected, 

no  interference  by  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  states,  and  MacDonaid, 

no  treaty  for  annexing  territory  unless  approved  by  a  ma-  D*e*m**ts> 

jority  of  the  senators  from  the  slave  states  and  a  majority 

of  those  from  free  states.    The  House  of  Representatives 

also  devised  a  plan  for  conciliation,  one  feature  of  which 

was  accepted  by  the  Senate,  the  only  part  of  any  compromise 

plan  approved  by  both  houses  of  Congress.    This  provided 

that  Congress  should  never  interfere  with  or  abolish  slavery 


378 


American  History 


[1861 


Futility  of 
conciliation. 


Two  causes. 


Development 
of  new  indus- 
trial methods 
(1775-1861). 


Slavery 
prevents 
development 
of  the  South. 


within  the  states.  The  adjournment  of  Congress,  March  4, 
closed  these  discussions. 

Certain  moderate  men,  especially  in  the  border  states, 
had  made  every  possible  effort  to  preserve  the  Union  and 
maintain  peace.  But  it  was  too  late  for  compromise.  The 
leaders  opposed  to  slavery  extension  would  make  no  con- 
cessions permitting  slavery  permanently  in  the  territories. 
The  pro-slavery  leaders  would  not  yield  because  they  be- 
lieved that  the  system  of  slavery  would  lose  in  the  end  unless 
they  gained  every  demand  from  the  North. 

330.  Fundamental  Causes  of  Secession.  — The  secession 
movement  was  not  the  work  of  discontented  leaders,  it  was 
the  clash  between  sections  which  were  radically  different 
and  wished  to  retain  and  develop  their  own  characteristics. 
To  put  it  briefly,  there  were  two  fundamental  causes  of 
secession :  one,  the  system  of  slavery;  the  other,  the  doctrine 
of  state  sovereignty.  It  was  the  combination  of  these  two 
that  made  secession  possible. 

In  the  eighty  years  and  more  since  the  United  States  had 
become  independent,  great  changes  had  taken  place  within 
this  country  and  in  the  -world  at  large,  (i)  Methods  of 
labor  had  changed  radically.  The  new  industrial  system 
required  skilled  labor,  intelligent  service  —  in  short,  the 
freedom  of  the  workingman.  (2)  An  entirely  different  set 
of  causes  favored  the  emancipation  of  those  who  had  been 
serfs  or  slaves.  Chief  of  these  was  the  great  development 
of  the  idea  of  democracy,  which  had  been  growing  stronger 
everywhere  among  civilized  nations,  but  particularly  in  the 
United  States.  (3)  This  rapid  progress  toward  industrial 
freedom  and  political  equality  was  but  part  of  a  much 
larger  movement  which  had  replaced  the  old  order  of  things 
with  a  new  commercial  and  industrial  system  much  more 
complex  than  the  old  and  a  new  social  order  in  which  many 
class  distinctions  had  been  obliterated. 

These  changes  had  affected  the  North  very  much  more 
than  the  South.  Since  the  Revolutionary  War,  the  poli'ti- 
cal  ideas  and  ideals  of  the  South  had  not  changed  greatly. 


1861]  The  Secession  Movement  379 

Her  occupations  and  business  methods  were  not  very  differ- 
ent, her  social  system  was  practically  the  same  as  in  1776. 
Amid  the  wonderful  changes  of  nearly  a  century  of  mar- 
velous progress  she  had  made  comparatively  little  material 
progress  on  account  of  slavery.  Slavery  prevented  the 
competition  of  free  labor,  yet  slaves  could  not  perform 
any  labor  except  that  of  the  crudest  kind.  With  a  system 
of  slavery,  democracy,  political  or  social,  could  not  exist. 

331.    Slavery  and  State  Sovereignty  versus  Nationality.  —  Slavery  de- 
So  closely  identified  had  the  South  become  with  the  institu-  mands  an 
tion  of  slavery  that  she  felt  it  necessary  to  preserve  that  ^"govern-  • 
institution  at  all  costs.    To  protect  and  preserve  it  she  had  ment. 
sought  new  territories.     But  as  slavery  could  not  compete 
with  a  system  of  free  labor  on  equal  terms,  it  required  arti- 
ficial props  to  protect  it  in  the  old  territory  and  in  the  new 
from  being  overwhelmed  by  the  much  stronger  system  of 
free  labor.    The  South  demanded  therefore  that  the  North 
allow  her  to  have  an  equal  share  in  the  government  of  the 
United  States.     But  to  do  this  meant  the  permanent  main- 
tenance of  two  sections,   totally  unlike  and  antagonistic. 
When  we  consider  that  the  United  States  had,  during  the 
half  century  following  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain, 
been  growing  into  a  great  and  powerful  nation,  we  can  realize 
that  permanent  sectionalization  would  prevent  the  further 
development  of  nationality. 

There  were  but  two  alternatives,     (i)  Either  the  nation  Antagonism 
must  remain  partly  developed,  or  (2)  it  must  complete  the  between  slav~ 

J  ery  and  the 

development  of  its  nationality  by  securing  a  uniform  eco-  nation. 
nomic,  political,  and  social  system;  in  short,  it  must  abandon 

slavery  or  make  slavery  universal  within  its  borders.    Lin-  Why  siavery 

coin,  Seward,  and  others  had  seen  this  clearly,  although  the  joined  forces 

mass  of  the  people  did  not.     As  the  system  of  free  labor  had  Wlt   state, 

sovereignty. 

been  growing  rapidly,  while  that  of  slavery  had  not,  the  only 
hope  for  slavery  was  to  oppose  the  growth  of  nationality. 
This  she  could  do  most  effectively  by  appealing  to  the  politi- 
cal principle  that  the  states  are  sovereign.  State  sovereignty 
had  been  the  chief  obstacle  in  the  upward  path  of  the  nation, 


38o 


American  History 


[i86i 


Inauguration. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
111,316-319. 

Morse, 
Lincoln, 
I,  212-228. 


Amer.  Hist. 
Leaflets, 
No.  18. 


Lincoln's 
cabinet. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
3420- 


and  it  was  natural  that  when  the  development  of  the 
nation  threatened  slavery  the  institution  of  slavery  should 
join  forces  with  state  sovereignty.  But  state  sovereignty, 
like  slavery,  belonged  to  the  old  order  of  things,  to  a  past 
that  would  never  return,  and  even  their  union  was  unable 
to  cope  with  the  young,  strong  forces  of  free  labor  and 
what  Calhoun  called,  ten  years  earlier,  "a  great  consolidated 
national  democracy." 

LINCOLN;  "THE  THREE  MONTHS'  WAR" 

332.  Lincoln's  Policy. — On  the  4th  of  March,  1861, 
Lincoln  was  inaugurated  quietly  at  Washington.  There  had 
been  fear  that  Lincoln's  life  would  be  threatened  during 
his  trip  to  Washington  or  on  inauguration  day,  but  nothing 
serious  happened,  for  every  precaution  had  been  taken  to 
prevent  an  outbreak.  The  inaugural  address  must  always 
be  ranked  among  his  greatest  state  papers.  He  disproved 
at  the  beginning  that  his  election  was  sufficient  cause  for 
secession  by  declaring  that  he  would  not  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  states,  that  he  would  not  oppose  a  constitu- 
tional amendment  which  prevented  the  central  government 
from  interfering  with  slavery  as  a  state  institution.  He 
asserted  that  there  could  be  no  right  of  legal  secession,  for 
the  Union  was  older  than  the  Constitution.  Having  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  enforcing  the  national  laws  in  all 
of  the  states,  as  prescribed  in  his  oath,  he  went  on,  "in  your 
hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine, 
is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  will 
not  assail  you.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being 
yourselves  the  aggressors." 

Lincoln  was  fortunate  in  being  able  to  gather  in  his  cabi- 
net many  of  the  prominent  Republican  leaders,  for  if  at 
first  the  cabinet  lacked  unity,  it  gained  for  the  adminis- 
tration the  support  of  all  elements  in  the  North.  The 
secretary  of  state  was  William  H.  Seward,  who  considered 
himself  the  head  of  the  party  and  sought  to  dictate  the  policy 
of  the  administration.  He  was  anxious  to  subordinate 


i86i] 


The  Three  Months'    War 


381 


sectional  questions  to  an  aggressive  foreign  policy,  but  this  Morse, 
unwise  plan,  which  would  have  involved  the  government  Lmcoln 
in  difficulties  abroad  without  lessening  its  burdens  at  home, 
was  ignored  completely  by  Lincoln.  Seward  afterward 
exhibited  a  very  high  quality  of  statesmanship,  and  during 
the  eight  years  he  served  in  the  department  of  state,  proved 
that  he  was  second  only  to  Lincoln  among  the  men  of  his 
time.  Other  notable 
cabinet  officials  were 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  who 
was  secretary  of  the 
treasury  until  1864, 
and  Edwin  M.  Stan- 
ton,  a  member  of 
Buchanan's  cabinet 
after  it  was  reorgan- 
ized, who  had  the  war 
portfolio  after  1862. 
Upon  these  three  men 
devolved  the  chief 
duties  that  affected 
the  success  of  the 
Union  cause.  Yet 
great  as  were  the  ser- 
vices performed  by 
these  men  and  others 
of  Lincoln's  assistants,  the  policy  followed  was  in  the  main 
that  of  the  chief  executive.  With  added  experiences  and 
increasing  responsibilities,  Lincoln  acquired  a  skill  in  hand- 
ling men,  a  soundness  of  judgment  in  dealing  with  difficult 
problems,  and  a  firmness  in  carrying  through  a  policy  which 
he  believed  to  be  right,  that  marked  him  as  the  greatest 
American  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

333.    Sumter.  —  From  the  beginning  Charleston  harbor,   Negotiations, 
with  its  Union  force  of  little  more  than  one  hundred  men, 
had  been  considered  the  crucial  point  in  the  South.    Major 
Anderson,  before  New  Year's,  1861,  had  withdrawn  all  the 


The  famous  Brady  photograph 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


382 


American  History 


[1861 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  Nos.  70-72. 


Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
I,  151-171. 


Attempted 
relief,  bom- 
bardment. 


Union  forces 
(Apr.,  1861) . 

Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
I,  172-174. 
178-179. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  35I-364- 


men  from  the  forts  around  the  harbor,  and  concentrated  his 
force  in  Fort  Sumter  in  the  center  of  the  harbor.  The 
attempt  made  on  January  9  to  send  additional  soldiers 
and  supplies  in  the  Star  0}  the  West  had  caused  the  South 
Carolina  forces  to  fire  upon  the  vessel,  and  had  produced  a 
strong  sentiment  against  disunion  throughout  the  North. 
Commissioners  had  been  sent  to  treat  with  Buchanan  in 
order  to  gain  possession  of  Sumter,  but  without  avail. 
Later,  commissioners  were  sent  to  Washington  by  the  Con- 
federate government  to  negotiate  all  matters  affecting  debts 
and  property  in  the  southern  states.  Both  Buchanan  and 
Lincoln  refused  to  treat  with  these  men,  for  to  do  so  would 
have  been  recognition  of  the  Confederacy;  but  certain  notes 
were  left  for  them  by  Seward  in  order  that  they  might  under- 
stand the  attitude  of  the  new  administration.  From  these 
informal  proceedings  the  officials  of  South  Carolina  gained 
the  impression  that  no  attempt  would  be  made  to  relieve 
Sumter.  In  fact  Lincoln  promised  only  that  he  would 
notify  them  of  a  relief  expedition.  This  was  fitted  out  in 
New  York,  April  7.  Governor  Pickens  of  South  Carolina 
was  notified  immediately.  After  two  days'  consideration  of 
the  matter  the  Confederate  government  asked  for  the  sur- 
render of  Sumter,  and,  when  it  was  refused,  began  bom- 
barding the  fort,  April  12.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  i3th, 
his  ammunition  and  supplies  gone,  and  the  fort  on  fire, 
Anderson  surrendered  and  his  men  were  sent  North. 

334.  Preparation  for  War. — The  news  of  the  firing 
upon  Sumter  aroused  the  North  from  its  lethargy.  When 
Lincoln,  on  April  15,  asked  for  75,000  militiamen 
to  serve  for  three  months,1  the  response  throughout  the 
free  states  was  enthusiastic.  In  the  slave  states,  however, 
the  governors  refused  to  furnish  troops.  Within  forty- 
eight  hours  from  the  first  call,  regiments  which  had  been 
organized  already  by  the  "war  governors"  were  on  their 
way  to  Washington.  In  Baltimore,  on  April  19,  the  troops 
were  attacked  by  mobs,  but  further  disorder  was  prevented 

1  Under  fte  act  of  1795. 


i86i]  The  Three  Months'    War  383 

by  transporting  the  soldiers  over  another  route.    The  regular  Hart,  Contem- 

army  was  demoralized  by  the  withdrawal  of  nearly  one  half  Porartes> 

J  IV,  No.  105. 

of  the  officers,  who  were  southerners,  but  even  at  this  time 

the  military  force  of  the  United  States  was  larger  and  better 
organized  than  that  of  the  Confederacy.  There  was  no 
attempt  to  organize  a  large,  permanent  army,  for  very  few 
people  expected  a  long  or  a  serious  conflict. 

In  March  the  Confederate  Congress  had  authorized  the  Confederate 
enlistment  of  one  hundred  thousand  troops,  but  although  armyand 

i  .  „        ,      ,     .  .  privateers. 

that  number  of  recruits  offered  their  services,  there  were 
not  enough  arms  or  military  supplies  for  them.    The  Con-   Rhodes, 
federacy  had  also  tried  to  prepare  a  navy,  but  their  dim-    United  states, 
culties  were  increased  by  the  lack  of  any  naval  vessels  and        '  ^~322 
failure  of  many  southern  naval  officers  to  leave  the  service 
of  the  United  States.    On  April  17  the  fitting  out  of  priva-   Lamed  (ed.), 
teers  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  of  the  North  was  author-     ea*    e£" 
ized.    This  action  was  followed  at  once  by  Lincoln's  proc- 
lamation blockading  southern  ports  (§  340). 

Lincoln's  original  call  for  troops  was  followed,  May  4,   Permanently 
by  a  request  for  40,000   volunteers  besides  regulars  and  organized 
seamen  to  serve  for  three  years  or  the  war.      Legally    he 
had  no  right  to  organize  this  army,  but  he  was  supported 
in  this  and  other  ways  by  the  Congress  which  met  in  special   c.ivii  ^'-art 
session,  July  4.    Congress  voted  $250,000,000  for  the  prose-  I,  226-232. 
cution  of  the  war  and  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Bull 
Run  (§  336)  voted  500,000  volunteers. 

335.   The    Border    States.  —  Between    the   Confederacy  Second 
as  it  existed  on  the  i2th  of  April  and  the  free  states  there  secession. 
were  two  rows  of  slave  states  that  were  still  in  the  Union. 
The  attitude  of  these  border  states  was  a  matter  of  the  first  Burgess- 

Civil  War, 

importance.     If  all  joined  the  Confederacy,  the  two  sections  I(  I77  jg-j-ise 

would  be  not  far  from  equal  in  strength.     If  all  remained 

in  the  Union,  the  early  downfall  of  the  Confederacy  was  as-  Rhodes 

sured.    When  Lincoln  issued  his  call  for  troops  on  April  15,    United  states, 

the  governors  in  most  of  these  states  refused  to  send  troops.   ni-383-387- 

Jackson  of  Missouri  went  farther  than  most  of  the  others, 

and  declared,  "Your  requisition  in  my  judgment  is  illegal, 


384 


American  History 


Delaware, 
Maryland, 
and  western 
Virginia. 


Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
I,  196-205. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
111,388-390. 


Kentucky 
and  M  ssouri. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  391-394. 


Burgess, 
Civil  War, 
I,  186-195. 


Situation  in 
Virginia 
(July,  1861). 


unconstitutional,  and  revolutionary  in  its  object,  inhuman 
and  diabolical  and  cannot  be  complied  with."  Several  of 
the  states  immediately  took  a  vote  on  secession.  In  the 
four  states  of  the  lower  tier,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, and  Arkansas,  an  overwhelming  majority  favored 
separation  from  the  United  States.  All  of  these  states,  of 
course,  joined  the  Confederacy. 

In  the  northern  tier  of  the  slave  states  the  question  was 
not  put  to  a  vote,  or  was  decided  against  secession.  Dela- 
ware unhesitatingly  sided  with  the  Union.  In  Maryland, 
the  southern  sympathizers  were  exceedingly  active,  although 
in  a  hopeless  minority.  The  presence  of  the  troops  who 
were  protecting  Washington,  and  the  arbitrary  suppression 
of  disunion  efforts  by  the  administration  and  by  the  state 
officials,  made  the  secession  of  the  state  impossible.  The 
people  of  western  Virginia  were  not  slaveholders,  and 
objected  to  being  thrust  out  of  the  Union.  They  claimed, 
therefore,  to  represent  the  true  state  and  remained  in  the 
Union.  Afterward,  in  1863,  without  regard  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  national  Constitution,1  West  Virginia  was 
admitted  as  a  separate  state. 

Kentucky  voted  to  remain  neutral,  but  found  it  impossible 
to  do  so.  In  the  fall  of  1861,  when  a  Confederate  force 
invaded  this  state,  it  came  out  positively  on  the  Union  side. 
Missouri  was  the  battleground  in  which  a  political  and  a 
military  contest  was  waged  for  the  possession  of  the  state. 
The  Union  men,  organized  by  Blair  and  commanded  by 
Captain  Lyon,  gained  possession  of  St.  Louis  and  secured 
control  of  the  state  government,  deposing  the  governor, 
who  favored  secession.  Several  battles  were  fought  in 
Missouri  during  the  fall  of  1861,  but  the  Confederate  forces 
were  driven  finally  from  the  state  and  the  Union  victories 
made  permanent  by  the  battle  of  Pea  Ridge  in  northwestern 
Arkansas  (February,  1862). 

336.  Bull  Run.  —  In  Virginia  there  were  three  armies 
on  each  side,  one  threatening  and  one  defending  Washington, 

1  Article  IV, 


i86i] 


The  Three  Months'    War 


two  in  the  Shenandoah  valley,  and  two  contending  for 
western  Virginia.  In  the  mountains  of  the  western  part  of 
the  state  the  Confederates,  under  Robert  E.  Lee,  were  driven 
back  by  George  B.  McClellan  and  Rosecrans.  In  eastern 
Virginia  it  was  decided  to  advance  from  Washington  and 
atttack  the  Confederate  force  under  Beauregard.  This 
army  was  stationed  at  Manassas  Junction,  where  the  rail- 
way from  near  Washington  to  southern  and  southwestern 
Virginia  met  the  branch  line  from  the  Shenandoah  valley, 
a  point  valuable  for  either  side, 
but  especially  for  the  Confed- 
erates. Patterson,  the  Union 
general  in  the  Shenandoah 
valley,  was  ordered  to  en- 
gage his  opponent,  Joseph  E. 
Johnston,  while  McDowell  ad- 
vanced against  Beauregard. 

The  armies  of  McDowell 
and  Beauregard  met  at  Bull 
Run,  a  short  distance  from 
Manassas,  and  fought  well  for 
raw  troops.  Beauregard  was 
forced  back  until  reenforced  by 

fresh  troops  brought  by  rail  from  the  Shenandoah  by  John- 
ston. What  seemed  to  be  a  Union  victory  became  a  rout, 
which  turned  into  a  mad  scramble  to  reach  Washington. 
The  Confederate  force  was  too  badly  disorganized  to  follow 
and  was  in  fact  ready  to  disband,  thinking  the  war  was  over. 
Stung  by  defeat,  the  North  awakened  to  the  fact  that  the 
reduction  of  the  South  was  not  a  three  months'  task;  that 
it  would  require  a  herculean  struggle,  to  which  the  North 
must  give  unsparingly  of  her  resources.  As  we  have 
noticed,  500,000  volunteers  were  voted  by  Congress  the 
next  day,  and  under  the  direction  of  that  splendid  drill 
master,  McClellan,  and  other  commanders,  armies  were 
created  that  would  understand  the  art  of  war. 


Larned  (ed.) 
Ready  Kef., 
3433-3434- 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  442-446. 


JOSEPH  E.  JOHNSTON 


Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
16-19. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  446-452. 


2C 


386  American  History  [1861 


CONDITIONS  AFFECTING  UNION  SUCCESS 

Disparity  in  337.  Resources  of  North  and  South.  —  Before  considering 

strength.  ^ne  reai  campaigns  which  followed  these  military  preliminaries 

it  will  be  well  to  compare  the  contestants  and  consider  those 

Hart,  Essays      conditions  which  affected  the  final  result.     We  have  noticed 

w  '     already  how  much  more  rapidly  the  North  had  grown  than 

the  South,  not  alone  in  population  but  in  wealth,  general 

resources,  and  diversity  of  industries.     In  none  of  these 
Chadwick,  ' 

Causes  of  civil  respects  were  the  eleven  seceding  states  a  match  for  the 

War,  21-36.  twenty-three  states  that  remained  in  the  Union.  Their 
white  population  was  less  than  five  and  one-half  millions, 
that  of  the  loyal  states  nearly  twenty  two  millions.  This 
disparity  of  about  4  to  i  *  may  be  taken  as  a  fairly  true  meas- 
ure of  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  parties  in  other  re- 
spects than  population,  for  the  Confederacy  did  not  have 
more  than  twenty  per  cent  of  the  wealth  or  commerce  of 
the  North,  and  her  industrial  output  amounted  to  less  than 
one  tenth  of  that  of  the  loyal  states. 

Dependence  of  The  South  had  large  natural  resources,  but  they  were  un- 
the  South.  developed.  She  had  not  attempted  to  manufacture  what 
she  needed,  for  she  had  exported  almost  everything  she  pro- 
Hart,  Content-  diiced  to  Europe  or  to  the  North,  and  purchased  usually 
m*****'.  ^  from  the  North  even  many  necessities  of  life.  At  the  be- 

IV,  No.  loo. 

ginning  of  the  war,  she  did  not  have  enough  factories  to 
supply  her  people  with  clothing  and  shoes.  There  were  no 
powder  plants,  no  factories  for  making  cannon  or  small 
arms,  no  shipyards.  Rolling  mills  and  iron  foundries 
were  uncommon.  Railways  were  not  particularly  plentiful 
at  the  South,  but  they  had  been  equipped  with  northern 
rails  and  supplied  with  northern  locomotives  and  cars. 
In  short  the  South  was  entirely  dependent  on  the  outside 
world,  to  which  she  had  given  her  cotton  and  other  products 
for  the  articles  she  needed.2 

1  Not  counting  slaves. 

a  At  this  time,  however,  the  exports   of  cotton  comprised  about  two 
thirds  of  the  total  exports  of  the  entire  United  States. 


1861]         Conditions  affecting  Union  Success  387 

The  North  possessed  an  abundance  of  all  of  these  things,   independence 
Her  factories  turned  out  all  the  munitions  and  supplies  of  the  North- 
that  she  needed.     Her  farms  produced  more  food  than  both 
the  soldiers  and  the  workers  at  home  could  use.     Industry 
and  commerce,  instead  of  being  absorbed  by  the  war,  were 
stimulated  by  it.    The  strength  of  the  system  of  free  labor 
increased  as  the  need  became  greater. 

338.  The  Southern  Armies.  —  With  a  white  population  Southern 
but  one  fourth  that  of  the  North,  the  South  was  not  able  to  milltar>'  P°"cy 
put  as  many  men  in  the  field.     Even  in  the  early  part  of 

the  war,  when  southern  enthusiasm  was  greatest,  and  all  Cf-  Rhodes, 
desired  to  present  a  "stern  front  to  the  invader,"  or,  as  Davis  ,,*" 

V,  431-447. 

said,  "fight  on  northern  soil,"  the  southern  force  was  only 
about  two  thirds  that  of  the  North.  During  the  last  year 
of  the  war  it  was  reduced  to  less  than  one  half  the  number 
of  soldiers  in  the  Union  ranks.  Many  from  the  loyal  border 
states  joined  Confederate  armies,  but  their  number  was  only 
a  little  greater  than  that  of  the  Union  soldiers  from  east 
Tennessee  and  western  Virginia.  As  the  northern  armies 
penetrated  southern  territory,  the  aid  given  to  the  Confed- 
erate commanders  by  the  people  was  of  inestimable  value. 
The  South  was  fortunate  in  most  of  her  commanders,  al- 
though President  Davis  interfered  constantly  by  dictating 
the  plan  of  campaign  to  be  followed. 

The  South  excelled  in  cavalry  except  during  the  last  year,  Different 
and  the  men  who  had  been  accustomed  to  ride  even  to  branches  of 
their  nearest  neighbors  made  the  finest  cavalrymen  in  the  servjce 
world.     Her  artillery  and  engineering  corps  were  especially 
inferior  to  those  on  the  Union  side.    Her  infantry  possessed 
a  spirit  which  went  far  toward  making  them  excellent  sol- 
diers.     When   they  charged,   giving  their   terrible  "rebel 
yell,"  there  was  need  for  the  greatest  courage  among  the 
Union  troops.     So  excellent  was  her  secret  service,  and  so 
lax  the  northern  methods,  that  the  Union  plans  were  always 
known  and  their  movements  anticipated. 

339.  The  Northern  Armies.  — To  defeat  a  people  so  united, 
so  earnest,  possessing  the  advantage  of  fighting  on  their 


388 


American  History 


[i86r 


Northern 
soldiers  and 
enlistments. 


Caring  for  the 
troops. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
V,  214-227. 


Government 

and 

contractors. 


own  soil,  able  to  move  troops  from  one  point  to  another  as 
each  in  turn  was  threatened,  required  the  greatest  determina- 
tion and  the  highest  courage,  both  of  which  the  Union  troops 
possessed  in  marked  degree.  Although  the  preponderance 
of  numbers  on  the  Union  side  counted  in  the  end,  in  most 
contests  the  forces  were  not  far  from  equal.1  In  tie  North 
the  soldiers  did  many  things,  such  as  driving  teams  and 
building  earthworks,  which  were  performed  by  slaves  in  the 
South.  The  Union  armies  were  recruited  to  a  much  larger 
extent  by  voluntary  enlistment,  encouraged  by  national 
bounties  of  $300  and  supplemented  by  state  and  local  bounties. 
The  South  had  no  money  for  this  purpose  and  resorted  to 
drafts  early  in  the  war,  toward  the  end  permitting  young 
boys  and  old  men  to  enlist.  The  North  was  obliged  to  draft 
more  than  once.  During  July,  1863,  the  attempt  to  obtain 
soldiers  by  that  means  led  in  New  York  City  to  terrible 
draft  riots  in  which  nearly  a  thousand  negroes  and  whites 
lost  their  lives. 

It  took  the  North  longer  to  discover  her  best  leaders, 
but  toward  the  close  of  the  war  the  northern  commanders 
outgeneraled  their  opponents  in  almost  every  contest. 
During  the  early  part  of  the  war  the  northern  armies  were 
hampered  by  interference  from  Lincoln  and  his  advisers. 
The  northern  soldiers  were  supplied  much  better  than  those 
of  the  South  with  ammunition,  arms,  food,  and  clothing. 
At  first  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  these  articles,  as  the  war 
department  was  not  able  at  once  to  handle  so  many  sup- 
plies; but  during  the  last  two  years  of  the  war  the  govern- 
ment purchased  food  and  blankets  on  the  principle  that  it 
was  cheaper  to  provide  new  blankets  for  the  men  who  had 
discarded  them  on  the  march  than  to  hamper  the  move- 
ments of  the  armies  or  permit  the  soldiers  to  suffer. 

This  policy  was  extravagant  and  led  to  a  great  amount 
of  fraud.  Large  fortunes  were  made  out  of  govern- 
ment contracts.  Men  who  furnished  transports  for  Union 


1  This  was  not  true  in  the  battles  of  Virginia  in  which  the  skill  of 
Lee  counterbalanced  the  greater  number  of  the  northern  soldiers. 


1861]         Conditions  affecting  Union  Success  389 

troops  usually  doubled  their  wealth  in  a  few  months. 
Although  the  government  paid  a  high  price  for  uniforms  and 
blankets,  many  of  them  were  made  of  "  shoddy,"  which  fell 
to  pieces  on  slight  provocation.  The  army  food,  of  none 
too  good  a  quality  in  the  days  before  canned  goods  were 
common,  was  often  inferior  stuff  on  which  a  good  profit  was 
made.  Yet  few  wars  have  been  fought  on  so  large  a  scale, 
with  so  little  preparation,  in  which  the  soldiers  were  treated 
better. 

The  loss  of   life  from  wounds  and  disease  was  much  Sanitary 
smaller  than  in  earlier  wars,  partly  because  of  the  efficient  Commission, 
service   performed   by   a   well-organized   body   called    the 
Sanitary  Commission.     The   northern   troops    were   much 
more  fortunate  than   those   of   the   South,   among  whom 
anaesthetics  and  other  drugs  were  rare,  because  the  North 
insisted  that  they  must  be  considered  contraband  of  war. 

340.  The  Navies;  The  Blockade. — The  American  navy  Privateering, 
was  small  and  scattered  in  1861.    Only  three  ships  were  in 
northern  ports,  none  in  those  of  the  South.     Since  the  South   Cambridge 
realized  that  it  could  not  get  a  regular  navy,  it  issued  letters  Mod.  Hist., 
of  marque  and  reprisal  to  privateers  and  allowed  these  VII«565-567- 
vessels  to  prey  upon  the  merchant  ships  that  carried  the 
American  flag.     As  our  merchant  marine  had  developed 
until  our  ships  were  found  on  every  ocean  this  promised  to 
strike  a  serious  blow  at  the  North. 

In  retaliation  Lincoln  proclaimed  a  blockade  of  the  entire  Establishing 
southern  coast,  between  3000  and  4000  miles  long,  and  a  blockade- 
closed  his  proclamation  by  declaring  that  those  engaged  in 
privateering   would   be   treated   as   pirates.     Vessels   were   Cambridge 
purchased  to  maintain  the  blockade  and  in  a  few  months  Mod-  Htst" 
there  were  only  a  few  ports  in  the  South  that  could  be  reached 
even  by  the  swift  "  blockade  runners."    These  steamers 
usually  plied  between  British  ports,  the  Bermudas  or  Nassau 
in  the  Bahamas,  or  Havana,  and  Jacksonville,  Savannah, 
Charleston,  and  Wilmington.     Most   of   these   ports   were 
closed  completely  early  in  the  war  and  blockade  running 
became  extremely  hazardous.    Many  engaged  in  the  traffic, 


390 


American  History 


[1861 


Results  of  the 
blockade. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
111,544-548, 
V,  396-410. 


Recognition 
of  southern 
belligerency 
(May,  1861). 

Foster,  Amer. 

Diplomacy, 

365-369. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  417-423- 


The  Trent 
affair 
(Nov.,  1861). 


however,  because  the  profits  were  so  enormous  that  two 
trips  would  pay  for  the  cost  of  a  vessel. 

The  isolation  of  the  South  through  the  blockade  was  an 
important  cause  if  not  the  chief  cause  of  the  Confederacy's 
failure.  The  South  had  devoted  her  energies  to  raising 
cotton  until  "  Cotton  was  King."  Before  the  war  she 
believed  that  her  cotton  crop  was  of  greater  real  value  than 
all  the  products  of  the  North.  But  the  South  had  never 
been  self-supporting  and  could  not  become  so.  She  never 
was  able  to  make  as  much  powder  as  she  needed  and  could 
not  procure  enough  muskets  or  cannon.  She  could  raise 
food  for  her  people,  but  failure  to  sell  her  cotton  impover- 
ished her  rapidly.  The  Confederate  government  believed 
that  Europe  would  recognize  her  independence  because 
Europe  needed  southern  cotton,  and  refused  to  allow  the 
exportation  of  cotton  before  the  blockade  prevented  its 
exportation  altogether,  but  without  avail.  Although  cotton 
sold  for  four  cents  a  pound  in  the  South  and  brought  $2.50 
in  England,  even  the  Lancashire  weavers,  half  starving  from 
want  of  work,  declared  against  a  Confederacy  based  on 
slavery. 

341 .  Foreign  Relations  (1861-1865). — The  success  of  the 
Confederacy  depended  in  large  part  on  the  recognition  of  her 
independence  by  European  nations.  This  recognition  she 
never  gained.  In  May,  1861,  both  Great  Britain  and  France 
recognized  the  Confederate  states  as  a  belligerent  power, 
with  a  well-organized  government  and  complete  military 
force.  The  North  resented  this  action,  unjustly,  because 
the  establishment  of  an  extensive  blockade  in  April  had  been 
an  acknowledgment  that  the  hostilities  with  the  South  had 
reached  the  proportions  of  a  war  in  which  both  contestants 
must  be  treated  according  to  the  rules  of  war. 

In  November,  1861,  complications  with  Great  Britain 
were  avoided  with  difficulty.  An  American  war  vessel, 
the  San  Jacinto,  stopped  the  British  mail  steamer  Trent  on 
its  way  from  Havana  to  Europe  and  removed  two  commis- 
sioners who  were  being  sent  to  the  courts  of  Great  Britain 


1861]         Conditions  affecting  Union  Success  391 

and  France  by  the  Confederate  government.    The  North  Foster,  Amer. 
applauded  this  act,  but  the  English  government  and  people  DiPloma<y> 
were  very  indignant.     When  a  demand  was  made  for  the 
surrender  of  the  commissioners,  they  were  released  because 
their  seizure  had  been  irregular.     Secretary  Seward  stated 
that  we  complied  cheerfully  with  the  request  for  the  sur- 
render of  the  commissioners,  for  we  had  contended  many 
years  against  the  principle  of  the  "  right  of  search." 

The  majority  of  the  officials  and  people  of  Great  Britain  Attempts 
undoubtedly  sympathized  with  the  aristocratic  South  and  togainrecog- 
might  not  have  been  unwilling  to  see  the  Union  broken  up.   southem 
As  the  prime  minister  said  to  a  northern  man,  "  We  do  not  independence, 
like  slavery,  but  we  want  cotton  and  we  dislike  very  much 
your  Morrill   tariff."    Although    recognition    of    the  Con-  Foster,  Amer. 
federacy  was  desired  by  both  Great  Britain  and  France,   Diplomacy, 
they  hesitated   to   take   that  action,    (i)    because   Russia,  3?I~384< 
still  smarting  under  the  defeats  of  the  Crimean  war,  openly 
took  the  side  of  the  Union  and  sent  a  fleet  to  New  York  Hosmer. 

Appeal  to 

harbor,  (2)  because  the  government  at  Washington  made  it  Arms,  306-322. 

clear  that  if  the  independence  of  the  South  were  recognized, 

our  ministers  would  be  withdrawn,  and  (3)  because  southern 

invasions  of  the  North  were  always  checked  easily  and 

quickly.    Much  of  the  credit  for  preventing  the  recognition 

of  the  Confederacy  and  the  fitting  out  of  privateers  and  other 

war  vessels  in  European  ports  belongs  to  our  ministers 

abroad,  especially  Charles  Francis  Adams,  who  represented 

us  at  the  Court  of  St.  James. 

342.  Bonds  and  a  National  Banking  System. — Money  is  Government 
called  appropriately  the  chief  of  the  sinews  of  war,  since  more  loans- 
wars  have  failed  because  of  lack  of  money  than  for  any  other 
one   reason.    The   situation   of   the   national   government  Dewey.  Finan. 
in  the  spring  of  1861  did  not  excite  envy.    The  credit  of   c,  J2o  ^' 
the  government  had  been  declining  during  the  hard  times  132,136. 
succeeding  1857  and  was  almost  destroyed  in  the  fall  of 
1860,  when  many  feared  that  the  Union  might  be  dissolved. 
Nevertheless  the  need  of  money  induced  Congress  in  the 
summer  of  1861  to  vote  a  loan  of  $250,000,000  at  seven  per 


392 


American  History 


[1861 


National 
Banking  act. 

Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
$§  138,  139- 


Issues  of 
greenbacks. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§§  122-125. 


cent,  with  some  taxes  to  pay  the  interest.  This  loan  could 
never  have  been  floated  but  for  the  loyalty  of  the  banks  in 
the  larger  northern  cities,  which  disposed  of  large  numbers 
of  bonds.  But  in  December,  1861,  the  banks  were  obliged 
to  suspend  specie  payments,  and  regular  business  throughout 
the  rest  of  the  war  was  done  with  paper,  or  with  gold  at  a 
premium.  In  February,  1862,  a  second  loan  was  voted,  this 
time  the  enormous  sum  of  $500,000,000.  Other  loans  were 
authorized  later,  as  the  government's  need  of  money  in- 
creased constantly;  but 
it  was  not  easy  to  sell  the 
bonds  even  on  the  advan- 
tageous terms  at  which 
they  were  offered. 

In  order  to  provide  a 
new  market  for  the  bonds 
and  have  a  national  bank 
currency  which  would  re- 
place that  of  the  states, 
a  National  Banking  Act 
was  passed  in  1863.  This 
provided  that  persons 
might  organize  national 

banks  which  could  issue  notes  to  ninety  per  cent  of  the 
value  of  United  States  bonds  that  they  held.  Later  the 
state  bank  notes  were  forced  out  of  circulation  by  a  tax 
of  ten  per  cent  on  their  issues,  so  that  most  of  these  state 
banks  were  converted  into  national  banks. 

343.  Greenbacks  and  Taxes.  —  Early  in  the  war  the 
government  had  begun  to  levy  new  kinds  of  taxes,  but  in 
February,  1862,  it  supplemented  the  bonds  and  taxes  by 
issuing  treasury  notes  which  did  not  bear  interest.  Many 
people  denied  that  the  government  had  the  right  to  issue 
bills  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  but  the  needs  of 
the  time  overruled  all  scruples  and  the  notes  were  issued,, 
first  to  the  amount  of  $150,000,000,  later  to  three  times 
that  sum.  They  were  called  popularly  "  greenbacks*' * 


SALMON  P.  CHASE 


1 862]          Conditions  affecting  Union  Success  393 

and  became  the  ordinary  medium  of  exchange.  Being 
issued  in  large  quantities,  they  depreciated  naturally.  At  one 
time  $i  in  gold  was  equivalent  to  $2.85  in  paper.  Be- 
cause of  this  cheap  and  abundant  money  high  prices  pre- 
vailed, and  a  great  deal  of  business  was  done.  Wages  were 
higher,  but  as  they  did  not  increase  in  the  same  proportion 
as  the  cost  of  living,  a  large  part  of  this  "  forced  loan  "  was 
paid  really  by  those  working  by  the  day,  week,  or  month. 

Three  kinds  of  taxes  were  used  to  gain  the  money  neces-  Three  kinds 
sary  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  national  debt  and  maintain  of  taxes, 
the  credit  of  the  government:    (i)  The  tariff ,  which  in  1861 
had  been  made  protective  in  character.    The  rates  were   Dewey- 

.  ,        ,  ,      .         „ ,  cial  Hist., 

increased  considerably  in  1862  and  much  more  in  1864  to  it  127-129 
gain  revenue  and  to  protect  from  foreign  competition  the 
industries  which  were  now  obliged  to  pay  national  taxes. 
(2)  Manufacturing  taxes.  Part  of  these  were  levied  on 
distilled  or  fermented  liquors  and  tobacco,  this  tax  having 
been  retained  to  the  present.  Taxes  were  levied  on  almost 
everything  manufactured  in  the  United  States  from  a  toy  to 
a  locomotive.  Often  an  article  would  be  taxed  several  times 
in  the  process  of  manufacture.  The  tax  was  as  nearly  uni- 
versal as  it  could  be  made.  Even  these  heavy  taxes  did 
not  interfere  with  the  industry  of  the  North,  for  manufacturing 
developed  continually  during  the  war.  (3)  Personal  taxes, 
which  were  levied  on  all  incomes  except  the  very  lowest. 
The  rate  during  the  last  of  the  war  was  five  per  cent  on  all 
incomes  between  $600  and  $5000  and  ten  per  cent  on  all 
above  $5000,  those  under  $600  being  exempt.  These  in- 
come taxes  were  paid  cheerfully  until  peace  came,  when  it 
was  found  that  taxes  of  that  nature  were  very  objectionable. 

344.  Southern  Finances  and  Government.  —  When   the   Loans  and 
South  sought  to  obtain  money  for  carrying  on  the  war,  the  PaPer  money- 
baleful  influence  of  slavery  was   very  noticeable.     As  the 
section  had  no  industries  and  few  strong  banks,  she  did  not  Rhodes. 

....  it  ,.         United  States, 

possess  the  resources  for  raising  revenue  or  the  means  for  v  ~44_^I 
floating  her  loans.     Since  the  blockade  cut  off  foreign  trade, 
no  duties  could  be  collected  on  imports  or  from  the  export 


394 


American  History 


[1862 


Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
610-619. 


Arbitrary 
government 
in  the  South. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist.. 
607-610. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
V,  43L  453-458, 
470-475- 


Some  of  the 
dangers. 


of  cotton.  The  states  were  too  poor  to  pay  heavy  taxes  of 
any  other  kind,  so  that  the  government  depended  on  the  sale 
of  bonds  and  the  issue  of  paper  money.  The  earliest  bonds 
were  sold  for  cash,  but  as  the  money  was  expended  abroad 
for  military  supplies,  there  was  little  gold  or  silver  left  in  the 
Confederacy.  A  few  bonds  were  sold  later  abroad,  but  most 
of  them  were  exchanged  for  food,  and  netted  the  government 
very  little.  Paper  money  was  issued  in  large  quantities, 
depreciating  rapidly  of  course  in  value.  Probably  the  face 
value  of  all  the  notes  aggregated  more  than  $1,000,000,000, 
besides  the  issues  of  the  state  governments  and  the  banks. 
Prices  rose  to  enormous  figures,  even  the  gold  value  of  every- 
thing, including  cotton,  being  higher  than  before  the  war. 
A  barrel  of  flour  sold  in  Richmond  during  the  last  year  of 
the  war  for  $20  in  gold  or  $1000  in  paper.1 

As  might  be  expected,  the  southern,  jealousy  for  state 
rights  interfered  considerably  with  the  exercise  of  dictatorial 
power  by  the  government  at  Richmond.  Yet  the  neces- 
sities of  war  forced  President  Davis  and  the  Confederate 
Congress  to  use  arbitrary  means  to  gain  men  or  money. 
Attempts  were  made  to  regulate  prices,  needed  supplies 
were  seized,  the  army  was  recruited  by  means  cf  forced 
drafts,  and  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was 
suspended,  although  less  extensively  than  at  the  North.  In 
fact,  as  President  Woodrow  Wilson  says,  "  everything  gave 
way,  even  law  itself,  before  the  inexorable  exigencies  of  war." 

345.  Critical  Situation  at  the  North.  — The  material  ad- 
vantages possessed  by  the  Union  over  the  Confederacy  are 
clearly  apparent  now,  and  were  understood  in  part  at  that 
time,  but  the  result  was  by  no  means  certain  for  at  least  two 
years.  Had  the  North  been  less  united  than  it  was,  history 
might  give  us  a  very  different  story.  The  government  at 
Washington  felt  it  necessary  to  use  every  means  in  its  power 
to  preserve  the  Union,  even  if  that  involved  the  sacrifice  of 
personal  rights  and  compelled  officials  to  disregard  the 


1  An  ordinary  dinner  for  nine  persons,  in  January,  1865,  cost  $631.50. 
Rhodes,  United  States,  V,  249. 


1 862]         Conditions  affecting  Union  Success  395 

Constitution.  Fortunately  the  people  realized  the  danger  to 
the  Union  and  gave  the  chief  executive  their  hearty  support. 
It  is  remarkable  that  there  was  so  little  opposition  to  the 
great  extension  of  the  president's  war  power.  A  few  in- 
stances will  suffice  to  show  how  the  president  became 
almost  a  dictator. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  the  war  President  Lincoln  sus-  Presidential 
pended  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  around  dictatorship. 
Washington  and  in  some  of  the  border  states.     When  the 
Supreme  Court  protested  on  the  ground  that  Congress  alone  Lamed  (ed.), 
could  suspend  the  writ,  he  ignored  the  order  of  the  court  to  re-  Read^  Ref-> 
lease  persons  imprisoned  and  Congress  practically  supported  3496-3493! 
his  action.      Later  the  writ  was  suspended  throughout  the 
North  and  many  who  opposed  the  work  of  the  government  Johnston, 
were  imprisoned.    The  draft  was  used  less  at  the  North  than  Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
at  the  South,  but  both  governments  took  engines  and  cars  n>  394-405- 
on  the  railways  when  the  need  arose.    There  was  a  partial 
censorship  of  the  telegraph  at  the  North,  and  an  edition  of  Hosmer» 
two  New  York  newspapers  was  confiscated  because  they   cml'war 
published  news  which  the  government  wished  to  keep  secret.  Chapter  I. 
The  national  government  attempted  at  first  to  treat  the  south- 
erners as  rebels  and  wished  to  confiscate  their  property,  but   Dunning, 
in  the  end  treated  them  as  belligerents.    Much  the  most   Civil  War  and 

.  Reconstruction, 

conspicuous  instance  of  dictatorial  power,  however,  was  the  chapter  I. 
freeing  of  the  slaves  of  those  engaged  in  war  against  the 
United  States  by  Lincoln  in  the  Emancipation  Proclamation, 
which  he  issued  by  virtue  of  his  position  as  commander  in 
chief. 

346.  Summary.  —  After   the   Dred    Scott    opinion    had  The  critical 
opened  all  of  the  territories  to  slavery,  there  was  little  chance  penoc 
of  avoiding  a  conflict  between  the  sections,  because  neither 
would  yield.     A  strong  executive  might  have  prevented  or 
postponed  the  secession  movement.     Buchanan  did  neither. 
When  the  split  in  the  Democratic  party  (1860)  permitted  the 
Republicans  to  elect  Lincoln,  South  Carolina  seceded  and 
six  other  cotton  states  followed  within  six  weeks.     Buchanan 
did  nothing  until  forced  by  public  opinion  to  reorganize 


396  American  History  [1862 

his  cabinet.  The  senators  and  representatives  tried  to  find 
some  common  ground  for  compromise,  the  political  leaders 
from  Virginia  and  Kentucky  taking  the  initiative  in  pro- 
posing plans  for  conciliation,  but  without  result. 
Beginning  of  A  month  after  Lincoln  became  president,  the  fall  of  Sumter 
began  the  war>  which,  it  was  thought  at  first,  would  last 
but  a  few  months.  Preparations  were  made  for  the  conflict 
on  a  small  scale,  but  the  chief  contest  was  over  the  border 
states,  the  lower  tier  of  which  joined  the  Confederacy,  while 
the  northern  border  states  were  persuaded  finally  to  remain 
in  the  Union.  The  battle  of  Bull  Run  showed  that  the 
struggle  was  to  be  one  of  large  proportions.  Both  sides 
then  began  to  prepare  in  earnest.  The  North  had  the 
advantage  of  very  much  greater  numbers  and  industrial 
and  natural  resources.  It  had  money  that  was  available 
for  carrying  on  the  war.  Its  navy  was  able  to  cut  off  the 
Confederacy  from  the  supplies  that  were  indispensable  to  the 
South.  The  South  used  her  men  and  resources  much  more 
freely  than  the  North  found  necessary.  She  had  several 
able  commanders  and  possessed  the  advantage  of  fighting 
on  her  own  soil,  being  able  thus  to  transport  her  troops  from 
point  to  point  with  comparative  ease.  Her  limited  re- 
sources and  inability  to  supply  herself  with  necessaries  made 
it  impossible  to  compete  with  the  North  on  equal  terms. 
Foreign  nations  refrained  from  recognizing  the  independence 
of  the  Confederacy,  and  the  conquest  of  her  territory  be- 
came only  a  question  of  time. 


TOPICS 

1.  JOHN    BROWN'S   RAID:  Burgess,  "Civil  War  and   Constitu- 
tion," I,  pp.  34-44;    Von  Hoist,  "United  States,"  VII,  pp.  18-59; 
Rhodes,   "United  States  since   1850,"   II,   pp.   383-416;    Redpath, 
"Captain  John  Brown,"  pp.  229-407. 

2.  ELECTION  OF  1860:  McClure,  "Our  Presidents,"  pp.  154-182; 
Stanwood,  "History  of  the  Presidency,"  Chapter  XXI;    Stephens, 
"  War  between  the  States,"  II,  Colloquy  18;  Elaine,  "Twenty  Years 
of  Congress,"  I,  pp.  157-172;  Rhodes,  "United  States  since  1850," 
II,  pp.  440-S02- 


1861]  Disunion  and  Civil  War  397 

3.  CONTRAST  BETWEEN  THE  SLAVE  AND  FREE  STATES  :  Wright, 
"  Industrial  Evolution  of  the  United  States,"  Chapter  XII;  Helper, 
"  Impending  Crisis,"   Chapters  V,  VIII ;    Hart,  "  Practical  Essays 
on  American  Government,"  No.  XI;   Sites  and  Keener,  "Growth 
of  the   Nation"    (N.  America,  Vol.  XIII),   Chapter  VI;     Brown, 
''Lower  South  in  Amer.  Hist.,"  pp.  155-190. 

4.  ENGLAND    AND   THE   UNITED   STATES    DURING   THE    WAR: 
Foster,   "Century  of  American  Diplomacy;"   pp.  365-400;  Adams, 
"Charles     Francis     Adams,"     Chapters    IX,     XII,     XIII,    XV, 
XVII;     Rhodes,  "United  States  since  1850,"  IV,  pp.  76-95,  337- 

394- 

STUDIES 

1.  Lincoln's    Freeport    speech.     (Johnston    (ed.),     "American 
Eloquence,"  III,  pp.  184-194.) 

2.  Comparison    of    Davis,    Lincoln,    and    Douglas.     (Burgess, 
"Civil  War  and  Reconstruction,"  I,  pp.  1-27.) 

3.  Jefferson    Davis.     (Trent,  "Southern    Statesmen  of  the  Old 
Regime,"  pp.  257-293.) 

4.  Seward  during  March  and  April,  1861.     (Lothrop,  "William 
H.  Seward,"  pp.  246-291.) 

5.  Reasons  for  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States. 

6.  Formation  of  the  southern  Confederacy.     (Davis,  "Rise  and 
Fall  of  the  Confederate  States,"  I,  pp.  229-242.) 

7.  Stephen's  "Corner  Stone"  speech.     (Johnston  (ed.),  "Ameri- 
can Eloquence,"  IV,  pp.  39-50.) 

8.  Washington  on  the  eve  of  the  Civil  War.   ("  Battles  and  Leaders 
of  the  Civil  War,"  I,  7-25.) 

9.  The    secession   movement   in   Missouri.     (Carr,    "Missouri," 
pp.  267-323.) 

10.  Enlisting  in  the  army.     ("Battles  and  Leaders,"  I,  pp.  149- 

I59-) 

11.  The  Sanitary  Commission.     (Johnson,  "War  of  Secession," 

PP-  35I-3S8-) 

12.  Running  the  blockade.     (Soley,  "  Blockade  and  the  Cruisers," 
pp.  153-167.) 

13.  English  sentiment  for  the  South.     (Rhodes,  "United  States," 
IV,  pp.  76-95.) 

14.  Preventing  England  from  recognizing  independence   of  the 
Confederacy.     (Adams,  "Charles  Francis  Adams,"  pp.  278-290.) 

15.  Debate  of  the  issuance  of  greenbacks.     (Elaine,   "Twenty 
Years  of  Congress,"  I,  pp.  409-429.) 

16.  Civil  government  of  the  southern  states.     (Garret  and  Hud- 
ley,    "  Civil  War  from  Southern   Standpoint "    ("  North   America," 

xiv),  pp.  485-506.) 


398  American  History 


QUESTIONS 

1.  As  far  as  possible  trace  the  development  of  the  radical  move- 
ment at  the  North  and  at  the  South.     In  which  section  did  the  radicals 
gain  control  first  ? 

2.  What  were  the  questions  that  Lincoln  asked  Douglas?    How 
did  Douglas  answer  those  that  were  most  important  ?     How  did  his 
answers  affect  his  later  political  career? 

3.  What  is  secession  ?     Distinguish  from  nullification.     Why  is 
the  Constitution  silent  on  the  subject?     Could  anything  but  slavery 
have  caused  secession  ?     Was  the  election  of  Lincoln  sufficient  reason 
for  secession? 

4.  Compare  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  with  that  of  the 
Confederacy.     In  what  respects  do  they  differ  most  ?    Were  the  states 
sovereign  under  the   Confederacy?     Did  they  enjoy  more  powers 
than  those  in  the  Union? 

5.  Trace  the  growth  of  slavery  as  (a)  an  economic  institution; 
(6)  a  political  institution.     In  what  ways  had  slavery  retarded  the 
growth  of  the  South  as  shown  by  social  conditions,  political    ideas 
and  customs,  lack  of  material  development,  etc.  ?      Show  clearly  as 
possible  why  slavery  led  to  secession.     Give  the  important  changes 
connected  with  slavery  from  1830  to  1861. 

6.  Compare   the    Confederacy   with   the    Union   in   population, 
value  of  property  and  products,  size  of  army  and  navy,  financial  re- 
sources, and  dependence  on  outside  countries  for  war  necessities. 

7.  Which  war  powers  were  exercised  by  the  president?    Were 
any   of   these    unconstitutional  ?    extra-constitutional  ?    Is   there   a 
"higher  law  than  the  Constitution";    judged  by  the  events  from 
1850  to  1865;  judged  by  the  "presidential  dictatorship"? 


CHAPTER   XVII 
PROSECUTION  OF   THE  WAR   (1862-1865) 

PRESIDENT 
Abraham  Lincoln  (1861-1865) 

SPRING  AND  SUMMER  OF  1862 

347.  Theater  of  War  in  the  West.  —  The  result  of  the  General  char- 
Civil  War  was  decided  by  the  western  campaigns,  and  the  a  ter' 
western  campaigns  were  determined  to  a  great  extent  by  the 
direction  of  the  great  rivers.     As  the  Union  forces  necessarily   MISSISSWI 
assumed  the  offensive,   they  followed   naturally  the  Mis- 
sissippi, which  crossed  the  west-central  part  of   the  Con- 

i      m  i  •  i  11  r    Semple,  Amer. 

federacy,  and  the  Tennessee,  which  penetrates  the  heart  of  Hist  and  its 
the  South.    Movements  along  the  Mississippi  were  impeded    Geog.  Condi- 
by  the  shallowness  of  the  river,  the  many  turns,  and  other  tlons'  3°°-3o8. 
obstacles  to  navigation,  and  the  bordering  swamps  which 
prevented   the  successful  cooperation  of   land  and  naval 
forces.     When  the  Union  forces  had  gained  possession  of  the 
entire  river  and  controlled  the  railroads  which  connected  the 
states  west  of  the  river  with  those  east,  the  three  western 
states  found  it  difficult  to  send  men  and  supplies  to  the  armies 
across  the  Mississippi. 

The  fate  of  the  Confederacy  was  decided  even  more  in  the  Territory  be- 
territory  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Alleghany  mountains.   tween  Missis- 

-»*-  111  11    sippi  and  the 

Most  of  this  was   comparatively  level   and   not  very  well  Aiieghanies 
settled.    The  northern  part  is  crossed  by  the  Ohio,  which 
was  always  in  the  possession  of  the  Union  troops  except  the  gem  ]e  Geg 
very  important  points  where  the  Ohio  meets  the  Cumber-   Conditions, 
land,  the  Tennessee,  and  most  of  all  the  Mississippi.    Farther  302-308. 
south  the  Cumberland  crosses  northern  Tennessee,  and  the 
Tennessee  River  after  crossing  the  state  of  that  name  gives 

399 


1862] 


Spring  and  Summer  of  1862 


401 


entrance  to  northern  Mississippi  and  northern  Alabama. 
Railways  ran  in  1862  from  the  junction  of  the  Mississippi 
and  the  Ohio  to  New  Orleans  and  Mobile.  East  and  west 
railways  extended  from  Memphis  to  Chattanooga  and 
Charleston,  and  from  beyond  Vicksburg  to  Atlanta,  Savan- 
nah, and  Charleston. 

The  most  important  points  for  the  attacking  Union  force   Strategic  points 

in  the  West. 


ROUTES  OF 

INVADING  ARMIES 

Main  Union  Arm;,  West 

Second  Union  Army  West 

Confederate  Armiee  —».-.«, 

Minor  Saide 

SCALE  OF  MILES 


-.0      100 


L1X> 


to  gain  were  Cairo  and  Paducah  on  the  line  of  the  Ohio; 
Memphis,  Corinth,  and  Chattanooga  along  the  southern 
boundary  of  Tennessee;  New  Orleans  and  Vicksburg  on 
the  lower  Mississippi,  and  the  railway  center,  Atlanta,  in 
north-central  Georgia,  on  the  border  line  between  the  west 
and  the  east.  The  location  of  these  places  should  be  noted 
carefully  and  the  maps  should  be  used  constantly  to  ascer- 
tain the  general  routes  of  the  Union  forces. 

348    Grant's  Campaign  in  the  West  (to  February,  1862). 
-When  the  Confederates  seized  and  fortified  the  bluff  at 
Columbus,  Kentucky  (September,  1861),  General  Grant,  who   Grani4 
had  already  occupied  Cairo,  took  Paducah  also  and  thus 
2  P 


Seizure  of  the 
l"1    of  the 


402 


American  History 


[1862 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
III,  594-598. 

Hosmer,  Ap- 
peal to  Arms, 
84-90. 


Capture  of  the 
first  Confeder- 
ate line. 


Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
25-28. 

Fiske,  Miss. 
Valley,  52-66. 


gained  possession  of  the  entire  line  of  the  Ohio.  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  was  a  West  Point  graduate  who  had  done  excellent 
service  under  both  Taylor  and  Scott  during  the  Mexican  War. 
Before  1861  he  had  been  engaged  in  business  without  very 
great  success  near  St.  Louis  and  later  at  Galena,  Illinois. 
A  man  of  few  words,  in  all  his  campaigns  he  acted  with  a 

promptness  and 
carried  his  plans 
to  completion  with 
a  determination 
that  brought  re- 
sults. He  showed 
good  judgment  in 
the  selection  of  his 
immediate  subor- 
dinates, but  was 
often  imposed 
upon  by  men 
whose  motives  he 
believed  to  be  as 
pure  as  his  own. 
The  next  for- 
ward movement 
of  the  army  was 
to  capture  Colum- 
bus, Island  No.  10,  and  forts  Henry  and  Donelson,  so  as 
to  open  the  Mississippi,  the  Tennessee,  and  the  Cumber- 
land by  taking  the  first  line  of  forts.  Farther  east  the  Con- 
federates were  driven  out  of  Kentucky  by  Thomas.1  Fort 
Henry  was  captured  by  Admiral  Foote  and  his  fleet  of  gun- 
boats, the  garrison  withdrawing  to  Donelson,  which  was 
much  stronger.  A  combined  land  and  water  attack  was 
made  on  Donelson,  during  which  Grant  demanded  the 
"  unconditional  surrender  "  of  the  fort.  On  February  16 
Grant  won  his  first  great  victory  by  capturing  Donelson, 
with  its  garrison  of  nearly  fifteen  thousand  men.  His 
1  Battle  of  Mill  Springs,  January  19, 1862. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT 


1862] 


Spring  and  Summer  of  1862 


403 


chief  difficulties  had  been  due  to  the  undisciplined  char- 
acter of  his  troops,  the  strength  of  the  fortifications,  and 
the  severity  of  the  weather.  The  capture  of  Donelson  left 
the  way  open  to  Nashville  and  compelled  the  Confederates 
to  withdraw  from  Columbus. 

349.   Completion  of  the  Western  Tennessee 'Campaign. —  Battle  of  Shiioh 
Grant's  successes  on  the  Tennessee  and  the  Cumberland   (Ap"1  1862). 


\GA 


WESTERN  KENTUCKY  AND   TENNESSEE 

Rivers  were  followed  by  Pope's  capture  of  Island  No.  10  after  Dodge,  civil 
an  energetic  campaign,  March,  1862.    Grant  had  at  once    ^ar,  42  48. 
advanced  to  Pittsburg  Landing  on  the  Tennessee  River,  the 
nearest  point  for  an  attack  upon  Corinth,  which  was  at  the  Johnson,  Wat 
junction  of   the  north  and  south  railway  with  that  from  °-  ^"l° 
Memphis   to  Chattanooga.     At  this   point  he  waited   for 
reinforcements  to  arrive  from  Nashville.    His  divisions  were    , 

Battles  and 

badly  scattered  and  the  army  in  no  condition  for  advance  or  Leaders, 
defense.    Less  than  thirty  miles  away  was  a  Confederate   1, 465-486. 
army  nearly  as  large  as  Grant's  under  Albert  Sidney  John- 
ston, one  of  the  most  experienced  officers  of  the  old  regular 
army  and  at  that  time  considered  the  ablest  military  leader 


404 


American  History 


[1862 


Capture  of 
Corinth  and 
Memphis. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
3461-3469. 

Fiske,  Miss. 
Valley,  133-137. 

Plan  of  cam- 
paign, 1862. 
Progress  of 
the  blockade. 

Dodge,  Civil 
War,  33-39. 

Johnson,    War 
of  Secession, 
90-98. 


on  either  side.  Suddenly  before  daybreak,  April  6,  the  Con- 
federates attacked  the  advanced  brigades  of  Grant's  scattered 
force  near  Shiloh  church.  Several  thousand  prisoners  were 
taken  and  the  Union  troops  were  driven  back  in  the  attempt 
to  get  between  them  and  the  river.  That  the  Union  army  was 
not  destroved'at  the  outset  was  due  largely  to  the  courage  of 
the  soldiers,  and  the  skill  and  determination  of  William  T. 
Sherman,  for  Grant  was  absent  and  at  least  ten  thousand  of 
his  soldiers  could  not  report  for  duty  on  the  field  of  battle. 
The  death  of  Johnston  and  the  stubbornness  of  the  Union 
defense  saved  Grant's  army  that  day,  and  the  arrival  of 
Buell's  army  from  Nashville  and  other  troops  so  strengthened 
Grant  that  he  overpowered  the  Confederates  the  next  day, 
although  he  did  not  follow  up  his  victory. 

General  Halleck,  who  had  charge  of  all  western  armies, 
now  took  command  of  all  the  troops  at  Shiloh  and  advanced 
against  Corinth.  With  his  greatly  superior  force  he  pressed 
back  the  Confederates,  who  abandoned  this  strategic  point 
without  a  battle.  After  he  had  gained  possession  of  the  east 
and  west  railway  at  Corinth  and  at  points  east,  Memphis 
surrendered  to  Admiral  Foote,  who  had  defeated  the  Con- 
federate fleet  on  the  Mississippi. 

350.  New  Orleans  (1862). — The  advance  cf  the  Union 
armies  from  the  north  along  the  Tennessee  and  the  Missis- 
sippi was  but  part  of  a  much  larger  plan  which  included  not 
only  the  opening  of  the  Mississippi  by  attacking  New  Orleans 
also,  but  the  advance  upon  Richmond  and  the  capture  of 
important  places  on  the  Atlantic  or  Gulf  coasts  which  could 
be  made  the  bases  of  operation  for  the  fleets  or  blockading 
squadrons.  The  United  States  navy  had  already  gained  a 
foothold  on  the  islands  off  the  coast  of  North  Carolina.  A 
Union  fleet  had  captured  Port  Royal  and  had  gained  control 
of  most  of  the  inlets  between  Charleston  and  Savannah.  In 
this  way  the  blockade  of  those  ports  and  a  few  others  on  the 
south  Atlantic  coast  was  made  very  effective.  The  capture 
of  New  Orleans  was  desired  not  simply  because  it  was  on  the 
Mississippi,  but  because  its  nearness  to  the  cotton  belt  made 


1  862]  Spring  and  Summer  of  1862  405 

it  easy  to  ship  that  staple  from  the  city.  On  account  of  the 
three  mouths  of  the  Mississippi  it  was  very  difficult  to  main- 
tain an  effective  blockade. 

The  naval  expedition  against  New  Orleans  was  intrusted  Capture  of 
to  Admiral  Farragut,  a  southerner  of  the  greatest  ability,   New  °rleans- 
who  remained  loyal  to  the  Union.     With  a  large  fleet  of 
wooden  vessels,  and  mortar  boats  under  Admiral  Porter,   Lamed  (ed.), 


Farragut  attacked  the  forts  on  opposite  banks  of  the  river,      ea 
which  constituted  the  chief  defense  of  the  city.    After  several 
days'  bombardment,  the  chain  across  the  river  which  con-   „ 

Johnson,  war 

nected  the  forts  was  cut,  the  Confederate  fleet  was  over-  Oj  secession, 

powered,  and  the  Union  vessels  ran  past  the  forts.    The  city  111-126. 
surrendered  at  once,  April  25,  and  the  forts  held  out  only 
a  few  days  longer. 

351.  The  Theater  of  War  in  Virginia.  —  In  the  East  the  Country  be- 

advance  of  the  Union  armies  was  as  difficult  as  it  was  easy  in  !ween     a,s  " 

ington  and 

the  West.     From  Washington  to  Richmond  is  about  100  Richmond. 

miles  as  the  crow  flies,  but  the  country  is  as  hard  to  traverse 

as  500  miles  along  the  Mississippi  or  the  Tennessee.     Below  sempie,  Geog, 

the  Potomac  three  rivers  cross  eastern  Virginia,  flowing  in  a    Conditions, 

southeasterly  direction.     Farthest  north  is  the  Rappahan- 

nock,  which,  at  Fredericksburg,  is  but  ten  miles  from  the 

lower  end  of  the  great  bend  of  the  Potomac.     South  of  this 

is  the  York,  and  still  farther  south  the  James  River,  with 

Richmond  located  at  the  first  series  of  falls  over  100  miles 

from  Chesapeake  Bay.    Between  these  rivers  the  country  was 

wild  and  almost  impassable.    Near  the  coast  were  swamps, 

farther  inland  hills,  and  everywhere  forests.     Roads  were 

few,  although  in  1862  there  was  a  railway  from  the  Potomac 

above   Fredericksburg  to   Richmond  and   other  southern 

cities,  besides  the  railway  running  through  Manassas  to 

Lynchburg  and  Chattanooga. 

To  these  physical  difficulties  encountered  in  an  advance  on   Defence  of 
Richmond,  there  was  added  the  problem  of  defending  Wash-  Washington 

i  .  and  Shenan- 

ington.    On  the  side  of  the  Potomac  there  was  nothing  to  doah  valley. 
fear  so  long  as  the  Union  side  had  fleets  and  the  Confederates 
had  none.    The  great  danger  arose  from  the  Shenandoah 


406 


American  History 


[1862 


Semple,  Geog. 

Conditions, 

293-300. 


valley.  Harper's  Ferry,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Shenan- 
doah  and  the  Potomac,  is  but  thirty  miles  west  of  Washington 
and  twenty  miles  north,  so  that  a  force  crossing  the  Potomac 
at  this  point  could  threaten  Washington  from  the  rear.  The 
upper  part  of  this  fertile  valley,  sometimes  called  the  "  gran- 


THEATRE  OF  WAR  IX  VIRGINIA 


ary  of  the»Confederacy,"  is  divided  into  two  parts,  a  range  of 
hills  separating  the  valley  of  Cedar  creek  from  that  of  the 
upper  Shenandoah.  A  retreating  army  could  withdraw 
up  one  of  these  valleys,  cross  into  the  other,  and  either  escape 
mto  central  Virginia  through  the  many  passes  of  the  Blue 
Ridge  or  get  between  Washington  and  the  Union  force  that 
had  been  following  them.  Because  of  the  geography  of 
northern  Virginia  a  single  Confederate  army,  if  it  pos- 


1 862]  Spring  and  Summer  of  1862  407 

sessed  a  fairly  large  body  of  cavalry  or  rapid-moving  troops, 
might  compel  the  Union  commanders  to  keep  one  army 
south  of  Washington  to  prevent  a  direct  attack  on  that  city 
and  might  at  the  same  time  threaten  and  keep  engaged  an 
equally  large  Union  force  in  the  Shenandoah  valley. 

352.  Monitor  and  Merrimac. —  Because  of  the  difficulty  The 

of  crossing  eastern  Virginia,  it  was  decided  early  in  1862  to  Merrtmac- 
attack  Richmond  by  transporting  the  troops  to  the  penin- 
sula formed  by  the  James  and  York  rivers.    This  plan  was     *   "*n 
no  sooner  adopted  than  its  execution  was  endangered  by  the   i,  692-701. 
arrival  in  the  lower  Chesapeake  of  a  powerful  Confederate 
ironclad,  the  Virginia  or  Merrimac,  which  threatened  to   Tohng      „, 
destroy  the  Union  vessels  in  those  waters  and  all  fleets  sent  of  Secession, 
to  that  quarter.     This  ironclad  had  been  constructed  from   ^7-131. 
the  hulk  of  a  Union  vessel,  the  Merrimac,  which  had  been 
sunk  in  Norfolk  navy  yard,  when  Norfolk  with  its  many   R^des, 
sunken  vessels  and  fine  guns  had  been  abandoned  hastily   In  6o8_6j  ' 
the  preceding  April.    The  new  Merrimac,  with  its  coat  of 
heavy  armor,  attacked  first  the  wooden  ships  at  Hampton 
Roads.    On   March  8,  1862,  she  destroyed   the   Cumber- 
land and  the  Congress  and  drove  the  Minnesota  ashore. 
Alarm  spread  throughout  the  North,  due  to  the  fear  that  she 
might  attack  Washington  or  the  shipping  in  New  York 
harbor  or  even  bombard  the  commercial  metropolis. 

That  night   the   ironclad  Monitor  arrived  at  Hampton  First  contest 
Roads.     It  had  been  designed  by  John  Ericsson,  a  native  of  between 
Sweden,  the  chief  inventor  of  the  screw  propeller  for  steam 
navigation.     It  had  been  constructed  at  New  York  in  three 
months  for  just  this  emergency.     For  two  hours  on  the  morn-    ,     , 
ing  of   March  8  these   two   ironclad  vessels   fought   each  I,  701-711. 
other  at  close  range,  until  the  Merrimac  withdrew,  not  dis- 
abled but  baffled,  never  again  to  be  used  for  offensive  pur- 
poses.    A  new  era  had  dawned  in  the  history  of  naval 
warfare,  an  era  of  steam  and  steel  replacing  the  old  epoch 
of  canvas  and  oak. 

353.  McClelian's  Peninsular  Campaign.  — The  destruction 
of  the  Merrimac  made  it  possible  to  carry  out  McClelian's 


408 


American  History 


[1862 


Situation  in 
Virginia 
(April,  1862). 

Wood- 
Edmonds, 
Civil  War, 
42-53- 

Hosmer,  Ap- 
peal to  Arms, 
125-132, 
I38-I53- 


Battles  on  the 
peninsula. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
VII,  474-479 

Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
52-68. 

Hosmer,  Ap- 
peal to  Arms, 

132-137, 
154-166. 


plan  of  an  advance  upon  Richmond  from  the  east.  Since 
the  beginning  of  the  war  the  motto  of  the  New  York  Trib- 
une had  been  echoed  throughout  the  North,  "  On  to  Rich- 
mond," to  which  there  came  always  the  same  reply,  "  All 
quiet  on  the  Potomac."  Everywhere  the  question  was 
asked,  "Why  doesn't  McClellan  move?"  At  last  this  slow 
organizer  of  armies-  was  ready,  but  delay  was  caused  by 
friction  with  the  President,  who  was  fearful  that  Washington 

might  be  captured  and 
wished  a  large  part  of 
the  army  of  the  Potomac 
to  be  left  for  its  defense. 
McClellan  demurred, 
especially  when  Mc- 
Dowell's army  was  de- 
tached from  his  force. 
But  the  danger  to 
Washington  seemed 
real  to  the  politicians, 
for,  in  the  Shenandoah 
valley,  "  Stonewall  " 
Jackson  and  his  light 
infantry  defeated  three  armies  containing  nearly  three  times 
as  many  men  as  his  own  and  finally  withdrew  almost 
unharmed  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  Richmond. 

McClellan  felt  crippled  by  the  loss  of  these  troops,  but  he 
still  outnumbered  his  opponents,  at  first  two  to  one.  But 
McClellan  always  overestimated  the  size  of  the  Confederate 
forces  and  never  realized  the  value  of  rapid  movements.  He 
lost  nearly  a  month  besieging  Yorktown,  defended  by  wooden 
guns,  and,  compared  with  his  own  army,  a  handful  of  troops, 
who  withdrew  as  soon  as  he  was  ready  to  attack.  In  a 
rather  swampy  region,  in  mud  that  made  rapid  marching 
impossible,  he  finally  penetrated  to  within  five  miles  of 
Richmond,  drove  back  the  Confederates,  wounding  the 
commanding  general,  J.  E.  Johnston,  and  waited  for  ree'n- 
forcements.  Every  day  saw  the  defense  of  Richmond 


PEXLNSLLAB  CAMPAIGN 


1 862] 


Spring  and  Summer  of  1862 


409 


stronger  and  the  Confederate  army  larger.  At  length,  the 
last  week  of  June,  General  Robert  E.  Lee,1  who  was  now  in 
command,  attacked  the  scattered  line  of  the  northern  army. 
With  vigorous  blows 
he  attacked  the  Union 
right  so  as  to  cut  Mc- 
Clellan's  line  of  com- 
munications with  the 
York  River.  McClel- 
lan  easily  changed  his 
base  of  operations  to 
the  James  River  and 
withdrew  to  Harri- 
son's landing.  For 
seven  days  Lee  at- 
tacked, in  many 
cases  his  entire  army 
being  pitted  against 
a  part  of  McClellan's 
detached  forces.  Mc- 
Clellan  showed  him- 
self skillful  in  con- 
ducting his  retreat,  but  failed  to  take  advantage  of  several 
opportunities  to  march  on  Richmond  or  to  destroy  parts  of 
Lee's  army  which  were  in  perilous  positions.  Nothing  had 
been  accomplished,  but  the  North  had  discovered  the  great 
difficulties  of  capturing  the  Confederate  capital. 

l  Lee  was  a  Virginian  who  resigned  from  the  United  States  army  when 
his  state  seceded.  A  West  Point  graduate,  he  had  served  with  distinction 
as  chief  of  engineers  in  the  Mexican  War  and  had  been  superintendent 
of  the  academy  at  West  Point  for  several  years.  His  action  in  withdrawing 
from  the  Union  army  has  been  the  subject  of  extended  discussion,  but  was 
caused  by  his  belief  that  his  allegiance  was  due  to  his  own  state.  In  west- 
ern Virginia  he  did  not  distinguish  himself,  but,  as  he  gained  more  experi- 
ence, his  real  military  ability  became  evident.  Beloved  and  respected  by 
his  men,  he  made  the  army  of  northern  Virginia  one  of  the  finest  bodies 
of  soldiers  in  modern  times.  Probably  no  man  in  America  during  this 
period,  except  the  great  president  of  the  Union,  so  won  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  North  and  South,  as  did  "  Uncle  Robert." 


ROBERT  E.  LEE 


4io 


American  History 


[1862 


Lee's  first 
invasion  of  the 
North. 


Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
480-483. 

Johnson,  War 
of  Secession, 
173-183. 


THE  MIDDLE  PERIOD  OF  THE  WAR  (AUGUST,  1862- 

JUNE,   1863) 

354.  The  Fall  of  1862.  —  General  Halleck  had  now  been 
transferred  to  the  command  of  all  the  Union  armies.  He 
ordered  McClellan  to  with- 
draw from  the  peninsula  and 
placed  Pope  in  charge  of  the 
forces  before  Washington.  Lee 
immediately  assumed  the  of- 
fensive, and  proceeded  north 
rapidly  from  Richmond.  Be- 
foreMcClellan  could  joinPope, 
Jackson  had  gained  the  rear  of 
the  army  at  Bull  Run  and  Lee 
attacked  in  front.  Blunder 
followed  blunder,  and  Lee  had 
little  difficulty  in  winning  from 


GEORGE  B.  MCCI.EU.AN 


a  superior  force   the   second 
battle  of  Bull  Run.     This  vic- 
tory removed  all   possible  danger   of  renewed   campaigns 
against  Richmond. 
The  time  seemed  propitious  for  an  invasion  of  the  North. 


ANTIETAM  BRIDGE 


Antietam  and 
Fredericks- 
burg. 


Maryland  had  been  interested  in  the  Confederacy  and  there 
was  hope  still  that  she  might  be  detached  from  the  Union, 
while  a  successful  campaign  north  of  the  Potomac  would  give 


1862]  The  Middle  Period  of  the   War  411 

the  Confederacy  prestige  abroad  which  it  had  not  yet  been    Dodge, 
able  to  gain.    The  Union  army,  again  under  McClellan,  met    Ctvtl  War 
Lee  at  Antietam  creek.    The  battle  was  a  Union  victory, 
although  Lee  with  an  inferior  force  outgeneraled  his  oppo- 

.,.      .    .          Jf  ..      *T         Battles  and 

nent.     Lee  recrossed   into  Virginia  without   pursuit  being 


organized.     Burnside  was  now  placed  in  command  of  the   II,  663-674. 

army  of  the  Potomac,  against  his  own  wishes,  and  in  Decem- 

ber attacked  Lee's  fortified  position  at  Fredericksburg  on 

the  Rappahannock.     The  result  of  a  direct  assault  was  to 

have  been  expected,  but  the  days  following  this  sickening 

Union  defeat  were  the  darkest  of  the  whole  war. 

While  Lee  was  leaving  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula  and  Bragg's  inva- 
marching  north,  Bragg  withdrew  part  of  the  Confederate  sion  of 
army  from  before  Corinth.    Then  Bragg  assumed  an  even 
bolder  course  than  Lee.    While  the  latter  was  invading  Mary-   Dodge  Civil 
land,  Bragg  dashed  past  Buell  into  Kentucky  with  the  hope   War,  82-88. 
of  seizing  Louisville  and  perhaps  Cincinnati  and  completing 
the  panic  which  would  be  caused  by  a  successful  invasion   Rhodes- 
in  the  East.     Buell  reached  Louisville  first  and  a  few  weeks   IV  I73_IsI 
later  drove  Bragg  from  Kentucky  by  defeating  him  at  Perry- 
ville.    The  last  day  of  the  year  1862  these  armies  came  Battles  and 

together  again  at  Stone  River,  and  battled  this  time  for  the  Leaders> 

III,  1-25. 
control  of  central  Tennessee.     After  two  days'  severe  fight- 

ing the  Union  force  was  left  in  control  of  the  field. 

355.    Events  Leading  to  Emancipation.  —  On  January  Problem  of 
i,  1863,  President  Lincoln  issued  his  famous  Emancipation  "egroh'g't'ves 
Proclamation.    The  policy  of  emancipation  had  been  de- 
veloped slowly,  for  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  gov-    Cambridge 
ernment  had  been  troubled  by  the  problem  of  the  negroes.   vn  '  8  "  ga 
Lincoln  had  disclaimed  from  the  time  of  his  inauguration 
that  the  war  was  waged  to  free  the  slaves,  although  many 
people  at  the  North  were  more  interested  in  the  abolition  of 
slavery  than  in  any  other  national  question,  and  most  of  the 
people  in  Europe  believed  that  the  war  was  essentially  a 
struggle  to  preserve  or  destroy  slavery.    General  Butler  at 
Fort  Monroe  had  suggested  the  best  plan  for  dealing  with  the 
negroes  who  flocked  to  his  camp.     He  declared  that  they 


412 


American  History 


[1862 


Emancipation 
before  July, 
1862. 

Cambridge, 
Mod.  Hist., 
VII,  582, 587. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 

IV,  60-66. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 

V,  3453-  3462, 
3464.  3473- 

Hosmer,  Ap- 
peal to  Arms, 

2OI-2I2. 


Lincoln's 
views  on 
emancipation. 


Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
585-59I- 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
IV,  66-76. 


were  an  aid  to  the  enemy  in  carrying  on  the  conflict,  and 
should  be  treated  as  "  contraband  of  war."  Colored  fugi- 
tives were  known  afterward  as  "  contrabands." 

In  August,  1 86 1, Congress  passed  a  confiscation  act  freeing 
the  slaves  who  aided  the  Confederates.  Two  of  the  Union 
commanders,  Fremont  in  Missouri  (1861)  and  Hunter  in 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  applied  this  by  declaring  free 
all  slaves  in  their  districts.  Their  acts  were  overruled  by 
Lincoln  who  claimed  and  exercised  the  right  to  deal  with  the 
slaves  in  the  seceding  states.  Lincoln  used  his  influence  to 
persuade  Congress  to  vote  money  for  the  compensation  of 
slave  owners  in  the  loyal  border  states  and  tried  to  have  those 
states  agree  to  compensated  emancipation,  but  the  con- 
servatives in  Congress  and  in  these  states  defeated  the  plan. 
Lincoln's  purpose  was  chiefly  to  attach  these  states  ir- 
revocably to  the  Union  by  breaking  the  only  bond  that 
might  exist  between  them  and  the  Confederate  states. 
Congress  did,  however,  free  the  slaves  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  paying  an  average  of  more  than  $200  each  to 
their  owners.  On  June  19,  1862,  it  abolished  slavery  in  the 
territories  without  compensation. 

356.  Emancipation.  —  Lincoln  was  among  the  first  of 
those  in  authority  to  realize  the  need  of  emancipating  the 
slaves  of  those  in  insurrection  against  the  government.  He 
considered  it  simply  a  war  measure  that  would  aid  the  Union 
cause.  On  July  22,  1862,  he  read  to  his  cabinet  the  first 
draft  of  an  emancipation  proclamation,  but  the  matter  was 
kept  secret  and  postponed  because  the  issuance  of  the  proc- 
lamation in  the  midst  of  the  defeats  of  the  armies  in  Vir- 
ginia would  appear  like  a  call  for  help  to  Europeans  who 
disliked  slavery.  Lincoln's  object  was  shown  clearly  when 
a  month  later  he  replied  to  the  unjust  criticism  of  Horace 
Greeley  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  because  the  President 
had  not  freed  the  slaves.  He  wrote,  "  I  would  save  the 
Union.  I  would  save  it  in  the  shortest  way  under  the  Con- 
stitution. .  .  .  My  paramount  object  in  this  struggle  is  to 
save  the  Union  and  is  not  either  to  save  or  to  destroy  slavery. 


i863] 


The  Middle  Period  of  the   War 


413 


If  I  could  save  the  Union  without  freeing  any  slave,  I  would 
do  it;  and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  all  the  slaves,  I  would 
doit;  and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  some  and  leaving 
others  alone,  I  would  also  do  that." 

Soon  after  the  victory  at  Antietam  in  September,  18.62,   Proclamation 
President   Lincoln    issued    his    preliminary    proclamation,   and  results- 
stating  that  on  January  i,  1863,  he  would  free  the  slaves 


EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION    (Closing  Page) 

in  those  states  or  parts  of  states  that  were  in  insurrection 
against  the  United  States.  This  was  done  by  the  regular 
proclamation  on  New  Year's  Day.  The  proclamation  did  not 
affect  slavery  in  the  loyal  parts  of  the  Union,  in  some  of  which 
it  was  abandoned,  however,  by  state  action  before  the  adoption 
of  the  thirteenth  amendment.  It  did  not  abolish  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery  even  in  the  states  then  actual  parts  of  the 
Confederacy.  It  intensified  the  opposition  of  the  South  to 
the  invasion  of  the  Union  armies,  but  it  almost  destroyed  hope 
of  recognition  by  Europe  of  a  Confederacy  based  on  slavery. 
It  did  not  affect  radically  the  attitude  of  the  people  in  the 
North  toward  the  government's  policy,  although  it  met  with 
approval  in  most  of  that  section. 


MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No.  28. 


Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
591-597- 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
IV,  157-163, 

212-21? 


414 


American  History 


[1863 


Chancellors- 
ville  (May, 
1863). 


Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
127-131. 

Battles  and 
Leaders, 
,111,  154-171. 


Invasion  of 
Pennsylvania 
.(June,  1863). 


Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
127-131. 

Battles  and 
Leaders, 
III,  244-250. 


357.     Chancellorsville ;    Lee's  Second   Invasion. — The 

series  of  disasters  to  the  army  of  the  Potomac  was  to  be 
completed  at  Chancellorsville,  May,  1863.  "Fighting  Joe" 
Hooker,  who  had  replaced  Burnside,  sought  to  get  in  the  rear 
of.  Lee's  army  by  making  a  long  detour  to  the  west.  He 
began  this  movement  successfully,  but  the  vigor  with  which 
Lee  attacked  him  paralyzed  the  Union  leader  and  gave  Lee 
an  overwhelming  victory  over  an  army  much  larger  than 

his  own.  At  Chancellorsville, 
however,  Lee  lost  Jackson,  who 
had  been  an  invaluable  help  in 
executing  difficult  and  danger- 
ous movements  whose  success 
depended  chiefly  upon  the 
rapidity  and  audacity  with 
which  they  were  made. 

Lee  now  decided  to  invade 
the  North  a  second  time,  hop- 
ing that  he  might  seize  some 
of  the  northern  cities  and  that 
even  if  he  did  not  succeed  to 
that  extent,  he  might  create 
a  panic  throughout  the  North 
that  would  compel  that  section  to  make  peace.  Lee 
marched  to  the  west  of  Hooker's  army,  separating  his 
divisions  so  that  only  the  timidity  of  those  in  authority 
at  Washington  permitted  the  completion  of  this  difficult 
movement.  The  chief  duty  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac, 
according  to  the  views  of  the  chief  commander,  was 
to  stand  between  Lee's  sixty  or  seventy  thousand  vet- 
erans and  the  national  capital.  Lee  was  advancing  into 
Pennsylvania  when  the  Union  commander  was  replaced  by 
another,  General  George  Meade,  who  threatened  Lee's  com- 
munications and  hurriedly  gathered  his  scattered  army  to 
meet  the  invasion.  Lee  turned  aside  from  his  march  into 
central  Pennsylvania  in  order  to  meet  Meade  marching 
rapidly  from  Washington. 


THOMAS  J.  JACKSON 


i863] 


Union  Advance 


415 


UNION  ADVANCE  (JULY,  i863-JuLY,  1864) 

358.  Gettysburg. — The  two  armies  came  together  near  July  i  and  2 
the  village  of  Gettysburg,  in  southern  Pennsylvania.     Fight- 
ing began  on  July  i,  only  a  few  divisions  being  engaged  on 
each  side.    On  July  2,  the  battle  began  in  earnest,  the 


GETTYSBURG  BATTLEFIELD 

(From  Little  Round  Top) 

Union  forces  having  occupied  a  long  ridge  which  ended  in  two  Dodge, 

detached  hills  known  as  Round  Top  and  Little  Round  Top.  Civil  War> 
Across  a  valley  less  than  a  mile  wide,  the  Confederate  army 

was  intrenched.    Other  divisions  of  Lee's  force  were  sta-  T 

Hosmer,  Ap- 

tioned  so  that  they  might  attack  the  right  flank  of  the  Union  peai  to  ^rms> 

army,  and,  if  successful,  get  in  its  rear.     The  real  fighting  287-298. 

of  the  second  day,  however,  was  for  the  possession  of  the  two 

Round  Tops  which  commanded  the  entire  Union  position. 

Had  the  Confederates  gained  and  held  these  heights, Meade's 

army  must  inevitably  have  retreated.    The  second  day  closed 

with  the  Union  line  intact. 


416 


American  History 


[1863 


July  3. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
IV,  286-296. 

Battles  and 
Leaders, 
III,  369-385. 


Difficulties  in 
attacking   , 
Vicksburg. 

Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
142-147. 

Brigham, 
Geographic 
Influences, 
211-217. 


On  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day  began  the  final  struggle 
in  the  most  spectacular  charge  of  the  war.  It  opened  with 
a  tremendous  artillery  contest,  the  Confederate  fire  being 
concentrated  on  Cemetery  Ridge,  the  Union  center,  which 
Lee  desired  to  seize.  When  the  Union  guns  ceased  fire  at 
length,  there  appeared  from  the  woods  opposite  Cemetery 
hill  three  long  lines  of  soldiers,  the  "  best  fighters  of  the 
Confederacy,"  who  marched  across  the  valley  against  the 

Union  position.  Upon  them 
the  Union  batteries  opened 
with  renewed  vigor,,  but  they 
marched  on,  charged  up  the 
hill,  even  over  the  embank- 
ments, their  ranks  thinned  by 
the  terrible  fire  from  cannon 
and  musket.  Futile  though  it 
was,  for  the  survivors  were 
beaten  back  easily,  this  gallant 
charge  marks  the  high-water 
mark  reached  by  the  Confed- 
eracy. Never  again  was  an  in- 
vasion of  the  North  attempted, 

and  from  this  time  the  fortunes  of  the  Confederacy  ebbed 
steadily,  it  being  a  question  of  time  only  until  the  authority 
of  the  Union  would  be  reestablished  everywhere  in  the 
South. 

359.  Vicksburg. — The  Union  victory  at  Gettysburg  on 
July  3  was  accompanied  by  the  capture  of  Vicksburg  on 
July  4.  Because  of  its  location  on  the  Mississippi,  the 
strength  of  its  fortifications,  and  the  difficulties  of  maneuver- 
ing in  the  country  around  Vicksburg,  this  campaign  was  one 
of  the  most  important  and  remarkable  of  the  war.  Vicks- 
burg is  located  on  a  high  bluff  at  the  outer  end  of  a  huge 

1  Fifty  years  later  the  survivors  of  that  terrible  charge  went  up  Cemetery 
Ridge,  where  the  survivors  of  the  Union  force  again  received  them  warmly, 
this  time  with  open  arms,  with  hearty  hand  clasps,  and  with  friendly  em- 
braces. Could  we  have  any  better  proof  that  the  United  States  of  America 
is  a  real  Union  ? 


GETTYSHVKG  BATTLEFIELD -LAST  DAY 

Union f urea  =>  Confederate  Jurca  •— 


I863] 


Union  Advance 


417 


bend  of  the  river  so  that  batteries  on  the  bluff  commanded  the 
river  for  miles  in  either  direction.  Attempts  were  made  in 
1862,  and  in  the  spring  of  1863,  to  reach  the  city  from  the 
north,  or  directly  from  the  west. 

Grant  tried  at  first  to  land  north  of  the  city,  but  when 
he  found  that  this  was  impossible,  he  decided  to  move  his 
army  in  a  semicircle  through  the  swamps  of  Arkansas,  and, 
by  landing  south  of  Vicksburg  to  attack  the  city  from  the 
southeast.  This  movement  was  attended  with  great  risk, 
because  his  long 
line  of  communi- 
cations was  ex- 
posed, and  be- 
cause defeat 
would  leave  him 
at  the  mercy  of 
his  foe.  He  suc- 
ceeded finally  in 
opening  a  water 
route  through 
Arkansas.  The 
gunboats  above  Vicksburg  passed  the  batteries  so  as  to 
aid  him  in  crossing,  and,  late  in  April,  he  landed  his 
army  in  Mississippi  thirty  miles  below  Vicksburg.  Grant 
moved  rapidly  considering  the  physiographical  difficulties 
encountered,  and  by  the  middle  of  May  had  thrust  him- 
self between  Pemberton,  who  commanded  the  army  around 
Vicksburg,  and  the  forces  farther  east.  Joseph  E.  John- 
ston was  coming  to  the  aid  of  Pemberton  and  ordered 
that  general  to  abandon  Vicksburg  and  join  him,  but  Pem- 
berton thought  his  own  plan  better  and  kept  between 
Grant  and  Vicksburg.  He  was  driven  back  into  the  city 
without  delay. 

Grant  tried  at  once  to  take  the  fortifications  of  Vicksburg, 
for  he  feared  that  Johnston  would  either  unite  with  Pem- 
berton or  would  attack  Grant's  army  in  the  rear.  The 
works  were  too  strong  to  be  captured  by  assault,  but  John- 


Brigham, 

Geographic 
Influences, 
211-217. 

Grant's  route 

against 

Vicksburg. 

Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
I47-ISS- 


*,      °"»on   COUNTRY  AROUND 

VICKSBURG 


Capture  of 
Vicksburg. 


American  History 


[1863 


Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
156-161. 


Chattanooga . 


Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
172-178. 


Fiske, 

Miss.  Valley, 
248-264. 


ston  remained  inactive,  and  Grant  was  able  to  lay  siege  to  the 
city.  A  merciless  bombardment  was  kept  up  by  the  fleet 
and  army,  but  the  fall  of  the  city  after  six  weeks  was  due  to 
the  scarcity  of  food.  On  July  4  Pemberton  surrendered 
with  his  army  of  more  than  thirty  thousand  men.  The 
Mississippi  was  opened  completely  by  the  fall  of  Port  Hud- 
son less  than  a  week  later. 

360.     Operations    around    Chattanooga     (1863). — The 

capture  of  Vicksburg  lim- 
ited greatly  the  sphere  of 
hostilities,  confining  it  in 
the  South  to  the  area 
around  Chattanooga  and 
those  districts  in  Alabama 
and  Georgia  which  could  be 
reached  most  easily  from 
Chattanooga  .*  C  h  a  1 1  a 
nooga,  the  key  to  all  this 
region,  lies  in  the  narrow 
valley  of  the  Tennessee 
with  mountains  on  the 
northwest,  and  completely 
COUNTRY  AROVND  CHATTANOOGA  surrounding  it  on  the 

Showing  Battlefields  .iid  Sieges  (1862)  U1&      ' 

south.    Toward  the  east  a 

range  several  hundred  feet  high,  called  Missionary  Ridge, 
commands  the  city,  and  on  the  south  a  higher  mountain, 
Lookout  Mountain,  threatens  the  place.  To  Chattanooga 
Bragg  was  forced  to  withdraw  from  near  Stone  River 
(§  354),  during  the  summer  of  1863,  but  Rosecrans  found 
it  difficult  to  drive  his  opponent  from  the  city.  He  finally 
sent  his  divisions  over  the  mountain  trails  across  the 
ranges  south  of  the  city  in  order  to  cut  Bragg  off  from  his 
base  of  supplies. 

1  The  Confederates  still  held  Mobile,  Alabama,  and  places  as  far  west 
as  Meridian,  Mississippi,  but  this  hold  was  very  slight  and  could  have 
been  broken  entirely,  if  the  troops  had  not  been  engaged  in  more  impor- 
tant enterprises. 


1864]  Union  Advance  419 

Bragg  immediately  withdrew   from  Chattanooga   (Sep.-  Chickamauga 
tember),  but  as  soon  as  he  was  reenforced,  fell  upon  the 
advanced  divisions  of  Rosecrans's  army  at  Chickamauga   Dodge, 
Creek  (September  19  and  20).   -The  wings  of  the  Union   ltvt  ^ar' 
army  were  driven  back  in  terrible  disorder,  but  Thomas 
with  the  center  formed  his  lines  in  a  semicircle  and  withdrew  Fiske 
slowly,  holding  at  bay  a  force  much  more  than  double  his  Miss.  Valley, 
own.    The  firmness  of  this  reliable  soldier,  himself  a  south-  264-280. 
erner,  saved  the  Union  army.     He  was  known  thereafter 
as  the  "  Rock  of  Chickamauga." 

Thomas  now  took  command  in  place  of  Rosecrans,  but  was   Missionary 
practically  besieged  in  Chattanooga  by  Bragg,  who  held  both   Ridge. 
Missionary  Ridge  and  Lookout  Mountain.    So  difficult  was 
it  to  get  supplies  that  the  army  was  at  one  time  on  very  short   Dodge, 

rations.    The  arrival  of  Grant  with  reinforcements  from  ' Ctml  Uar> 

184-189. 
Vicksburg  relieved  the  situation,  and  plans  were  made  at 

once  to  get  control  of  the  heights  about  the  town.    Late  in 
November,  the  troops  were  ordered  to  seize  the  rifle  pits  at  /t,*™£  g^ 
the  foot  of  Missionary  Ridge.    These  were  taken  without  v,  3510-3513. 
difficulty  and  the  elated  soldiers  without  orders  rushed  up 
the  hill  and  drove  the  Confederates  from  the  top  of  the  ridge 
—  a  reckless  move  only  justified  by  its  success.    The  Union 
army  was  now  in  complete  control  of  Chattanooga  and  its 
approaches. 

361.  Naval  Operations  (1864).  —  During  1863,  no  exten-   Mobile, 
sive  naval  operations  were  undertaken  along  the  seacoast, 
although  the  blockade  was  strengthened  and  Charleston   Cambridge 
blockaded  more  carefully.     In  1864  two  important  attacks  Mod-  Htst-< 
were  made :  one  at  Mobile,  the  other  at  Wilmington,  North 
Carolina.    The  forts  of  Mobile  Bay  were  captured  in  August, 
1864,  by  a  fleet  under  Farragut.    The  wooden  ships  and 
monitors  steamed  past  the  forts  at  the  entrance  to  the  bay,  3537. 
crossed  the  mines  and  torpedoes  with  the  loss  of  a  single 
vessel,  destroyed    a    powerful   Confederate   ironclad,   and 
closed  the  port  to  blockade  runners. 

The  attack  on  Wilmington  was  less  successful.    Wilming-  Wilmington, 
ton  was  defended  by  a  very  strong  fort  called  Fort  Fisher. 


420 


American  History 


[1864 


Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 

vii,  556-558. 


The  Alabama. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Kef., 
I,  24-26. 

Battles  and 
Leaders, 
IV,  600-614. 


Privateers  and 
shipping. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 

vii,  565-567- 

Johnson,  War 
of  Secession, 
402-412. 


On  account  of  the  two  mouths  of  the  Cape  Fear  River  and 
the  strength  of  that  fort,  Wilmington  had  remained  open  to 
the  blockade  runners  until  this  time.1  As  the  Union  forces 
controlled  all  the  railways  except  those  in  the  Carolinas  and 
southern  Virginia,  Lee's  army  was  dependent  on  Wilmington 
for  food  and  supplies.  Fort  Fisher  was  attacked  in  Decem- 
ber, 1864,  but  only  after  great  losses,  in  February,  1865, 
did  it  surrender. 

In  the  year  1864  the  most  successful  of  the  Confeder- 
ate commerce  destroyers  were  sunk  or  captured.  A  few  of 
these  had  been  fitted  out  in  southern  ports,  but  those  that 
did  the  most  damage  were  of  British  build  and  in  some 
cases  had  been  allowed  to  proceed  from  English  ports  after 
the  American  minister,  C.  F.  Adams,  had  protested  that  they 
were  to  be  used  against  northern  commerce.  The  Ala- 
bama had  the  most  successful  career.  After  a  cruise  of  two 
years,  in  which  she  captured  no  less  than  sixty-nine  vessels, 
she  fought  the  American  warship,  Kearsarge,  off  the  harbor 
of  Cherbourg,  France,  in  June,  1864.  The  ships  seemed 
evenly  matched,  but  the  duel  was  short,  and  in  less  than 
two  hours  the  Alabama  sank. 

Although  only  two  hundred  and  sixty-one  prizes  were 
taken  by  all  of  these  privateers,  they  practically  drove 
American  merchantmen  from  the  high  seas.2  Before  the 
war  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  carried  an  equal 
amount  of  shipping,  but  in  1866  American  vessels  carried 
only  about  one  half  as  much  as  they  had  in  1860.  The  use 
of  steamers  in  place  of  sailing  vessels  and  of  steel  in  place 
of  wood  was  responsible  also  for  the  decline  of  our  merchant 
marine. 


1  H.  W.  Wilson,  in  Cambridge  Modern  History  (Vol.  VII,  p.  557),  gives 
the  following  statistics  of  supplies  entering  the  port  at  Wilmington  between 
October  26,  1864,  and  January,  1865:  8,632,000  Ib.  of  meat,  1,607,000  Ib. 
of  lead,  1,933,000  Ib.  of  saltpeter,  546,000  pairs  of  shoes,  316,000  pairs  of 
blankets,  500,000  Ib.  of  coffee,  69,000  rifles,  and  43  cannon. 

3  By  a  tribunal  held  in  Geneva,  Switzerland,  in  1872,  in  accordance  with 
an  agreement  reached  in  the  treaty  of  Washington  (1870)  (§  416),  Great 
Britain  paid  the  United  States  $15,500,000  for  the  "Alabama  claims." 


1 864] 


Union  Advance 


421 


362.  The  Advance  on  Atlanta  (1864).  —  Grant  was  called 
to  Washington  in  the  spring  of  1864  to  take  command  of  all 
the  Union  armies.  It  was  decided  to  have  the  army  of  the 
Potomac  and  that  at  Chattanooga  advance  simultaneously 
so  as  to  prevent  the  Confederates  from  shifting  divisions  to 
the  point  attacked,  as  they  had  been  able  to  do  formerly. 

Sherman  *  commanded  the  army  in  the  West,  whose  objec- 
tive point  was  Atlanta.  Although  the  distance  from  Chatta- 
nooga to  Atlanta  is  only  a  little  more  than  one  hundred  miles, 
there  are  several  ranges  of  the  lower 
Appalachian  mountains  to  be 
crossed,  and  only  one  practicable 
route  to  be  followed.  Over  this  a 
line  of  communications  must  be 
maintained  after  the  army  had 
passed.  Sherman  had  a  fine  force 
of  nearly  one  hundred  thousand 
veterans,  but  he  was  opposed  to 
Joseph  E.  Johnston,  a  commander 
but  little  less  able  than  Lee  in  con- 
ducting a  defensive  campaign,  with 
an  army  three  fourths  as  large  as  his  own.  On  account 
of  his  superior  numbers  Sherman  was  able  to  leave  part 
of  his  force  in  front  of  Johnston,  and,  by  moving  the 
balance  to  one  side,  threaten  his  rear  and  compel  him  to 
abandon  one  fortified  position  after  another.  At  Kenesaw 
Mountain  Sherman  was  forced  by  the  impatience  of  his 


WILLIAM  T.  SHERMAN 


Plan  of 

campaign 

(1864). 


From  Chatta- 
nooga to  the 
Chattahoo- 
chee. 

Johnson,  War 
of  Secession, 
419-429. 

Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
223-243-j 


Battles  and 
Leaders, 
IV,  247-253, 
260-277. 


1  William  T.  Sherman  was  a  brother  of  the  statesman,'  John  Sherman, 
who  was  actively  engaged  in  public  life  for  more  than  forty  years.  Gen- 
eral Sherman  had  been  in  the  South  before  the  war  and  understood  better 
than  almost  any  other  northern  man  the  character  of  the  conflict  that 
would  follow  secession.  He  was  appointed  in  1861  to  the  district  covering 
most  of  Kentucky.  When  he  asked  for  60,000  troops  at  once  with  the  idea 
of  increasing  his  army  to  200,000,  the  report  became  general,  "  Sherman  is 
crazy,"  and  he  was  removed.  Had  the  war  department  been  wise  enough  to 
appreciate  the  sanity  of  his  views,  the  war  would  have  been  shortened  greatly. 
Sherman  combined  caution  with  aggressiveness  and  displayed  as  great  skill 
in  conducting  his  campaigns  as  any  other  general  perhaps  on  the  Union 
side. 


422 


American  History 


[1864 


Atlanta. 

Dodge, 
Civil  War, 
255-262. 


The  "  ham- 
mering cam- 
paign." 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
IV,  440-448. 


Dodge,  Civil 
War,  197-208, 
213-222. 


Battles  and 
Leaders, 
IV,  118-144. 


Hosmer, 
Outcome  'of 
Civil  War, 
Chapter  VI. 


troops  to  make  a  direct  attack,  which  was  unsuccessful; 
but  he,  as  well  as  Johnston,  avoided  regular  battles.  Con- 
sidering the  skill  with  which  both  sides  conducted  all 
operations,  this  may  be  considered  the  best-managed  cam- 
paign of  the  war. 

Johnston  was  finally  compelled  by  equal  generalship  and 
superior  numbers  to  take  refuge  beyond  the  Chattahoochee 
River  after  a  two  months'  campaign.  As  Johnston  had  neyer 
had  the  confidence  of  President  Davis,  he  was  removed  and 
his  place  filled  by  Hood,  who  was  preeminently  a  fighter. 
Hood  attacked  the  Union  army  repeatedly,  several  times  when 
everything  seemed  favorable  to  him,  but  he  was  beaten  con- 
stantly. Sherman  was  detained  a  month  before  Atlanta, 
but  when  Hood  saw  that  the  city  was  doomed,  he  withdrew 
his  army.  Sherman  at  once  destroyed  all  of  the  factories 
which  had  provided  military  supplies  for  the  Confederate 
armies. 

3^3.  Grant  in  Virginia  (May- July,  1864).  —  Grant's  task 
was  of  greater  difficulty  than  Sherman's,  chiefly  because  of  the 
great  ability  of  his  opponent  and  the  remarkable  spirit  of 
Lee's  soldiers,  although  the  latter's  army  was  much  smaller 
than  that  of  Grant.  In  some  respects  the  natural  obstacles 
encountered  by  Grant  were  more  serious  than  those  of  Sher- 
man, but  he  did  not  have  half  the  difficulty  of  maintaining 
communication  with  his  base  of  supplies.  Grant  stated  that 
he  would  "  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer." 
He  started  a  "  hammering  campaign  "  which  began  in  the 
Wilderness  early  in  May  and  continued  for  about  six  weeks. 
With  terrific  blows  he  massed  his  troops  and  hurled  them 
against  Lee's  lines,  only  to  be  driven  back  invariably.  Com- 
bined with  these  fierce  attacks  he  kept  moving  part  of  his 
army  to  the  east  and  rear  of  Lee,  forcing  him  to  abandon  one 
position  after  another.  The  result  was  the  same  in  the 
Wilderness,  at  Spottsylvania,  and  at  North  Anna,  until  the 
armies  faced  each  other  at  Cold  Harbor,  less  than  ten  miles 
from  Richmond.  Here  Grant  attempted  to  carry  Lee's  posi- 
tion by  direct  assault,  but  the  loss  of  one  tenth  of  his  men  in 


1864]  Union  Advance  423 

i 

ten  minutes  tells  the  story  of  slaughter  and  defeat.  As  he 
could  make  no  headway,  Grant  moved  his  army  across  the 
James  and  invested  Petersburg,  which  it  was  necessary  to 
wrest  from  Lee  before  Richmond  could  be  taken.  Another 
direct  assault  following  the  explosion  of  a  mine  led  to  fur- 
ther bloodshed.  In  less  than  three  months  Grant  lost  more 
men  than  there  were  in  Lee's  army  at  the  beginning  of  this 
titanic  struggle,  but  the  great  Confederate  captain  had  lost 
only  one  third  as  many.  Grant  had  gained  ground,  but  the 
honors  of  war  were  with  his  opponent. 

CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR  (JULY,  i864~ApRiL,  1865) 

364.    The  Shenandoah  Valley;    Hood  in  Tennessee. —  Attempts  to 
During  the  summer  of  1864,  the  Confederate  leaders  tried  to  diaw  off  Granl 
loosen  Grant's  bull-dog  grip  on  the  defenses  of  Richmond 
(§  363)  by  threatening  Washington.    Later  they  tried  to 
draw  Sherman  away  from  Atlanta  (§  362)  by  dispatching 
Hood  into  Tennessee.     Both  of  these  movements  failed  to 
divert  the  determined  Union  commanders  from  carrying 
out  their  main  plan. 

In  July,  1864,  Early  was  sent  to  the  Shenandoah  and  ad-  Early  and 
vanced  to  the  defenses  of  Washington,  which  was  defended  Sheridan  in  the 

Shenandoah. 

by  home  guards  only.      But  reinforcements  arrived  and 

Early  withdrew.    Grant  sent  Sheridan  to  meet  Early  and 

later  agreed  that  he  should  lay  waste  the  valley,  so  that  it 

could  not  be  used  for  military  operations.     Early  was  driven 

from  the  Shenandoah,  which  was  devastated  completely.   Battles  and 

He  returned,  however,  and  nearly  succeeded  in  defeating  Leaders, 

Sheridan's  superior  force,  the  magnetism  of  Sheridan's  per-   IV-  500-521. 

sonality  alone  restoring  victory  after  his  famous  ride  from 

Winchester. 

Hood  was  disappointed  when  Sherman  sent  only  a  part  of  Nashville. 
his  force  to  protect  Tennessee,  while  he  kept  the  rest   at 
Atlanta.     Hood  swung  around  through  Alabama  and  ad-  Dodge,  Civil 
vanced  to  central  Tennessee.     Here  he  was  confronted  by    War,  279-285, 
Thomas,  who  was  gathering  additional  troops  at  Nashville.  293"3°If 


424 


American  History 


[1864 


The  march  to 
the  sea. 

Dodge,  Civil 
War,  286-292. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
V,  7,  15-31. 

Hosmer, 
Outcome  of 
Civil  War, 
Chapter  XII. 

Dodge,  Civil 
War,  302-309. 

Rhodes, 
United  States, 
V,  85-91, 
100-107. 


Sherman  in  the 
Carolinas. 


When  he  was  ordered  to  attack  Hood, Thomas  offered  to  give 
up  his  command,  but  refused  to  advance  until  he  was  ready. 
The  middle  of  December,  Thomas  attacked.  Hood's  army 
was  almost  annihilated,  and  all  danger  to  the  Union  in 
the  West  was  averted. 

365.  Sherman  in  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas.  —  When 
Sherman  left  Atlanta  in  November,  1864,  he  did  not  attempt 
to  maintain  a  line  of  communications  via  Chattanooga,  but, 
starting  with  a  fair  supply  of  provisions,  planned  to  live  on 
the  country.     His  army  of  60,000  marched  in  nearly  parallel 
columns,  separating  between  towns,  converging  at  all  im- 
portant places.    All  railways  along  the  line  of  march  were 
destroyed,  the  rails  being  rendered  useless  by  heating  them 
at  bonfires  and  twisting  them  into  fantastic  shapes.      Al- 
though there  was  no  intention  of  destroying  private  property 
except  for  food,  and  positive  orders  to  that  effect  were 
issued,  the  people  suffered  severely.    Not  only  was  their 
stock  driven  off  and  their  grain  seized  or  destroyed,  but  a 
great  deal  of  damage  was  done  to  houses,  barns,  and  furni- 
ture.   This  was  inevitable.    The  march  was  an  act  of  war  to 
cripple  an  enemy  and  it  was  not  always  easy  to  prevent 
excesses.     It  was  thought  that  Sherman  would  reach  Augusta 
and  then  march  north  to  cooperate  with  Grant,  but  no  news 
came  from  him  until  he  reached  the  coast  near  Savannah. 
That  city  he  captured  December  20,  so  that,  as  he  said,  he 
offered  it  as  a  Christmas  present  to  the  President. 

Leaving  Savannah  in  January  he  advanced  to  Columbia, 
and  after  burning  the  factories,  stores,  and  supplies  at  that 
point,  proceeded  northeasterly  into  North  Carolina.  Wil- 
mington had  already  fallen  into  Union  hands  and  Charleston 
was  abandoned  when  Sherman  reached  Columbia,  so  that 
the  Confederacy  was  reduced  now  to  a  strip  but  three  hun- 
dred miles  in  length  and  much  narrower,  Lee  holding  the 
northern  end  and  Johnston,  again  in  command,  striving  in- 
effectually with  25,000  men  to  check  Sherman's  advance. 

366.  The  End  of  the  War.  —  At  Petersburg  Grant  and 
Lee  spent  the  fall  and  winter  trying  to  gain  some  advantage 


I865] 


Close  of  the   War 


425 


over  the  other,  without  result.  With  spring  Grant  was  able 
to  continue  his  lines  farther  to  the  south  and  west,  hoping 
to  cut  off  Lee's  retreat.  He  accomplished  his  purpose  at 
length  when  Sheridan  captured  Five  Forks  on  the  railway 
in  Lee's  rear.  Lee,  forced  to  abandon  Petersburg  and  Rich- 
mond, marched  toward  the  mountains,  hoping  also  to  join 
Johnston ;  but  his  soldiers  were  starving,  and  at  Appomattox 
Court  House,  April  9,  the  30,000  survivors  of  his  army 
surrendered  to  Grant.  The  simple  soldier  left  to  his  brave 
opponents  their  horses  as  well  as  their  swords  and  the  close 
of  the  campaign  was  marked  by  acts  of  kindliness  and 
unselfishness  worthy  of  two  commanders  who  were  not  only 
great  captains 
but  noble  men. 
Johnston  sur- 
rendered to 
Sherman  two 
weeks  later,  and 
with  the  cap- 
ture of  isolated 
bands  the  great 
struggle  came 
to  a  close. 

In  all  history 

there  is  no  record  of  any  national  contest  greater  than 
this.  For  four  years  those  who  wished  to  preserve  the 
Union  had  given  freely  of  men  and  money.  With  cour- 
age and  determination  they  had  pressed  back  their  op- 
ponents, step  by  step,  until  there  was  nothing  left  to  defend. 
It  has  been  said  that  the  secession  movement  was  one  of 
leaders  and  not  of  the  people.  If  the  events  of  the  winter  of 
1860-1861  do  not  disprove  this,  certainly  the  later  years  show 
that  the  South  was  united  as  few  nations  ever  have  been. 
Her  soldiers  fought  with  courage  equal  to  that  of  their 
brothers  in  the  North.  But  all  of  the  advantage  of  inside 
lines,  campaigning  on  their  own  soil,  and  skillful  leadership 
could  not  counterbalance  the  greater  numbers  and  the  in- 


LIBBY  PRISON 


Surrender  of 
Lee  and 
Johnston. 


Dodge,  Civil 
War,  310-319. 


Battles  and 
Leaders, 
IV,  708-722. 


Results  to 
the  South. 


426  American  History  [1864 

finitely  greater  resources  of  the  free  North.    The  South  had 
sacrificed  everything  on  the  altar  of  slavery  and  state  sov- 
ereignty.    It  was  almost  a  case  of  all  is  lost  save  honor. 
Lincoln's  3<>7-  The  People  and  Lincoln's  Government.  —  During 

supporters  and  the  critical  years  of  the  war,  Lincoln  was  fortunate  in  hav- 
ing the  support  of  Congress  and  of  the  North.  His  wisdom 
in  insisting  from  first  to  last  that  his  sole  purpose  was  to 
save  the  Union  did  much  to  gain  the  goodwill  of  the  Demo- 

Mod.  Hist., 

573-575-  crats.    The  earnestness  with  which  the  great  body  of  that 

party  supported  the  war  was  due  even  more  to  the  fervent 
Rhodes,  appeals  of  Douglas  and  other  Democratic  leaders,  who  in- 

United  states,     sisted  that  the  question  was  one  purely  of  patriotism  and  not 
IV,  223-230.       Q£  politics.    Nevertheless  there  was  a  large  number  of  per- 
sons at  the  North  who  desired  peace  above  everything  else. 
Many  of  these  men  opposed  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  Presi- 
dent.    Prominent  among  the  critics  of  the  government  was 
congressman    Vallandigham    of   Ohio,  who    was    arrested 
(1863),  denied  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
tried  by  a  military  tribunal,  and  banished  to  the  South. 
Election  of  The  election  of  1862  had  decreased  the  number  of  Re- 

l864-  publicans  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  although  it  left 

the  Republicans  in  control  of  both  houses.     As  the  time  for 
Johnson,  War  election  approached  (1864),  it  became  evident  that  the  dis- 

of  Secession,       contented  members  of  both  parties  would  try  to  prevent  the 
468-480. 

reelection  of    Lincoln;  but  as  the  campaign  progressed, 

party  differences  were  forgotten  and  from  all  sides  people 

Stanwood,  „/  , 

Presidency,        rallied  to  the  support  of  the  President.    The  Democratic 

Chapter  XXII.  candidate,  General  George  B.  McClellan,  was  nominated  on 

a  platform  which  declared  that  the  war  was  a  failure  and  that 

Hosmer,  peace  should  be  made  at  once,  views  which  McClellan  did 

Outcome  of        noj.  countenance.     For  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  with 

Chapter  IX        Lincoln,  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  a  Union  Democrat, 

was  selected.    McClellan  carried  only  three  states,  and  gained 

21  electoral  votes  to  212  for  Lincoln,  although  Lincoln's 

popular  majority  was  only  400,000  in  a  total  vote  of  4,000,000. 

Death  of  Six  weeks  after  the  second  inauguration,  and  but  five  days 

Lincoln.  after  Lee  surrendered  to  Grant,  Lincoln  was  struck  down  by 


1864]  Close  of  the  War  427 

an  assassin.  In  the  midst  of  rejoicing  over  the  return  of 
peace,  the  nation  lost  the  leader  who  had  grown  great  under 
the  heavy  duties  of  his  position.  Lowell  spoke  truly  when 
he  called  Lincoln, 

"  The  kindly-earnest,  brave,  foreseeing  man, 
Sagacious,  patient,  dreading  praise,  not  blame, 
New  birth  of  our  new  soil,  the  first  American." 

368.  Summary  of  the  Campaigns.  —  When  the  war  began  First  half  of 
the  armies  of  the  Confederate  states  controlled  not  only  the  the  war> 
territory  of  the  eleven  seceding  states,  but  one  half  that  of 
Missouri,  Kentucky,  and  western  Virginia.  The  North  had 
possession  of  Fort  Monroe  in  Virginia  and  Fort  Pickens  and 
Key  West  in  Florida.  In  the  fall  of  1861  northern  troops 
occupied  the  Ohio,  which  might  be  called  the  first  line  of 
Confederate  defense.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1862,  by  vic- 
tories at  Pea  Ridge,  Island  No.  10,  and  Donelson,  they  seized 
the  second  line  of  defense  and  gained  entire  control  of  the 
border  states.  Later  in  1862  they  broke  through  the  third 
line  of  Confederate  defense  by  capturing  Memphis  on  the 
Mississippi  and  Corinth  on  the  railways  farther  east.  At 
the  same  time  they  gained  a  foothold  on  the  Lower  Mississippi 
by  capturing  New  Orleans,  but  were  repulsed  before  Rich- 
mond and  compelled  to  withdraw  from  the  "  peninsula." 
The  Confederates  then  assumed  the  offensive,  Lee  defeating 
the  Union  troops  at  Bull  Run  and  then  invading  Maryland, 
Bragg  at  the  same  time  invading  Kentucky.  These  inva- 
sions failed,  although  the  Confederates  regained  some  of  the 
territory  that  they  had  lost. 

After  two  great  victories  over  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  Second  half 
Lee  again  invaded  the  North,  but  was  defeated  at  Gettys-  of  the  war> 
burg  in  July,  1863,  at  the  same  time  that  Grant  captured 
Vicksburg  by  attacking  from  the  rear.     In  the  fall  of  1863 
Union  troops,  after  successive  defeats  and  victories,  gained 
possession  of  Chattanooga,  Sherman  in  1864  pushing  on  to 
Atlanta ;  while  Grant,  by  hard  fighting  and  maneuvering, 
was   forcing  Lee   south   through  Virginia.     While  Grant 


428 


American  History 


[1865- 


Cost  of  the  war. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
V,  3559-3560. 

Elaine,   Twenty 
Years  of 
Congress, 
I,  549-562. 


Return  to 
peace. 


Rogers,  Devt. 
of  North, 


was  hammering  away  at  Lee's  lines  at  Petersburg,  Sherman 
gained  control  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina.  Lee  and 
Johnston  now  attempted  to  join  and  avoid  being  caught 
between  Grant  and  Sherman,  but  they  were  unable  to  unite 
and  surrendered  separately. 

369.  Conclusion. — The  question  is  asked  sometimes 
whether  the  result  justified  the  cost.  As  the  result  must 
be  measured  by  the  destruction  of  slavery  and  the  perfec- 
tion of  national  unity,  while  the  cost  may  be  reckoned  in 
human  lives  1  and  billions  of  dollars,2  no  satisfactory  answer 
can  be  given.  Certainly  the  unification  of  the  nation  was  an 
end  beside  which  the  appalling  money  cost  of  the  war  is 
comparatively  insignificant.  In  human  lives  the  price  was 
too  dear  if  this  terrible  conflict  could  by  any  possibility  have 
been  avoided. 

Among  the  most  serious  results  of  all  great  wars  are 
the  extravagance  they  produce  and  the  idleness  and  reckless- 
ness they  develop.  The  direct  wastes  of  the  war,  the  un- 
reasonable prices  paid  for  poor  food  and  inferior  uniforms 
constituted  a  large  item  in  the  government's  bill  of  expenses. 
After  the  lavish  expenditures  of  the  war  it  was  difficult  for 
the  government  and  the  people  to  return  to  the  simple 
ways  of  the  past.  No  nation,  however,  has  suffered  so 
little  from  the  disbanding  of  great  armies  as  we  did  after 
1865.  Most  of  the  Confederate  troops  were  paroled  at 
once,  and  before  December,  1865,  more  than  50x3,000 


'The  loss  of  life  on  the  Union  side  is  reported  at  359,528;  that  of  the 
Confederates  was  probably  little  less.  Besides  this  number  we  should 
count  the  hundreds  of  thousands  who  were  crippled  for  life  because  of 
wounds,  or  diseases  due  to  the  hardships  of  the  war. 

2  The  debt  of  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  two  and  three 
fourths  billions;  but  to  this  must  be  added  about  $750,000,000  raised  by 
taxation  during  the  war,  besides  the  interest  on  the  debt  and  amounts  paid 
for  pensions  since  1865.  The  aggregate  cost  to  the  national  government 
has  been  nearly  eight  billions.  If  we  add  to  this  the  cost  to  the  separate 
states  of  the  Union,  the  cost  to  the  Confederacy,  the  value  of  property  de- 
stroyed, the  direct  losses  due  to  injury  to  business,  the  depreciation  of 
paper  currency,  and  other  losses,  we  should  obtain  a  sum  very  much  greater 
than  the  total  assessed  valuation  of  property  in  the  loyal  states  in  1860. 


1865]  The  Civil  War  429 

Union  soldiers  had  been  disbanded,  the  army  being  re- 
duced soon  after  to  a  peace  footing  of  25,000  men.  Very 
few  of  these  men  joined  the  ranks  of  idlers.  The  southern- 
ers returned  to  their  plantations,  all  of  which  had  been 
neglected  and  many  of  which  were  practically  ruined. 
The  northerners  rejoined  the  ranks  of  workers  and  enjoyed 
the  prosperity  of  a  period  of  unusual  business  activity. 
Numerous  associations  were  organized  to  continue  the  com- 
radeship begun  during  the  war,  notably  the  Grand  Army 
of  the  Republic.  These  organizations  of  old  soldiers  have 
been  an  important  influence  in  the  life  of  the  nation. 

TOPICS 

1.  CAPTURE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS:    Fiske,  "Mississippi  Valley  in 
the  Civil  War,"  pp.  111-132 ;  Mahan,  "The  Gulf  and  Inland  Waters," 
pp.  52-90;   "Battles  and  Leaders  of  the  Civil  War,"  II,  pp.  13—102. 

2.  GETTYSBURG:    Burgess,    "Civil   War   and   Constitution,"   II, 
pp.    157-179;    Wood-Edmonds,  "Civil    War    in    United    States," 
pp.  215-246;  Johnson,  "  War  of  Secession,"  pp.  248-269  ;  Doubleday, 
"  Chancellorsville  and  Gettysburg,"  pp.  87-210. 

.7.  VICKSBURG  CAMPAIGN:  Fiskc,  "Mississippi  Valley,"  pp. 221- 
247,  Wood-Edmonds,  "Civil  War,"  pp.  247-273;  Sherman,  "Mem- 
oirs," I,  Chapter  XII;  Grant,  "Personal  Memoirs,"  I,  pp.  250-337; 
Greene,  "The  Mississippi,"  pp.  91-208;  "Battles  and  Leaders," 

III,  pp.  462-598. 

STUDIES 

1.  The  navy  on  the  upper  Mississippi  (1862).     (Mahan,  "Gulf 
and  Inland  Waters,"  pp.  9-51.) 

2.  Incidents  of  a   campaign.     (Hart   (ed.),    "Contemporaries," 

IV,  Nos.  86-88,  90.) 

3.  Personal  experiences  in  the  Civil  War.    ("Battles  and  Leaders," 
II,  pp.  I53-IS9,  189-199.) 

4.  Morgan's   raid.     (Cox,    "Reminiscences  of   the    Civil   War," 
I,  pp.  491-509.) 

5.  The  draft  riots  in  New  York.     (Johnson,  "  War  of  Secession," 
pp.  290-306.) 

6.  The  fight  for   Round   Top.      ("Battles  and  Leaders,"   III, 
pp.  318-330.) 

7.  Greeley's  estimate  of  Lincoln.     {Century,  42  (1891),  pp.  371- 
382.) 


43O  American  History  [1865 

8.  Vallandigham's   opposition    to    the    government.     (Johnston 
(ed.),  "American  Eloquence,"  IV,  pp.  82-92.) 

9.  The  battle  of  the  Crater.     (Wise,  "End  of  an  Era,"  pp.  346- 

37I-) 

10.  Spirit  of  the  North  (1864-1865).     (Hosmer,   "Outcome  of 
the  Civil  War,"  Chapter  XV.) 

11.  Spirit  of  the  South.     (Hosmer,  "Outcome,"  Chapter  XVI.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  At  what  points  was  the  South  most  vulnerable?    Was  the 
Union  plan  of  campaign  the  one  best  suited  to  the  conditions?    Show 
the  importance  of  Cairo,  Corinth,  Vicksburg,  Chattanooga. 

2.  Could  the  war  have  been  ended  by  the  capture  of  Richmond 
in  1862  ?    Why  was  the  possession  of  New  Orleans  of  value  to  the 
Union  armies  in  Tennessee  ?     Show  the  importance  of  the  navy  in 
the  western  campaigns. 

3.  Why  did  Lee  attempt  to  invade  the  North?    Why  did  he  fail 
in  each  case?    Were  his  northern  campaigns  conducted  with  less 
skill  than  that  in  Virginia  in  1864? 

4  Were  the  burning  of  Atlanta  and  the  devastation  of  the  Shenan- 
doah  valley  justified?     What  was  the  real  importance  of  Sherman's 
march  to  the  sea  ? 

5  Could  the  cost  of  the  war  in  men  or  money  have  been  reduced 
easily?     Did  the  results  of  the  war  justify  the  cost?     How  was  the 
Union  diflercm  in  1865  iiom  \u«u  it  had  been  in  1861  ? 


CHAPTER   XVIII 
POLITICAL  RECONSTRUCTION 

PRESIDENTS 
Andrew  Johnson  (1865-1869)         Ulysses  S.  Grant  (1869-1877) 

370.  Lincoln,  Johnson,  and  Reconstruction.  —  Less  than   Lincoln  and  • 
a  week  after  Lee  surrendered  to  Grant  at  Appomattox  Congress* 
Lincoln  was  dead.     His  assassination,  which  was  part  of  a 
plot  to  kill  Johnson,  Seward,  and  Grant  also,  was  most  Cf.  Rhodes, 
unfortunate  for  the  nation,  since  the  problems  of  reconstruc-  v  I39_ISO    ' 
tion  were  but  little  less  serious  than  those  of  the  war.     In 
fact  there  was  greater  need  that  the  president  possess  tact 
and  skill  in  dealing  with  men  after  the  war  than  during  its 
prosecution.     While  there  was  danger  from  southern  armies, 
the  nation  rallied  around   the   President,  overlooked   his 
mistakes,  and  gave  him  its  united  support.    Congress  had 
acquiesced,  gracefully  on  most  occasions,  in  the  unusual 
acts  of  Lincoln  and  had  allowed  him  a  free  hand  even  when 
he  used  powers  that  were  legislative  in  character.    The 
close  of  the  war  changed  the  situation  radically. 

Having  been  unselfish  during  the  war,  Congress  was  Situation 
more  jealous  of  its  prerogatives  in  the  period  following.  a*thecloseof 
It  did  not  propose  to  allow  the  president  to  settle  questions 
which  belonged  in  any  respect  to  the  legislative  department. 
When  we  consider  the  delicacy  of  the  problems  —  the  way 
the  seceding  states  should  be  treated,  the  attitude  of  the 
national  government  toward  those  who  had  taken  part  in 
the  Civil  War,  more  than  all,  what  should  be  done  for  and 
with  the  blacks  —  we  can  realize  that  there  should  have 
been  perfect  harmony  between  the  president  and  Congress. 
Lincoln  could  have  preserved  cordial  relations  with  the 
law-making  branch  of  the  government,  for  he  possessed  the 


432 


American  History 


[1865 


Andrew 
Johnson. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
V,  517-526. 


Three 
problems. 


The  blacks. 


confidence  of  Congress  and  the  people.  He  understood  the 
situation  as  well  as  any  one;  he  had  become  preeminently 
a  leader  of  men.  That  his  reputation  may  have  suffered 
had  he  lived  is  unquestioned.  But  when  he  left  the  great 
duties  of  his  office  to  his  subordinate,  the  nation  lost  as  much 
as  his  reputation  may  have  gained. 
Andrew  Johnson  had  been  selected  for  the  second  place 

on  the  Republican  ticket 
because  he  was  an  earnest 
Union  Democrat,  a  south- 
ern man  who  had  been 
loyal.  Deprived  of  early 
advantages,  he  had  edu- 
cated himself  late  in  life, 
and,  by  the  force  of  a 
powerful  personality,  had 
risen  step  by  step  until 
accident  placed  him  in 
the  president's  chair.  But 
ANDREW  JOHNSON  he  possessed  few  qualities 

to  commend   him   to  the 

great  office  even  in  ordinary  times.  Although  a  man  of 
unusual  intelligence  and  will  power,  he  was  tactless  and 
vindictive,  intemperate  in  thought,  speech,  and  act,  the 
opposite  in  almost  every  respect  of  the  man  whose  place  he 
took,  whose  cabinet  he  retained,  whose  policy  he  adopted, 
whose  popularity  for  a  time  covered  his  most  glaring  defects. 

RECONSTRUCTION  (1865-1870) 

371.  The  Problem  of  Reconstruction.  —  When  the  war 
closed,  the  national  government  was  forced  to  find  solu- 
tions for  three  problems:  (I)  What  should  be  done 
with  the  slaves?  (II)  How  should  those  persons  who 
had  belonged  to  the  Confederacy  be  treated?  (Ill) 
How  should  the  Confederate  states  be  restored  or  recon- 
structed ? 

(I)    South  and  North  agreed  that  slavery  should  be  abol- 


1865]  Reconstruction  433 

ished.  The  slaves  had  been  freed  by  the  emancipation  proc-  MacDonald, 
lamation  (§  356)  in  part  of  the  South,  but  slavery  had  not  staiutes> 
been  abolished  during  the  war  except  in  Mary  land,  although 
both  West  Virginia  and  Missouri  had  provided  for  gradual 
emancipation.  The  thirteenth  amendment  to  the  national 
Constitution,  abolishing  slavery  throughout  the  United 
States,  was  passed  by  the  necessary  two  thirds  in  each  house 
of  Congress  in  January,  1865,  and  ratified  by  more  than  three 
fourths  of  the  states,  North  and  South,  by  December,  1865. 
It  gave  Congress  the  right  to  prevent  the  reestablishment 
of  slavery.  This  was  only  the  beginning  of  legislation  for 
the  blacks,  as  the  protection  of  the  freedmen  was  the  osten- 
sible cause  of  most  of  the  reconstruction  legislation. 

(II)  Most  of  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  war  against  Southerners, 
the  government  of  the  United  States  were  allowed  to  resume 

their  normal  rights  as  citizens  on  taking  an  oath  to  support  Johnston, 

the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  abide  by  its  laws.   Am-  p°l-  Hist* 

II,  484-487. 
Those  high  in  civil  or  military  authority  were  debarred  until 

1868,  when  President  Johnson  declared  a  complete  amnesty 

for  all  who  had  participated  in  the  Civil  War.     Congress, 

which  had  claimed  the  right  to  control  this  subject  of  am-   NOS.  46, 75, 94. 

nesties,  prevented  most  of  those  important  persons  from 

holding  any  office,  state  or  national,  until  several  years 

later.1 

(III)  Legally  and  theoretically  the  greatest  difficulties  Status  of  the 
of  this  period  were  presented  by  the  questions:   What  was  secedine states- 
the  status  of  the  Confederate  states  ?  Were  they  in  the  Union 

or  out  of  the  Union  ?  To  admit  that  they  were  out  of  the 
Union  would  have  been  to  acknowledge  the  right  of  secession, 
the  success  of  secession,  or  both.  If  it  was  claimed  that  they 
were  in  the  Union,  there  was  really  no  "  reconstruction  " 
problem,  only  need  of  restoration  of  the  states  to  their  normal 
relations  with  their  sister  states. 

372.  Status  of  Seceding  States.  —  Several  theories  were  Theories 
developed,  soon  after  1865,  presenting  different  points  of  as  to  the  status- 
view.    The  southern  and  the  presidential   theories  agreed 

1  The  fourteenth  amendment  gave  Congress  this  power. 
9  F 


434 


American  History 


[1865 


Dunning, 

Reconstruction, 

99-112. 


Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, IV, 
Nos.  145-149. 


Congressional 
plan  of 
reconstruction. 


that  the  states  were  still  parts  of  the  Union,  but  out  of  theii 
constitutional  relations  to  the  central  government.  They 
stated  that  restoration  should  take  place  through  action  of  the 
people  of  each  state,  under  limitations  prescribed,  according 
to  the  first,  by  those  people;  according  to  the  second,  by  the 
president.  Charles  Sumner  held  the  theory  that  when  a 
state  tries  to  secede,  it  commits  suicide  as  a  state,  and  be- 
comes merely  a  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  Union  under  its 
control  in  regard  to  local,  as 
well  as  national,  affairs,  i.e.  the 
states  reverted  to  the  condi- 
tion of  territories.  Thaddeus 
Stevens  went  further,  and  in 
the  conquered  province  theory 
advocated  the  view  that  the 
South  was  not  even  in  the  con- 
cition  of  territories;  that  it 
was  a  conquered  district.  He 
therefore  proposed  wholesale 
confiscation  and  appropriation 
of  land  to  negroes.  This  sug- 
gestion was  the  basis  of  the  doctrine  that  every  freedman 
should  have  forty  acres  and  a  mule. 

As  none  of  these  theories  was  acceptable  to  moderate 
men,  the  theory  of  forfeited  rights  came  to  be  the  basis  of 
final  reconstruction.  It  held  that  the  people  of  the  states 
had  forfeited  their  rights  by  attempted  secession,  and  that 
those  rights  could  be  restored  to  them  only  on  the  fulfill- 
ment of  certain  conditions.  The  judge  of  what  the  condi- 
tions should  be,  and  when  they  had  been  fulfilled,  was 
Congress,  because  Congress  was  instructed  by  the  Constitu- 
tion to  guarantee  to  each  state  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment. This  theory  was  upheld  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  in  the  case  of  Texas  v.  White  (1868). 
373.  Restoration  under  Johnson  (1865).  —  President 
Lincoln  and  his  successor,  President  Johnson,  were  anxious 


THADDEUS  STEVENS 


Reconstruction 


435 


to  have  the  seceded  states  restored  to  their  constitutional  The  presiden- 

relations  as  soon  as  possible.    To  this  end  they  used  their  tial  plan  in 

....  ,  operation. 

power  as  commanders  in  chief  to  grant  amnesties  and  par- 
dons, and,  in  addition,  declared  that  when  a  state  govern-  T 

Johnston, 

ment  had  been  formed  by  loyal  voters  equal  to  one  tenth  Am.  Pol.  Hist., 

of  the  whole  number  of  voters  in  1860,  they  would  recognize  H.  434-439- 


THE  SUPREME  COURT 

(During  the  Reconstruction  Period) 

such  a   government  and  declare  the  state  fully  restored.          ™ng' 

c  '  ana  Recon- 

This  plan  which  Lincoln  had  formulated  Johnson  put  into  struction, 
operation.1     When  Congress  assembled  in  December,  1865,  75-83- 

1  The  states  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Tennessee  had  reorganized  their 
governments  in  accordance  with  Lincoln's  instructions  before  the  close  of 
the  war.  In  Virginia  there  had  been  for  years  a  loyal  government  which 
claimed  to  be  the  legal  government  of  the  state.  This  was  accepted  by 
both  Lincoln  and  Johnson  as  the  regular  government  of  Virginia.  In  the 
other  states  that  had  attempted  to  secede  from  the  Union,  the  President 
appointed,  during  the  summer  of  1865,  provisional  governors,  under  whom 
the  work  of  reorganization  or  restoration  was  to  be  performed.  In  most 
of  these  states  conventions  were  called  without  delay.  Those  persons  were 
allowed  to  vote  who  were  included  in  the  amnesty  proclamations  of  the 
president,  and  the  conventions  were  allowed  to  decide  who  might  vote 
thereafter  in  the  state  or  hold  any  office. 


436 


American  History 


[1865 


Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
35-41- 

Opposition  in 
Congress. 

Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
II. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
V,  549-556. 


Southern 

apprenticeship 

laws. 


Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
45-55- 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, IV, 
Nos.  143,  151. 


Second  Freed- 
men's  Bureau 
Bill. 


the  president  announced  that  regular  state  governments  had 
been  restored  in  all  of  the  southern  states  but  two. 

Congress  immediately  appointed  a  joint  committee  on 
reconstruction  to  decide  all  questions  regarding  the  states 
that  had  tried  to  secede.  Opposition  to  the  President's 
plan  of  restoration  developed  at  once,  not  simply  because 
Congress  believed  that  it  had  the  right  to  decide  the  con- 
ditions under  which  reconstruction  should  be  allowed,  but 
because  little  of  importance  would  be  accomplished  by  the 
war  if  the  southern  states  were  restored  to  the  Union  and 
allowed  sole  control  over  the  blacks.  This  danger  was 
real  to  most  of  the  congressmen,  for  they  desired  to  give 
the  former  slaves  not  only  freedom  but  the  suffrage  as  well. 
The  thirteenth  amendment  forbidding  slavery  was  adopted 
in  December,  1865,  but  at  the  same  time  came  alarming 
reports  from  all  parts  of  the  South  that  the  restored  states 
were  reenslaving  the  blacks. 

374.  Freedmen  Legislation.  — Most  of  the  southern  states, 
proceeding  on  the  assumption  that  Johnson's  plan  of  res- 
toration had  reestablished  their  position  in  the  Union, 
passed,  during  the  fall  of  1865  and  the  following  winter, 
apprenticeship  and  vagrancy  laws  for  the  freedmen.  All 
colored  minors  were  to  be  apprenticed,  if  possible,  to  their 
former  masters.  All  negroes  who  were  not  employed,  or 
who  were  guilty  of  attending  meetings,  were  deemed  va- 
grants and  their  services  were  sold  to  the  highest  bidder. 
To  Congress  and  to  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the  North 
these  laws  seemed  to  establish  a  new  form  of  slavery  that 
would  be  perfected  when  the  states  were  unquestionably 
again  in  the  Union.  Congress  was  induced  to  pass  several 
kws  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  blacks  and  to  delay 
reconstruction  until  definite  and  permanent  guarantees  had 
been  secured  which  would  protect  the  blacks  from  their 
former  masters. 

The  first  of  these  laws  was  the  second  Freedmen's  Bureau 
Bill.  In  March,  1865,  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  had  been 
created  for  the  war  and  a  period  of  one  year  thereafter  to 


1 866]  Reconstruction  437 


provide  food,  clothing,  and  shelter  for  needy  freedmen  and   MacDonald, 

to  apportion  vacant  lands  for  their  use.    The  new  bill  (Feb-   statutes> 

ruary,  1866)  created  an  organization  that  had  an  agent  in 

every  county  in  the  South.    No  time  limit  was  designated, 

and  the  powers  of  the  bureau  were  enlarged  so  that  its   unittd'states 

agents  looked  after  not  only  destitute  negroes  but  every  ¥,568-574. 

freedman.    The  agent  was  really  a  judicial  officer  who  could 

try  cases  where  a  negro's  rights  had  not  been  respected  by  the  Burgess,  Re- 

whites,  or  where  a  black  had  been  punished  with  unneces-  construction, 

sary  severity.    To  leave  such  vague  yet  extensive  power  in    4   7l  7~9°" 

the  hands  of  an  agent  of  the  central  government  in  recently 

conquered  territory  was  of  course  a  dangerous  procedure. 

The  bill  was  vetoed  by  Johnson,  on  the  grounds  that  it  was 

a  war  measure  applied  to  territory  in  which  peace  had  been 

restored  fully,  and  that  the  central  government  had  no 

authority  to  exercise  jurisdiction  in  this  way.     The    bill 

failed  to  obtain  the  necessary  two  thirds  to  make  it  a  law 

at  this  time,  but  four  months  later  a  more  severe  bureau  bill 

was  passed  over  the  President's  veto. 

375.  Civil  Rights  Bill  and  Amendment  XIV  (1866). —  Civil  Rights 
Although  the  radicals  in  Congress  may  have  desired  the  Act- 
humiliation  of  the  South,  the  majority  wished  simply  to 
protect  the  negroes.    Those  in  power  in  Congress  decided   MacDonald, 
that  this  could  be  secured  only  by  changes  in  the  national  No       ' 
law  and  Constitution  which   the   states   could   not  alter. 

This  led  to  the  enactment  in  April,  1866,  of  a  Civil  Rights  r 

Burgess,  Re- 

Bill  which  declared  that  persons  born  in  the  United  States  construction, 

were  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  that  they  had  the  68-73. 
right  to  make  and  enforce  contracts,  to  protect  themselves 

in  the  courts,  to  acquire  and  dispose  of  property.    There  Rhodes, 

was  to  be  no  discrimination  under  the  civil  or  criminal  law    Umte^st^s» 

V,  583-587. 
on  account  of  race  or  color.    The  President  naturally  vetoed 

a  bill  that  not  only  changed  the  status  of  the  negroes  so 
materially,  but  which  took  from  the  states  powers  that  had 
been  exercised  by  them  since  the  formation  of  the  Union. 
Congress  passed  the  bill  over  his  veto  (April,  1866),  showing 
that  the  Republicans  had  broken  completely  with  Johnson. 


438 


American  History 


[1866 


Fourteenth 
amendment. 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
11,454,467. 


Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
73-80. 


Provisions  of 
the  acts. 


MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
Nos.  56,  62, 
64,67. 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
II,  462-465. 


Soon  after  it  was  decided  to  combine  in  a  single  amend- 
ment to  the  United  States  Constitution  the  principles  of  the 
Civil  Rights  Act  and  other  articles  which  would  embody 
important  results  of  the  recent  war.  In  its  final  draft  this 
most  important  amendment  was  as  follows:  (i)  It  defined 
United  States  citizenship.  "  All  persons  born  or  naturalized 
in  the  United  States  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof 
are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  state  wherein 
they  reside."  It  protected  the  rights  of  these  citizens. 

(2)  When  a  state  denied  to  any  men  who  were  citizens  of  the 
United  States  the  right  to  vote,  the  state  should  lose  a  number 
of  representatives  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  of  citizens  excluded  from  voting. 

(3)  Persons  who  had  broken  their  oaths  to  support  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  should  be  allowed  to  hold 
state  or  national  office  only  by  a  two  thirds  vote  in  the  houses 
of  Congress.     (4)  The  validity  of  the  United  States  war 
debts  was  affirmed,  those  of  the  Confederacy  and  seceding 
states  were  declared  illegal  and  void. 

376.  Military  Reconstruction  (1867-1870).  —  As  the  fall 
elections  in  1866  increased  the  Republican  majority  in 
both  houses  of  Congress,  the  plans  of  the  leaders  were  per- 
fected and  enacted  into  law  early  in  1867.  The  Military 
Reconstruction  Acts *  provided  that  the  ten  unreconstructed 
states 2  of  the  South  should  be  divided  into  five  military  dis- 
tricts, each  of  which  was  to  be  controlled  by  a  general  of 
the  army,  (i)  These  generals  were  to  enroll  in  each 
state  as  voters  all  men  over  twenty-one,  without  regard  to 
color,  except  those  debarred  for  participation  in  rebellion. 
(2)  The  voters  should  elect  a  convention  that  should  adopt 
a  state  constitution,  one  part  of  which  must  provide  for 
manhood  suffrage.  (3)  This  constitution  must  be  ratified 
by  the  registered  voters,  and  approved  by  Congress.  (4)  The 
legislature  elected  under  this  constitution  must  ratify  the 
fourteenth  amendment.  During  this  process  of  recon- 


1  Acts  of  March  2,  March  23,  and  July  19,  1867. 

2  Reconstruction  had  been  completed  in  Tennessee  in  1866. 


1870]  Reconstruction.  439 

struction  the  general  had  almost  arbitrary  power,  including 
even  the  right  to  set  aside  state  or  local  laws  or  remove 
officials.  When  it  was  completed,  the  state  was  "  read- 
mitted "  to  the  Union. 

It  was  found  that  less  than  ten  per  cent  of  the  men  were  Reconstruction 
excluded  from  voting,  although  of  course  all  of  the  former  under  the  acts, 
leaders   were   debarred.    The   black   voters   outnumbered 
the  whites  in  five  states,  but  in  only  two  states  did  the  blacks 
have  a  majority  of  the  delegates  to  the  conventions,  although  Am^ Pol'.  Hist. 
the  friends  of  reconstruction  controlled  the^situation  in  most  II,  465-471. 
of  the  states.     Reconstruction  was  completed  before  July  i, 
1868,  in  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Alabama, 
Louisiana,  and  Arkansas.    The  other  four  states  —  Virginia,  MacDonald, 
Georgia,  Mississippi,  and  Texas  —  were  obliged  to  accept  Nos  68'  69>  ?6> 
the  fifteenth  amendment  as  well  before  reconstruction  was  81, 82,  83,  89. 
completed  and  their  representatives  were  admitted  to  Con- 
gress.   This  unwise  amendment  made  negroes  voters  on  the 
same  terms  as  whites  throughout  the  United  States.     In  this 
way  the  plan  of  protecting  the  negroes  was  perfected,  since 
the  thirteenth  amendment  had  given  them  freedom  and 
the  fourteenth  had  made  them  citizens. 

INCIDENTS  OF  THE  RECONSTRUCTION  PERIOD  (1867-1877) 

377.  The  Impeachment  of  Johnson.  —  The  difference  of  Quarrel  be- 

opinion  existing  between  the  President  and  Congress  on  the  4™een  l  e 

subject  of  reconstruction  developed  rapidly  into  a  quarrel,  congress, 
after  his  veto  in  February,  1866,  of  the  second  Freedmen's 

Bureau  Bill.    The  President  publicly  criticised  Stevens  and  Cambridge 

other  reconstruction  leaders  and  by  this  attitude  won  not  Mod-  Htst-< 

VII  628-630 

only  the  dislike  of  all  the  leaders  in  Congress,  but  lost  the 
support  of  the  moderate  Republicans  who  had  been  un- 

,         .  Wilson, 

willing  to  break  with  the  President.    As  the  Republicans  Division> 

had  a  two  thirds  majority  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  all  §§  129-131. 
bills  relating  to  the  reconstruction  plan  of  Congress  were 

passed  over  Johnson's  veto.     When  the  election  of  1866  in-  Johnston 

creased  the  opposition  in  Congress  to  the  President,  he  made  ^m'fof' 

II,  4 DO,  4 

a  trip  through  the  North,  called  "  swinging  round  the  circle," 


440 


American  History 


[1867 


Tenure  of 
Office  Act. 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No.  57. 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
11,499-501. 


Impeachment 
and  trial. 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, , 
No.  66. 


on  which  he  attacked  the  Republican  leaders  and  declared 
that  Congress  was  "  no  Congress,"  because  the  southern 
states  were  unrepresented.  In  March,  1867,  Congress  had 
its  revenge,  (i)  It  passed  the  drastic  military  reconstruction 
acts  over  the  President's  veto.  (2)  It  limited  the  president's 
control  of  the  army  as  commander  in  chief  by  compelling 
him  to  issue  all  orders  through  the  general  of  the  army. 
(3)  It  passed  the  famous  Tenure  of  Office  Act  which  pre- 
vented the  president  from  re- 
moving officials  from  office 
without  the  consent  of  the 
Senate.1  (4)  Finally,  it  ad- 
journed March  4,  1867,  to 
meet,  the  same  day,  as  the 
fortieth  Congress. 

The  members  of  Congress 
believed  that  without  these 
acts  the  President  would  use 
the  great  power  of  his  office, 
especially  his  control  of  the  pat- 
ronage, to  defeat  their  recon- 
struction policy.  The  more 
radical  members,  in  fact,  de- 
sired the  removal  of  the  President,  so  that  the  president 
pro  tempore  of  the  Senate  might  become  acting  chief  execu- 
tive. The  Tenure  of  Office  Act  precipitated  the  quarrel. 
Johnson  attempted  to  remove  his  secretary  of  war,  Stanton, 
who  had  been  dictatorial  and  refused  to  resign.  Stanton 
denied  that  the  President  might  remove  him  and  defeated 
every  attempt  to  gain  possession  of  his  office.  The  House 
of  Representatives  eagerly  seized  upon  the  attempt  to  re- 
move Stanton  as  a  sufficient  pretext  for  impeaching  the 
President,  which  it  did  in  February,  1868.  The  trial  before 
the  Senate  lasted  about  six  weeks,  Chief  Justice  Chase  of 

1  The  Constitution  requires  the  consent  of  the  Senate  in  appointments, 
but  is  silent  on  the  subject  of  removals.  Sincj  1789  the  president  had 
exercised  sole  power  of  making  removals. 


EDWIN  M.  STANTON 


1872]     Incidents  of  the  Reconstruction  Period       441 

the  Supreme  Court  presiding,  as  the  Constitution  prescribes  Johnston, 
when  a  president  is  tried.    The  excitement  was  intense,  Am-  P°L  Htst* 
tremendous  pressure  being  brought   to  bear  on  the  Re- 
publican senators  who  did  not  believe  the  President  to  be 
guilty  of  "  high  crimes  or  misdemeanors."     When  the  vote 
was  taken,  it  was  learned  that  thirty-five  senators  stood  for 
conviction  and  nineteen  for  acquittal,  one  less  than  the  two 
thirds  required  for  removal  from  office. 

378.  Carpetbag  Government  in  the  South.  —  In  almost  Misgovern- 
all  of  the  states  the  reconstructed  governments  were  con-  mentinthe 
trolled  by  the  negro  voters.     A  large  proportion,  perhaps  a 
majority,  of  the  offices  were  held  by  northerners  who  had 
settled  in  the  South  at  the  close  of  the  war.     Some  of  these  Am  p^m* 
men   were   adventurers   in.  search   of  wealth   and   power,   n,  471-475. 
who,  at  the  beginning,  carried  their  possessions  in  home- 
made carpetbag  grips.      Under  the  rule  of  such  men,  with   Hart,  Contem- 
such  supporters,  conditions  were  ideal  for  misgovernment  Poraries, 
and  corruption.     Although  the  South  was  impoverished,  it 
furnished  rich  pickings  for  these  social  vultures.    Taxes 
became  so  heavy  that  they  often  exceeded  the  gross  value     "  re!^.s'    ur 

Own  Times, 

of  the  crops.    Thousands  of  fine  plantations  and  magnifi-   112-122. 
cent  halls  were  sold  because  the  owners  were  unable  to  carry 
the  heavy  burdens  placed  upon  them.    The  people  were 
often  subjected  to  insult  and  oppression  at  the  hands  of 
ignorant  and  greedy  rulers. 

The  young  and  reckless   southerners   sought   relief   by  KU  Klux  Kian. 
organizing  a  secret  society  known  as  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  the 
ostensible  purpose  of  which  was  the  intimidation  of  the  Johnston, 
negro  voters.    Nightly  visitors  robed  in  white  called  at  negro  Am~  Po1'  Htst* 
cabins  and  terrified  the  superstitious  blacks.     But  the  more 
violent  whites  did  not  stop  with  that.    There  was  great  , 

Burgess,  Re- 

temptation  to  end  the  misrule  by  resort  to  torture  and  murder,   construction, 
At  length  the  national  government  interfered,  passing   in  250-261. 
1870  and  1871  two  force  acts  which  permitted  the  use  of  the 
United  States  army  to  uphold  the  reconstruction  govern- 
ments and  protect  them  from  their  enemies. 

After  1872,  when   the  last  of  the   Confederate  leaders 


442 


American  History 


[1872 


Results  of 
carpetbag 
government. 

Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
247-249, 
261-264. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Times, 
122-130. 


Fraud  and 
extravagance. 


Tweed  ring  in 
New  York. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Times, 
H-i6. 


were  pardoned,  the  whites  gradually  regained  control  of 
their  state  and  local  governments.  South  Carolina  and 
Louisiana,  both  of  which  had  a  large  majority  of  negroes, 
were  the  last  to  establish  white  rule,  after  several  years 
of  bitter  partisan  warfare.  In  Virginia  and  the  other  states 
in  which  the  whites  predominated,  carpetbag  government 
had  never  secured  a  serious  hold,  but  in  Louisiana,  for 
example,  the  results  of  misgovernment  can  be  measured  in 
part  by  the  terrible  financial  condition  of  the  state.  For 
several  years  the  average  annual  expenditures  of  the  state 
government  were  six  millions,  and  in  four  years  the  debt  of 
the  state  had  increased  from  less  than  seven  millions  to  more 
than  forty  millions.  What  those  figures  represented  cannot 
be  imagined  easily ;  they  cannot  be  described  in  such  a  text 
as  this  at  all. 

379.  City  Government  and  Corruption. — One  of  the  most 
distinctive  political  features  of  American  history  in  the 
decade  following  the  Civil  War  was  the  prevalence  of  cor- 
ruption in  all  of  our  governments,  national,  state,  and  city. 
Aside  from  the  carnival  of  misrule  in  the  South  under  carpet- 
bag government  there  was  a  greater  amount  of  bribery, 
fraud,  and  theft  in  some  of  our  larger  northern  cities  than 
elsewhere.  During  these  years  the  cities  grew  rapidly,  but 
the  increase  in  the  number  of  duties  they  performed  far 
outstripped  the  increase  in  population.  Franchises  were 
given  freely  by  the  cities  to  private  corporations  which 
furnished  water  or  gas,  or  operated  street  railways.  These 
franchises  were  often  of  great  value  and  continued  in  force 
for  very  long  periods.  The  amount  of  money  required  for 
necessary  expenditures  was  much  greater  than  formerly, 
and  most  of  our  city  governments  unfortunately  fell  into  the 
hands  of  ignorant  and  corrupt  politicians. 

New  York  suffered  so  much  more  than  any  other  city  that 
she  seemed  to  be  in  a  class  by  herself.  A  ring  of  politicians 
under  the  lead  of  "  Boss "  Tweed  gained  control,  and,  by 
systematic  theft  covering  a  number  of  years,  robbed  the 
city  of  a  sum  probably  little  less  than  $100,000,000.  Public 


1869]     Incidents  of  the  Reconstruction  Period       443 


VI,  392-410. 


attention  was  centered  on  the  ring  by  the  striking  cartoons   Rhodes, 
of  Thomas  Nast,   which   appeared   in   Harper's   Weekly.    u"itedstate^ 
When  the  New  York  Times  published  definite  information 
regarding  thefts  by  the  ring,  public-spirited  men  like  Samuel 
Tilden  devoted  their  attention  to  bringing  the  leaders  to 
justice.    A  number  of  Tweed's  associates  were  convicted, 
and  the  boss  died  in  jail  several  years  later. 


»VHO  STOLE  THE  PEOf  U'i  MOfitf  f  -  DO   TfLL  . 


From  Harper's  Weekly,  by  permission. 

NAST'S  FAMOUS  TWEED  RING  CARTOON 

380.    The  Administrations  of  Grant  (1869-1877).  —  Al-  Grant's 
though  General  Grant  had  had  no  experience  in  public  affairs  policies, 
he  was  the  unanimous  choice  of  his  party  in  1868  and  was 
elected  almost  without  opposition.     He  proceeded  to  carry 
out  the  Congressional  policy  of  reconstruction  (§  376)  and 
gave  his  consent,  in  a  rather  half-hearted  way,  however,  to  the 
plan  of  those  that  wished  hard  money  instead  of  an  inflated 
paper  currency  (§  390).     In  dealing  with  foreign  affairs, 
his  administration  was  quite  successful,  owing  to  the  skill 
of  his  secretary  of  state,  Hamilton  Fish ;  but  Grant's  favorite 


444 


American  History 


[1872 


Election  of 

1872. 


Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
264-268. 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
Chapter  XXIV. 


Andrews.  Our 
Own  Times, 
68-78. 


Civil  service 
under  Grant. 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 

vi,  385-390. 


Credit  Mo- 
bil ier  and 
Whisky  ring. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Times, 
104-109,  200- 
205,  237-242. 


scheme  of  annexing  Santo  Domingo  failed,  because  it  did  not 
meet  the  approval  of  his  advisers  or  of  the  people. 

The  election  of  1872  was  interesting  chiefly  because 
of  the  attempt  of  the  Democrats  to  join  the  reform  Republi- 
cans and  because  of  the  Labor  platform.  Horace  Greeley 
was  nominated  by  the  Liberal  Republicans  and  Democrats, 
but  his  campaign  was  mismanaged  and  his  death  soon  after 
election  complicated  matters.  The  interesting  platform  of 
the  Labor  party  contained  several  planks  that  were  received 
with  derision  in  that  day,  but  have  found  a  place  in  the 
nation's  law.  Among  these  were  demands  that  Chinese 
laborers  be  excluded  from  the  United  States,  that  the 
national  government  supervise  the  affairs  of  railways  and 
telegraphs,  that  contract  labor  in  prisons  be  abandoned. 
They  asked  for  civil  service  reform,  an  eight  hour  day  for 
private  contract  work  on  public  buildings,  lease  but  not 
sale  of  all  public  lands,  and  a  paper  currency  issued  on  the 
credit  of  the  people  but  not  through  the  banks. 

381.  National  Political  Scandals.  —  Grant  was  so  honest 
himself  and  had  such  confidence  in  the  men  by  whom  he  was 
surrounded  that  he  was  imposed  upon  by  them.  Positions 
were  created  to  furnish  berths  for  dishonest  politicians. 
The  civil  service  became  filled  with  unfit  men.  Inefficiency 
and  corruption  were  prevalent  in  the  national  government 
as  nowhere  else  except  in  New  York  City  and  in  the  South. 
In  response  to  a  demand  for  reform,  a  civil  service  com- 
mission was  appointed  in  1871  to  select  candidates  for  a  few 
offices  on  a  merit  system,  but  it  was  not  very  successful  and 
was  abandoned  entirely  in  1875. 

During  Grant's  administration  there  were  numerous 
political  scandals,  some  of  them  of  no  significance.  Per- 
haps the  most  discussed  of  these  was  that  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  an  organization  created  for  the  purpose  of  building 
the  Union  Pacific  railway.  Stock  of  this  company  was  sold 
to  many  congressmen  before  the  completion  of  the  great 
highway  to  the  Pacific.  It  was  claimed,  probably  with 
truth,  that  there  was  no  legislation  pending  which  would 


1876]     Incidents  of  the  Reconstruction  Period       445 


have  been  influenced  in  any  way  by  the  vote  of  these 
congressmen ;  but  the  whole  affair  was  condemned  without 
mercy  by  the  awakening  public  conscience.  In  1875  a 
gigantic  "  whisky  ring,"  with  headquarters  at  St.  Louis, 
which  had  defrauded  the  government  of  several  million 
dollars  by  connivance  with  internal  revenue  officers,  was 
broken  up  by  the  effort  of  B.  H.  Bristow,  secretary  of  the 
treasury;  but  later  a  ring  in  California  was  successful  in  its 
fight  with  the  treasury  department.  The  post  office  depart- 
ment was  purged  of  many  abuses 
by  the  energy  of  the  postmaster- 
general,  but,  in  the  war  depart- 
ment, Secretary  Belknap  was 
found -guilty  of  accepting  bribes 
in  making  appointments  and  in 
letting  contracts.  Belknap  was 
impeached  by  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, but  escaped  convic- 
tion in  the  Senate  by  resigning. 
The  President's  attitude  is  shown 
by  his  statements:  "Turn  the 
rascals  out,"  and,  "  let  no  guilty 


SAMUEL  J.  TILUEN 


man  escape."  Grant  was  criticised,  however,  because  he 
seemed  to  favor  the  grafters,  as  he  was  loath  to  believe  his 
friends  guilty  of  wrongdoing. 

382.  The  Disputed  Election  of  1876.  — The  closing  scene 
of  the  reconstruction  tragedy  was  enacted  in  connection  with 
the  presidential  election  of  November,  1876.  The  candi- 
dates were  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  of  Ohio  and  Samuel  J. 
Tilden  of  New  York.  The  campaign  was  rather  uninterest- 
ing until  the  day  after  the  votes  were  polled,  when  it  became 
evident  that  both  parties  would  claim  the  electoral  vote  of 
several  states.  On  the  face  of  the  returns,  as  reported  origi- 
nally, Tilden  had  a  fair  majority,  but  the  Republicans  claimed 
the  electoral  vote  of  the  states  of  Florida,  South  Carolina, 
and  Louisiana,  as  well  as  one  elector  from  Oregon.  In 
these  southern  states  the  contest  between  the  carpetbaggers 


Rhodes, 
United  States, 
VI,  1-18, 
182-191. 


Cause  of  the 
dispute. 

Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
280-283. 


446 


American  History 


[1876 


Electoral  com- 
mission (1877). 


Burgess,  Re- 
construction, 
283-295. 


Johnston, 
Am.  Pol.  Hist., 
H,  544-552. 


and  the  native  whites  made  it  possible  to  send  in  two  sets 
of  returns.  If  all  of  the  votes  in  dispute  were  counted  for 
Tilden,  he  would  have  203  votes  to  166  for  Hayes.  If  all 
were  counted  for  Hayes,  he  would  have  185  and  Tilden  184. 
The  electoral  votes  were  sent  to  Congress,  in  January, 
1877,  the  Senate  being  Republican  and  the  House  Demo- 
cratic. They  were  opened  by  the 
president  of  the  Senate,1  but  it 
was  decided  that  he  had  no  au- 
thority to  count  either  set  of  the 
votes  in  dispute,  and  the  matter 
was  referred  to  an  "  electoral  com- 
mission "  of  fifteen  whose  recom- 
mendations should  be  accepted 
unless  refused  by  both  houses. 
The  commission  was  to  consist  of 
five  senators,  five  representatives, 
and  five  justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  As  eight  of  these  elected 
to  the  commission  were  Republicans,  all  questions  in  dis- 
pute were  settled  by  a  party  vote  of  eight  to  seven,  and, 

. 1  Amendment  XII  of  Constitution, 


RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES 


1877]      Incidents  of  the  Reconstruction  Period      447 

on  March  2,  1877,  Hayes  was  declared  to  be  elected  by  a 
majority  of  one  vote. 

It  was  understood  but  not  agreed  that,  if  elected,  Hayes  Hayes's  south- 
would  withdraw  the  troops  from  the  South  and  allow  the  ern  P°licy- 
former  Confederate  states  to  conduct  their  own  governments 
without  interference  from  Washington.    This  was  the  real   Burgess,  Re- 

end  of  reconstruction  in  the  South.     From  this  time,  normal  construction> 

295-298. 
conditions  being  restored,  the  South  began  to  take  advantage 

of  the  great  resources  at  her  command  and  developed  with 
amazing  rapidity. 

NATIONAL  CHANGES  (1861-1877) 

383.  National  Development. — The  period  of  the  Civil  General. 
War  and  reconstruction  —  that  is,  the  years  from  1861  to 
1877  —  was  an  era  of  changes  as  important  as  those  that  had 
taken  place  in  the  epoch-making  Revolutionary  period 
(1775-1789).  In  each  case  a  war  which  had  been  brought 
about  by  conflict  between  two  different  systems  of  govern- 
ment and  society  left  the  United  States  very  different  from 
the  country  it  had  found.  In  each  case  the  war  had  ex- 
erted an  almost  inestimable  influence  in  developing  a  stronger 
nation. 

Before  the  Civil  War  the  relation  of  the  nation  to  the  Triumph  of 
states  had  been  a  disputed  one.     A  fairly  large  minority  of  national 
the  peop!6  still  held  that  the  states  were  sovereign  and 
believed  that  Congress  should  be  no  more  than  the  agent  of 
the  states.    This  position  could  no  longer  be  held,  since  Johnston' 

Am.Pol.Hist, 

the  events  of  the  war  and  of  the  reconstruction  epoch  had   11,343-336. 
shown  beyond  question  that  the  nation  was  sovereign  and 
that  Congress  was  not  the  law-making  body  of  a  league 
of  states.    The  right  of  the  nation  to  coerce  a  state  which 
attempted  to  secede  had  been  proved  by  the  failure  of 
secession.     After  one  hundred  years  of  dispute  over  the 
question  of  whether  the  nation  was  sovereign  or  whether 
the  states  were  sovereign,  there  was  no  longer  the  slightest 
doubt  as  to  the  supremacy  of  the  nation. 
The  second  great  change  of  the  period  was  the  destruction 


448 


American  History 


[1861- 


of  the  system  of  slavery  which  had  been  the  chief  factor 
before  the  war  in  developing  sectionalism.  Freed  from  the 
blighting  influence  of  slavery,  the  South  was  able  to  make  use 
of  its  natural  resources  and  to  devote  its  energies  to  new 
occupations;  in  short,  to  gain  a  share  in  the  general  progress 
of  the  world,  from  which  it  had  been  debarred  by  slavery 
before  the  Civil  War  (§  320). 

384.  Changes  in  the  Written  Constitution.  —  In  spite 
of  the  very  radical  changes  in  the  relation  of  the  nation  to  the 
states,  and  in  the  real  constitution  of  the  United  States,  the 
changes  in  the  written  Constitution  were  comparatively  few. 
Only  three  amendments  had  been  added  to  that  valuable 
document.  Nominally  all  of  these  were  for  the  purpose  of 
protecting  the  negroes,  although  they  have  helped  to  estab- 
lish the  supremacy  of  the  nation  over  the  states.  This  is 
partially  the  case  with  the  thirteenth  and  fifteenth  amend- 
ments, in  which  the  nation  decided  matters  controlled 
exclusively  by  the  states  before  the  war  began.  Without  the 
war  few  states,  North  or  South,  could  have  been  persuaded 
to  surrender  to  the  nation  the  right  which  they  had  had  as 
states  to  control  the  question  of  slavery  within  their  own 
limits.  Without  the  war  it  would  have  been  difficult,  per- 
haps impossible,  for  the  nation  to  have  placed  limitations 
on  the  right  of  each  state  to  decide  for  itself  who  should  vote 
within  its  limits. 

More  important  than  these  amendments,  from  a  national 
standpoint,  were  the  provisions  in  the  first  article  of  Amend- 
ment XIV.  Before  the  Civil  War  those  who  upheld  the 
doctrine  of  state  sovereignty  denied  that  there  was  such  a 
thing  as  real  citizenship  of  the  United  States.1  They  con- 
tended that  every  man  owed  allegiance  to  his  state  only, 
since  he  was  a  citizen  of  the  state  only.  The  reality  of 
United  States  citizenship,2  with  its  corollary  of  allegiance  to 
the  nation  alone,  was  made  clear  by  the  first  clause  of  the 

1  Except  in  national  "  territory." 

2  On  state  and  United  States  citizenship  and  the  rights  of  each,  consult 
Ashley,  American  Government,  §§  264-266. 


1877]  National  Changes  449 

fourteenth  amendment.  Later  clauses  prevented  the  states 
from  interfering  with  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  or  of  restricting  unjustly  the  rights  of  state  citizen- 
ship. 

385.  Changes    in    the    Unwritten    Constitution. — The  increase  of 

constitution  of   the  United    States  consists  not  simply  of  nat!°n^1 

authority, 
the  written  Constitution,  but  of  an     unwritten  constitution." 

This  unwritten  constitution  includes  all  important  laws 
or  court  decisions  which  explain  or  supplement  the  written 
Constitution.  During  the  war,  of  course,  it  had  been  neces- 
sary to  use  powers  that  were  extra-constitutional.  This  was 
justified  on  the  ground  that  unless  the  Union  was  preserved, 
thfe  Constitution  would  be  destroyed.  During  the  process 
of  reconstruction  also  extra-constitutional  measures  were 
passed  because,  in  the  opinion  of  the  nation's  rulers,  they 
were  demanded  by  public  necessity.  At  the  close  of  the 
period  of  reconstruction,  the  national  government  ceased 
to  use  these  powers  which  would  have  been  unconstitutional 
under  normal  conditions,  but  it  continued  to  use  powers 
which  before  the  war  would  have  been  considered  uncon- 
stitutional, but  which  were  now  deemed  legal.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  this  was  done,  for  the  war  had  developed  a 
much  stronger  national  sentiment  than  had  ever  existed 
before.  The  national  government  had  become  so  central- 
ized that  it  could  not  be  expected  to  give  up  most  of  the 
powers  that  it  had  acquired  since  1860,  and  the  Supreme 
Court,  reflecting  popular  wishes,  gave  its  support  to  the 
doctrine  that  since  the  United  States  was  a  nation,  the  Con- 
stitution should  be  interpreted  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  the 
central  government  power  to  do  what  was  for  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  nation,  provided  the  Constitution  did  not  forbid 
the  use  of  such  a  power. 

386.  The  National  Government.  —  In  form  the  national  The  president, 
government  was  changed  little ;  in  power  it  was  as  different 

from  the  government  at  Washington  before  1861  as  the 
nation  in  1877  was  unlike  the  nation  of  two  decades  earlier. 
By  virtue  of  the  exercise  of  war  powers  the  president  had  for 

2G 


450 


American  History 


[1861- 


a  short  time  increased  the  authority  of  his  position  immeasur- 
ably. After  the  close  of  the  war  of  necessity  this  power  was 
reduced  greatly  because  of  the  return  to  peace  conditions. 
It  was  reduced  still  further  by  the  interference  of  Congress 
with  so  many  undoubted  rights  of  the  president  that  our 
chief  executive,  although  more  powerful  than  before  the  war, 
was  in  danger  of  becoming  subordinate  to  Congress. 
Powers  of  Although  the  expansion  of  congressional  authority  during 

Congress.          fae  war  wag  jegs  markeci  than  {nat  of  tne  president,  a  very 

large  part  of  this  new-found  power  was  retained  by  Con- 
gress and  still  more  powers  were  exercised  after  the  war 
at  the  expense  of  the  president  or  the  states.  In  short 
the  war  and  reconstruction  period  left  Congress  much  the 
most  powerful  political  organization  in  our  system  of 
government.  The  way  in  which  Congress  forced  the  once 
proud  southern  states  to  recognize  negro  rights,  to  allow  the 
negro  a  vote,  and  to  accept  conditions  that  were  humiliat- 
ing in  view  of  their  recent  claim  to  state  sovereignty,  was 
almost  pitiful.  Congress  undoubtedly  would  have  seized 
and  retained  even  more  of  the  rights  of  states  than  it  did  but 
for  the  action  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  declaring  that  it  was 
exceeding  its  powers,  for  example,  when  it  tried  to  prevent 
discrimination  against  negroes  in  any  inn  or  on  any  railway 
in  the  country.1  A  comparison  of  the  national  finances 
before  the  war  and  twenty  years  later  will  show  that  Congress 
had  assumed  many  new  duties  and  had  radically  changed 
the  system  of  taxation  to  which  the  country  had  been  ac- 
customed for  sixty  years  (§  389).  By  the  creation  of  a  paper 
currency  during  the  war,  and  the  refusal  afterward  to  with- 
draw this  currency  from  circulation,  Congress  asserted  its 
right  to  exercise  a  power  which  the  Constitution  did  not 
authorize  and  which  the  constitutional  convention  of  1787 
believed  Congress  might  use  as  a  temporary  expedient  only 
in  time  of  great  need  (§  390). 

Business  387.  New  National  Industrial  Conditions.  —  Even  more 

before  the  war.  directly  did  the  war  influence  the  industry  of  the  United 

1  Civil  Rights  Law  of  1875,  declared  unconstitutional  1883. 


1877]  National  Changes  451 

States.  In  1860  the  people  were  still  devoted  almost 
exclusively  to  agriculture.  There  was  little  manufacturing, 
and  almost  none  at  all  on  what  we  should  consider  a  large 
scale.  Almost  all  money  in  use  was  in  the  form  of  state 
bank  bills,  which  did  not  pass  at  their  face  value  outside  of 
the  state  where  they  were  issued  and  often  were  worth  little 
anywhere,  because  they  were  issued  in  such  quantities. 
This  lack  of  a  really  national  currency  prevented  the  devel- 
opment of  interstate  trade.  In  consequence  few  companies 
commanded  a  large  market  or  exported  extensively,  while  the 
value  of  manufactured  imports  was  large. 

During  the  war  manufacturing  had  been  stimulated  by  the   During  the 
need  of  providing  the  troops  with  necessaries  and  of  furnish-  war< 
ing  materials   for  the  prosecution  of  military  campaigns. 
The  high  tariff  had  more  than  counterbalanced  taxes  on  pro- 
duction, and  this  reduction  of  foreign  competition  coupled 
with  high  prices  had  proved  a  boon  to  manufacturers. 

When  peace  came,  the  internal  taxes  were  removed,  while  After  the  war. 
the  tariff  was  changed  very  little  for  a  quarter  of  a  century. 
This  assured  sufficient  protection  to  warrant  the  invest- 
ment of  still  more  capital  in  industry.  Large  companies 
were  organized.  Firms  which  before  had  been  content 
with  local  markets  began  doing  business  in  several  states. 
New  commercial  ties  were  formed  by  men  in  different  parts 
of  the  Union  so  that  many  of  the  old  sectional  prejudices 
were  forgotten.  By  this  obliteration  of  state  lines  in  busi- 
ness, the  unity  of  the  nation  was  developed  as  at  no  earlier 
time.  The  marked  difference  between  the  United  States, 
commercially  and  industrially,  before  the  Civil  War  and 
after  that  conflict  can  be  appreciated  perhaps  by  examining 
the  opening  sections  of  the  next  chapter. 

TOPICS 

i.  THE  PROCESS  OF  RECONSTRUCTION:  Dunning,  " Civil  War 
and  Reconstruction,"  pp.  176-252;  Burgess,  "Reconstruction  and 
the  Constitution,"  pp.  144-156,  222-246;  Rhodes,  "United  States 
since  1850,"  VI,  pp.  60-97,  168-178,  284-305;  Cox,  "Three  Decades 
of  Federal  Legislation,"  pp.  480-577. 


452  American  History  [1877 

2.  IMPEACHMENT  OF  PRESIDENT  JOHNSON:    Burgess,  "Recon- 
struction and  the  Constitution,"  pp.  172-192;  Dunning,  "Civil  War 
and  Reconstruction,"  pp.  253-303;   Elaine,  "Twenty  Years  of  Con- 
gress," I,  pp.  341-384;    Rhodes,  "United  States  since   1850,"  VI, 
pp.  98-157. 

3.  DISPUTED  ELECTION  OF  1876:    Stanwood,   "History  of  the 
Presidency,"  pp.  356-393;   Cox,  "Three  Decades  of  Federal  Legis- 
lation," pp.  651-668;    Rhodes,  "United  States  since  1850,"  VII, 
pp.  206-281;  Haworth,  "Disputed  Presidential  Election  of  1876." 

STUDIES 

1.  The  condition  of  the  South  (1865).     (Hart  (ed.),  "Contem- 
poraries," IV,  Nos.  141-144.) 

2.  Powers  exercised  by  the  Freedmen's  Bureau.     (MacDonald, 
"Select  Statutes,"  No.  51.) 

3.  Attempt  to  remove   Stanton  from  office.     (Blaine,  "Twenty 
Years  of  Congress,"  II,  pp.  348-355.) 

4.  The  trial  of  Johnson  before  the  Senate.     (Ross,   E.  G.,  in 
Scribner's,  XI  (1891),  pp.  519-524.) 

5.  Ku  Klux  movement.     (Brown,   "Lower  South  in  American 
History,"  pp.  191-228.) 

6.  Carpetbag  government  in  South  Carolina.     (Rhodes,  "  United 
States,"  VI,  pp.  142-168.) 

7.  Political   contests   in   Louisiana.     (Andrews,    "United   States 
in  our  Own  Times,"  pp.  152-167.) 

8.  Nast's  services  in    breaking    up  the   Tweed   ring.     (Paine, 
"Thomas  Nast.") 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Summarize  the  practical  and  the  theoretical  problems  of  re- 
construction as  they  existed  in  1865.     How  did  the  plan  that  was 
adopted  solve  each  of  these  ?    Do  you  agree  with  Professor  Burgess 
that  the  North  should  acknowledge  that  reconstruction  was  an  error 
as  well  as  a  failure  ? 

2.  Were  the  rights  of  whites  and  blacks  in  the  South  protected 
by  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  and  the  Civil  Rights  Bill?    What  new 
principles  did  the  latter  introduce  into  our  system  of  government? 
Were  those  principles  incorporated  permanently  or  not  ? 

3.  Compare  the  three  amendments  to  the  written  Constitution 
in  regard  to  provisions,  importance,  and  results.     Make  a  complete 
comparison   of   the    Emancipation   Proclamation   and   Amendment 
XIII ;  of  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  and  Amendment  XIV. 

4.  Enumerate  the  most  important  changes  in  the  written  Consti- 
tution during  the  reconstruction  period.     Did  the  changes  (1861-1877) 
constitute  a  revolution? 


PART  V 
THE   NEW   NATION   (1865-1907) 

CHAPTER  XIX 
INTERNAL  DEVELOPMENT   (1865-1886) 

PRESIDENTS 

Andrew  Johnson  (1865-1869)  James  A.  Garfield  (1881-1881) 
Ulysses  S.  Grant  (1869-1877)  Chester  A.  Arthur  (1881-1885) 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes  (1877-1881)  Grover  Cleveland  (1885-1889) 

388.  Changes  Following  the  War. — There  can  be  no  Business  activ- 
greater  mistake  than  to  imagine  that  during  the  Civil  War  the  lty  ^  5~T  77'' 
energies  of  the  North  were  entirely  absorbed  in  carrying  on 
that  conflict  or  in  supposing  that  during  the  succeeding  years 
the  reconstruction  of  the  Confederate  states  engaged  the 
attention  of  more  than  a  small  proportion  of  the  people. 
When  the  crisis  was  past  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
no  longer  in  doubt,  the  vast  majority  were  aroused  by  the 
new  business  opportunities  to  improve  their  financial  con- 
dition. At  the  close  of  the  war  a  million  and  a  half  of  men, 
North  and  South,  returned  to  the  ordinary  walks  of  life  within 
a  few  months.  The  business  of  the  North,  stimulated  rather 
than  retarded  by  the  war,  increased  in  volume  manyfold. 
There  probably  never  has  been  a  period  of  more  numerous 
radical  business  changes  or  greater  apparent  prosperity  than 
the  period  of  reconstruction.  During  those  years  the  wealth 
of  the  United  States  nearly  doubled.  The  larger  cities 
engaged  in  commerce  on  a  large  scale.  In  the  smaller 
towns  new  factories  were  started.  Immigration  from 
Europe  began  anew.  Into  the  West  flocked  a  host  of  sturdy 
pioneers  who  settled  with  their  families  on  the  farms  which 

453 


454 


American  History 


[1865 


Extravagance 
and  panic. 


the  national  government  sold  to  them  on  liberal  terms.1 
New  lines  of  railway  were  built  in  all  parts  of  the  Union, 
especially  in  the  West. 

As  the  country  was  flooded  with  the  large  issues  of  national 
paper  money  —  greenbacks  and  national  bank  notes, — gold 
and  silver  coins  were  no  longer  in  regular  circulation  during 
this  period,  high  prices  prevailed,  and  speculation  was  com- 
mon. People  bought  and  sold  recklessly,  fortunes  un- 
dreamed of  before  the  wa*r  were  made  within  short  periods, 
and  private  extravagance  began  to  replace  the  cautious 
expenditures  of  the  earlier  period.  Prosperity  soon  led  to 
panic  (1873)  and  panic  to  hard  times  (1873-1877).  The 
country  recovered  from  this  experience  about  the  time  that 
reconstruction  was  completed  in  the  South,  and  after  1877 
it  settled  down  to  the  new  methods  of  business  and  new 
standards  of  living  under  fairly  normal  conditions. 

FINANCIAL  AND  INDUSTRIAL  READJUSTMENT   (1865-1879) 

National  debt.  389.  Bonds  and  Taxes  after  the  War.  —  At  the  close  of 
the  war  the  debt  of  the  United  States  was  nearly  three  bil- 
lions of  dollars.  It  included  more  than  four  hundred  millions 
in  greenbacks  and  other  notes  which  bore  no  interest,  but 
most  of  the  debt  was  in  the  form  of  bonds,  with  interest  at  five 
per  cent  or  six  per  cent.  Some  of  the  bonds  were  payable 
in  coin  only,  but  the  laws  authorizing  others  had  not  stated  in 
what  kind  of  currency  they  were  to  be  paid.  As  they  had 
been  sold  for  paper  money,  in  almost  every  instance,  many 
people  insisted  that  these  latter  bonds  be  paid  in  green- 
backs. In  fact  the  Democratic  platform  (1868)  contained  a 
plank  favoring  this  method,  but  the  government,  in  order  to 
maintain  its  credit  and  to  facilitate  the  sale  of  the  new  bonds 
that  were  to  replace  the  old  ones,  decided  to  pay  all  in  coin. 
When  peace  came  in  1865,  the  government  sought  to 
reduce  the  taxes  as  soon  as  possible,  but  until  the  panic  of 
1873  there  was  a  surplus  of  receipts  over  expenditures.  The 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§§  148-152. 


Taxes. 


1  Homestead  Act  of   1862,  see  Coman,  Industrial  History  of  United 
States,  pp.  27.9-282. 


1875]      Financial  and  Industrial  Readjustment      455 

most  objectionable  features  of  the  internal  system  were   Dewey,  /**»* 
repealed,  including  the  income  taxes  and  the  taxes  on  manu-  dai  Hist., 
factures,  but  the  excises  on  liquors  and  tobacco  were  retained,  •*'  *    '  I^r* 
the  annual  revenue  from  this  source  after  1870  being  but 
little  less  than  that  from  customs  duties.     No  important 
change  was  made  in  the  tariff  *  in  spite  of  the  reduction  in 
the  internal  taxes  on  manufactured  articles  which  were 
protected  from  foreign  competition,  so  that  the  rates  were 
more  than  twice  what  they  had  been  before  the  war  and  the 
inducement  to  invest  capital  in  industry  was  very  great. 

390.  The   Greenbacks.  —  As   the   greenbacks   had  been   issuance  and 
intended   to   help   the  government  during  the  war  only,  constitution- 
steps   were  taken  by  the  treasury  department  as  early  as  a  '  y' 
1865  to  retire  them  from  circulation.    Those  who  desired 


the  withdrawal  of  the  paper  money  were  called  "  contrac-     .e!v^.'   man" 

J  cial  Hist., 

tionists,"  their  opponents  were  known  as  "  inflationists."   §§  154-156. 

Contraction  of  the  currency  proved  to  be  unpopular  and  was 

abandoned  in  1868,  but  in  1869  the  Supreme  Court  decided  White,  Money, 

that  Congress  had  no  power  to  make  those  notes  legal   I34-i49. 

tender.    This  decision  was  reversed  two  years  later  when 

the  reorganized  court  declared  that  the  national  govern- 

ment might  issue  legal-tender  paper  money  in  time  of  war. 

During  the  hard  times  of  the  yo's  the  treasury  department  vi,  222-225, 

issued  new  greenbacks,  and  in  1884,  when  the  Supreme  2S8~273- 

Court  was  asked  to  decide  whether  these  issues  were  con- 

stitutional, it  gave  its  opinion  that  "  Congress,  as  the  legis- 

lature of  a  sovereign  nation,"  has  the  right  to  issue  legal- 

tender  notes  at  its  discretion.2 

In  spite  of  the  hard  times  after  1873,  repeated  attempts   Resumption  ot 

were  made  to  resume  specie  payments.     Finally  in  18715  a  sPeciePav' 

ments  (1879). 

1  In  1872  the  duties  on  tea  and  coffee  were  abolished  and  a  horizontal  re- 
duction of  ten  per  cent  was  made  on  other  rates,  but  the  original  rates 
were  restored  in  1875,  except  that  tea  and  coffee  were  left  on  the  free  list. 

2  It  might  do  this  because  of  powers  specifically  conferred  on  it  by  the 
Constitution  (Art.  i,  §  8,  els.  i,  2,  and  5)  and  because  "  the  power  to  make 
the  notes  of  the  government  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  private  debts  is 
one  of  the  powers  belonging  to  sovereignty  in  other  civilized  nations,  and 
not  «xpressly  withheld  from  Congress  by  the  Constitution." 


456 


American  History 


[1875 


Oewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
}§  159, 160. 


Burgess, 
Reconstruction , 
276-279. 


Upton,  J.  K.,in 
Scribner's, 
XII  (1892), 
124-128. 


Greenback 
party  (1878). 


Wilson,  Am. 
People,  V, 
143-  I4S-I46. 

Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
«  161. 


Silver  laws  of 
1834,  1854,  and 
1873- 


law  was  passed  which  provided  for  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1879.  John 
Sherman,  as  secretary  of  the  treasury,  took  charge  of  collect- 
ing gold  to  be  used  as  a  reserve  for  the  redemption  of  green- 
backs, and  succeeded  so  well  that  he  had  $133,000,000  at 
his  command  on  the  day  set  for  redemption.  Few  notes 
were  presented  for  payment  at  that  time,  as  greenbacks  now 
circulated  on  a  par  with  gold,  but  the  government  sought 
thereafter  to  keep  a  reserve  of  at  least  one  hundred  millions 
for  the  redemption  of  the  green- 
backs and  other  notes  which  it 
had  outstanding. 

Although  the  government  kept 
the  greenbacks  in  circulation  and 
the  courts  upheld  the  right  of  Con- 
gress to  issue  them  in  times  of 
peace,  many  persons  were  dissatis- 
fied with  the  government's  decision 
to  pay  all  of  its  obligations  in  coin 
and  its  avowed  intention  of  re- 
deeming the  greenbacks  in  specie, 
thereby  increasing  the  value  of 
every  paper  bill  until  it  was  worth  as  much  as  gold. 
Many  of  the  most  radical  opponents  of  this  policy  united 
and  formed  a  political  party  called  the  Greenback  party, 
which  in  1878  polled  more  than  one  million  votes.  The 
return  of  "  good  times  "  did  much  to  counteract  this  ex- 
tensive "  inflation  "  movement,  and  the  influence  of  the 
"  Greenbackers  "  on  legislation  was  not  great. 

391.  Laws  Relating  to  Silver.  —  In  1834  Congress  had 
adopted  a  law  for  the  free  coinage  *  of  gold  and  silver  at  a 

1  The  free  or  unlimited  (not  gratuitous)  coinage  of  a  metal  is  permitted 
when  the  government  allows  any  one  having  bullion  of  that  metal  to  take 
the  bullion  to  the  mint  and  receive  in  exchange  coins  of  the  same  metal 
equaling  in  weight  the  bullion  brought.  Limited  coinage  takes  place 
when  the  government  and  the  government  alone  can  change  the  bullion 
into  coins.  On  the  subject  of  free  coinage  of  one  metal  or  two  metals,  see 
Gide,  Political  Economy*  246-257. 


JOHN  SHERMAN 


1879]     Financial  and  Industrial  Readjustment     457 

legal  ratio  of  16  to  i.     Under  this  law  very  little  silver 
was  coined,  and  in  order  to  supply  the  country  with  small 
change,  Congress  in  1854  provided  that  the  silver  coins  of  white,  Money, 
a  denomination  less  than  one  dollar  should  contain  less  34-37- 
silver  than  formerly,  but  should  be  minted  from  silver  pur- 
chased by  the  government.    This  left  the  dollar  as  the  only 
silver  coin  subject  to  free  coinage,  but  for  business  rea-  Dewey,  Finan- 
sons  very  few  silver  dollars  were  minted.    This  condition,  ciai  mst., 
coupled  with  the  fact  that  only  paper  money  had  been  used  7°° 

in  ordinary  circulation  for  several  years,  led  Congress  in 
1873  to  pass  a  law  declaring  that  the  silver  dollar  should 
no  longer  be  subject  to  free  coinage.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
the  congressmen  realized  fully  that  this  would  establish 
gold  monometallism  in  the  United  States,  so  that  few  if  any 
could  be  accused  of  deliberate  participation  in  a  "crime  of 

1873." 

This  act  happened  to  coincide  in  time  with  the  opening  Bland-Allison 
of  many  new  silver  mines  in  the  Rocky  mountain  states,  and  Act  (I878)- 
with  action  on  the  part  of  Germany,  France,  and  several  other 
nations  which  was  unfavorable  to  silver.     Consequently,  the   Dewey,  Finan- 

r      M  ji-jr  <n«  •          r>  cial  Hist.. 

price  of  silver  declined  from  $1.20  an  ounce  in  1870  to    , 
$1.05  an  ounce  in  1878.     In  order  to  raise  the  price  of 
silver  and  in  order  also  to  gain  a  cheaper  money  in  which      h 
they  might  repay  their  debts,  large  numbers  of  persons   193-199. 
demanded  the  free  coinage  of  silver.     A  bill  to  that  effect 
was  introduced  in  the  House  by  Bland  of  Missouri,  but  in  the 
Senate  it  was  changed  at  the  suggestion  of  Senator  Allison 
of  Iowa  so  that  the  government  was  to  purchase  not  less 
than  $2,000,000  nor  more  than  $4,000,000  worth  of  silver 
per  month  at  the  market  price,  and  coin  it  into  dollars. 
Even  in  this  modified  form  the  bill  was  vetoed  by  President 
Hayes,  but  it  was  passed  over  his  veto. 

392.  Business  after  the  War.  —  In  the  decade  following  Mining, 
the  war  the  natural  resources  of  the  country  were  developed 
as  never  before.    New  silver  mines  were  opened  not  alone  in  coman,  Indus* 
Nevada,  where  the  Comstock  Lode  and  other  mines  yielded  trial  Hist^ 
immense  fortunes,  but  in  the  Black  Hills  of  Dakota  and  at  273~277- 


458 


American  History 


[1865- 


Leadville,  Colorado,  to  which  thousands  flocked  in  search 
of  wealth.  Iron  and  copper  were  mined  much  more  ex- 
tensively, particularly  in  the  upper  Michigan  peninsula,  and 
the  coal  output  of  the  United  States  increased  five  hundred 
per  cent.  Especially  in  northwestern  Pennsylvania  the  pro- 
duction of  petroleum  drew  throngs  which  sought  fortunes 

in  the  oil  fields. 
When  this  crude  oil 
was  refined,  it  was 
found  to  be  a  very 
fine  illuminant  and 
was  sold  extensively 
in  the  United  States 
and  in  Europe. 

Manu-  e\—  1,^  I  _L_LJ        Conditions     were 

facturing.  SL4-4J  ,H  I  V\         especially    favorable 

for  manufacturing. 
The  increasing  sup- 
ply of  raw  materials, 

1870          1880          1890          1900    1U05  r  • 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES     the    demand    for 

greater  conveniences 
and    more    luxuries 
than  before  the  war, 
Wright,  Indus-  the  extension  of  the  railways  and  the  cheapening  of  trans- 
triai Evolution,  portation,  aided  in  this  movement.    More  than  anything  else 
the  high  protective  duties,  preventing  keen  competition  from 
abroad,  made  manufacturing  investments  desirable.     From 
1860  to  1880  the  value  of  manufactured  articles  increased 
from  less  than  $2,000,000,000  to  nearly  $5,500,000,000. 

Foreign  commerce  revived  very  rapidly  after  the  war. 
In  1865  our  total  exports  and  imports  amounted  to  but 
$465,000,000.  Eight  years  later  they  were  nearly  three 
times  that  figure,  and,  although  the  depression  from  1873 
to  1878  reduced  the  amount  of  our  foreign  trade,  it  never 
again  fell  below  $1,000,000,000  a  year. 

393.  Agriculture  and  the  West.  —  During  the  period  from 
1865  to  1880,  which  was  one  of  distinctively  national  growth, 


-LIONS  OF  DOLLARS 

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/ 

/ 

/ 

/ 

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-», 

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— 



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— 

•  — 

~- 

... 

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„„- 

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~' 

""- 

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(I87O-  I9O5) 

Manufactured,  product! 

Agricultural  prcxtucti—— 
Foreign  Commerce — 


159-188. 


Foreign  com- 
merce. 


i88o]     Financial  and  Industrial  Readjustment     459 

the  United  States  was  fortunate  enough  to  avoid  one  of  the   Agriculture  in 

great  dangers  which  are  likely  to  accompany  rapid  industrial  the  South  and 

and  commercial  development,  namely,  the  loss  of  a  sturdy, 

middle  class  of  farmers.     In  1880  there  was  just  twice  the 

number  of  farms  in  this  country  that  there  were  in  1860,    Jucec   «* 

*  JMew  c>outn, 

a  truly  remarkable  change.  This  can  be  accounted  for  in  17-28. 
several  ways.  First,  in  the  South,  agriculture  was  emanci- 
pated from  the  former  system  of  large  plantations  exclusively, 
with  crude  labor,  and,  although  numerous  large  cotton  and 
tobacco  plantations  remained,  there  were  now  very  many 
small  farms  devoted  to  various  crops  and  supporting  one 
family  rather  than  a  colony.  This  was  fortunate  for  the 
South,  as  the  people  did  not  recover  easily  from  the  losses 
and  hardships  of  the  war  and  reconstruction.  Second, 
iii  the  East  more  attention  was  being  paid  to  intensive 
farming,  as  it  was  found  difficult  to  compete  with  the  cheap 
western  lands  in  the  growing  of  cereals.  Near  the  cities 
small  truck  farms  conducted  on  scientific  principles  were 
found  exceedingly  profitable. 

Third.     Into  the  West  poured  hundreds  of  thousands  who  Agriculture  in 
were  attracted  to  the  rougher  life  of  the  frontier,  or  were  the  West- 
drawn  on  by  the  offers  of  cheap  land  made  by  the  govern- 
ment or  the  railways.      In  1862  Congress  had  passed  the  Coman-  Indus. 

TT  ,  .  .  trial  Hist., 

Homestead  Act,  permitting  any  one  who  was  a  citizen  or  2/7g_2&a 
intended  to  become  a  citizen  to  acquire  160  acres  of  land  by 
remaining  on  it  five  yeLrs,  the  money  payment  being  purely 
nominal.  Last,  when  hard  times  after  1873  reduced  the 
demand  for  labor  in  industry  and  commerce,  many  thousands 
turned  their  attention  to  agriculture,  which  suffered  less  from 
the  panic  than  any  other  occupation. 

Aside  from  the  social  advantages  derived  from  the  in-  Agricultural 
creasing  tendency  to  become  a  nation  of  small  farmers,   development 
the  agricultural  changes   of  this   period   are   noteworthy. 
The  quantity  which  was  grown  doubled  during  the  fifteen 
years   following    the  war,    and  in  the  case  of  wheat,  the 
increase  was  even  greater.     With  the  opening  of  large  grain 
farms  in  the  western  part  of  the  Mississippi  valley  and  the 


460 


American  His  lory 


[1865- 


Railways  after 
the  Civil  War. 


Haynes,  Rail- 
way Legisla- 
tion, 82-96. 


Johnson,  Rail- 
way Transpor- 
tation, 27-28, 
311-316. 


First  trans- 
continental 
railway. 

Coman, 
Industrial 
Hist..  282-286. 


construction  of  railways  in  that  region,  we  began  to  export 
large  quantities  of  flour  and  other  bread  stuffs  to  Europe,  the 
real  beginning  of  our  most  important  modern  export  trade. 

TRANSPORTATION  PROBLEMS  (1865-1887) 

394.  Development  of  the  West  by  Means  of  Railways.  — • 
We  have  already  noted  the  care  taken  by  the  state  govern- 
ments, particularly  in  the  West,  to  develop  railway  com- 
munication within  their  territory  (§  284).  In  1850  the 
United  States  began  to  take  part  in  this  movement  by  making 
grants  of  land  to  the  states  to  be  used  as  a  bonus  for  rail- 
way lines.  Much  had  been  done  in  this  way  before  1860, 
when  the  United  States  possessed  30,000  miles  of  railway. 
During  the  war  the  need  of  moving  troops  or  provisions, 
and  after  the  war  the  increased  demands  of  the  exporters 
in  the  coast  cities,  the  eastern  manufacturers,  the  farmers, 
and  the  western  miners,  emphasized  the  need  of  better 
means  of  communication.  This  led  to  an  era  of  railway 
construction  that  in  eight  years  (1866-1874)  more  than 
doubled  the  mileage  of  the  country.  New  sections  were 
thus  offered  to  settlement,  inducements  being  made  by 
the  railways  which  offered  to  carry  settlers  and  their  families 
at  very  low  rates.  Lands  were  granted  almost  without  cost 
not  only  by  the  government  under  the  Homestead  Act,  but 
by  railways,  which  advertised  widely  the  advantages  of  the 
farms  they  had  for  sale.  These  lands  had  been  given  to 
the  railways  as  a  bonus  for  building  a  line  through  a  region 
that  could  not  possibly  support  a  railway  until  it  was  densely 
populated.  The  result  was,  of  course,  greatly  improved 
means  of  communication  in  the  Northwest,  accompanied 
by  the  rapid  settlement  of  the  western  prairies  and  an  agri- 
cultural advance  that  was  marvelous. 

The  most  important  railway  enterprise  of  this  period  was 
the  construction  of  a  transcontinental  railway  from  the 
Missouri  River  to  the  Pacific  coast.  This  was  authorized 
by  Congress  in  1862,  the  national  government  making 
liberal  land  grants  and  loaning  a  large  sum  of  money  to  the 


i88o]  Transportation  Problems  461 

railway  companies.1    The  completion  of  the  road  in  1869  Dillon,  s.,  in 
was  an  event  of  great  importance  from  the  political  as  well  Scanner's, 

.,  .  ,  ,      .    ,  XII  (1892). 

as  the  commercial  standpoint.  253-259    ' 

395.  Railway  Abuses.  —  In  the  eastern  and  central  states 
many  of  the  railways  built  after  the  war  were  unnecessary.  Two  kinds  of 

(i)  Their  efforts  to  secure  business  led  to  cut-throat  com-  discrimination 

'     .        ,     .  ,  .  ,  ,,  ,.          in  the  East, 

petition  between  cities  which  were  on  more  than  one  line, 

so  that  goods  were  often  transported  between  two  points  at  Johnson,  Rail- 

an  actual  loss.    To  make  good  this  deficit,  the  railways  loayTranspor- 

charged  an  extra  amount  on  local  traffic.     If  a  shipper  '  lon>  2I7~227< 

wished  to  send  goods  from  Chicago  to  a  point  in  New  York  Haynes, 

or  Pennsylvania,  it  was  often  cheaper  to  ship  the  goods  to  Railway 

New  York  and  then  reship  them  back  over  the  same  line  to  Lesislatton> 

.....  207-213. 

the  intermediate  point.     (2)  This  discrimination  between 

different  places  was  less  serious  than  a  second  railway  Rogers,  Devt. 
abuse ;  namely,  the  discrimination  between  shippers,  which  °f  North> 
became  quite  common  after  1870.  By  granting  special 
rates  to  favored  shippers  the  railways  did  much  to  develop 
the  great  monopolies  which  were  often  able  to  destroy  the 
business  of  their  smaller  competitors,  because  of  the  cheaper 
transportation  secured  by  them.  For  example,  the  Stand- 
ard Oil  Company,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  succeeded  in  gaining 
control  of  most  of  the  refineries  in  that  city  and  in  the 
oil-producing  district  of  Pennsylvania,  partly  because  it 
obtained  lower  freight  rates  and  was  able  therefore  to  sell 
oil  for  less  than  its  competitors. 

By  combining,  the  railways  sought  to  protect  themselves  Pools, 
from  cut-throat  competition  and  to  keep  the  trusts  from 
forcing  them  into  giving  large  rebates.    The  object  of  these  Hadley, 
combinations  was  to  maintain  a  uniform  system  of  high   J" roa 

Transportation^ 

rates  on  all  of  the  railways  in  the  country.     But  the  ordinary  74-76, 91-97. 


1  The  amount  loaned  was  $16,000  per  mile  across  the  prairies,  $32,000  on 
the  mountainous  plateaus,  and  $48,000  per  mile  across  the  mountain 
ranges.  The  total  sum  of  over  $61,000,000  was  loaned  at  six  per  cent  for 
thirty  years  to  the  main  line  or  branches.  This  was  secured  by  first  mort- 
gage on  the  railways.  Between  1896  and  1899  all  of  the  principal  was  re- 
paid and  in  most  cases  interest  was  paid  also. 


462 


American  History 


[1870 


Johnson,  Rail-  combinations  failed  to  do  this  because  some  railway  was 
way  Transpor-  certam  to  cut  rates  in  order  to  secure  more  business.  Later 
a  plan  was  devised  to  arrange  beforehand  the  percentage  of 
the  profits  to  be  received  by  each  of  the  railways  in  the  com- 
bination, or  pool,  as  it  was  called,  so  that  there  would  be  no 
temptation  to  cut  rates. 

396.  The  Granger  Movement  and  Railway  Legislation.— 
In  the  West  the  situation  was  even  more  serious.  As  there 
was  less  competition,  there  was  less  need  of  combinations  to 
maintain  rates.  The  railways,  having  sold  most  of  their 


tation,  228-243. 


Abuses  in  the 
West. 


$2.00 
1.90 
1.80 
1.7U 
1.GO 
1.50 
1.40 
1.30 
1.20 
1.10 
l.UO 
.90 
.80 
.70 
.60 
.60 

la«7        '70                  'Tj                 '60                 '85                  '90                  '95                 19C 

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^,  — 

DECREASE  IN  RAILWAY  RATES  (1867  •  I90O) 


Granger 
legislation. 


Wilson,  Am. 

People, 

V,  124-128. 


desirable  lands  by  attracting  settlers  with  low  rates,  began  to 
charge  "  all  the  tariff  that  the  traffic  would  bear."  It  is 
probable  that  most  of  them  could  not  have  paid  expenses 
even  by  the  use  of  exorbitant  rates,  but  these  facts  were  lost 
sight  of  by  the  shippers  who  were  obliged  to  find  a  market 
for  their  products.  Throughout  the  West  spread  a  demand 
for  government  relief. 

The  cry  for  control  of  the  railways  was  taken  up  by  the 
Farmers'  Alliance,  which  had  been  originally  a  non-political 
body.  Hundreds  of  thousands  joined  the  Alliance  in  all 
parts  of  the  country,  and  in  several  state  elections  during  the 
seventies  the  question  of  railway  regulation  was  the  principal 
issue.  The  chief  aim  of  the  Grangers,  as  the  members  of 
the  Alliance  were  called,  was  to  secure  lower  rates.  Largely 
through  their  influence  state  railway  commissions  were 


1887]  Transportation  Problems  463 

appointed  which  had  the  right  to  fix  maximum  rates  and  Johnson,  Rail- 
dictate  the  policy  of  the  railways  in  other  respects.1    At  first  wa?  T™nsP°r- 
the  attempt  was  made  to  have  all  rates  as  low  as  those  be- 
tween two  places  which  enjoyed  keen,  unrestricted  competi- 
tion ;  but  as  it  was  found  that  this  only  injured  the  railways 
and  indirectly  hurt  the  shippers,  the  commissions  later  used 
their  powers  more  carefully. 

397.  The   Interstate  Commerce   Commission   (1887). —  Precedent 
As  the  larger  part  of  the  freight  transported  on  the  railways  events- 
of  the  United  States  is  carried  between  places  in  different 
states,  legislation  by  the  states  did  not  afford  the  relief  ex-  Johnson'  Rail' 

f  way  Transpor- 

pected  even  with  the  drastic  methods  used.     But  Congress  tation,  367-370. 

was  slow  to  take  action.     In  1878  a  bill  for  the  regulation  of 

interstate  trade  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  but 

not  the  Senate.      Nothing  was  done  until,  several  years 

later,  the  Illinois  commission  tried  to  apply  its  laws  to 

certain  trade  that  was  carried  on  between  Illinois  and  the 

neighboring  states.     The  Supreme  Court   of   the   United 

States  declared  that  the  Illinois  commission  had  no  right 

to  regulate  interstate  commerce,  as  Congress  alone  had  that 

power. 

So  widespread  a  demand  had  arisen  for  action  by  Con-   interstate 
gress  that  in  1887  tne  Interstate  Commerce  Act  was  passed,   Commerce 
creating  a  commission  of  five  members  which  had  the  power 
to  investigate  existing  rates  and  declare  them  unreasonable. 
The  avowed  purposes  of  the  act  were  to  prevent  pools  affect-         Transpor- 
ing  interstate  commerce  by  declaring  them  illegal,  to  pre-  tation,  370-385. 
vent  high  rates  or  rates  that  were  discriminating  because  one 
person  was  charged  more  than  another  for  similar  services.  Adams,  H.C. 
or  because  a  greater  charge  was  made  for  a  short  haul  than  in  Atlantic, 
for  a  long  one.2    Fear  that  the  commission  might  treat  the     *  _ 
railways  as  the  earlier  state  commissions  had  done  led  the 
railways  to  change  their  methods  radically  for  a  time,  not 
always  to  the  advantage  of  the  public;  but  the  powers  of 

1  Many  former  state  commissions  did  not  enjoy  the  right  to  fix  maximum 
rates.     Most  of  them  now  have  this  power. 

2  In  a  case  of  this  kind,  the  short  haul  was  always  a  part  of  the  longer  one. 


464 


American  History 


[1877 


Election  of 
1880. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Time, 
307-319. 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
402-418. 


Garfield  and 
Conkling. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Time, 
319-330. 


the   commission  were  so  limited  that  it  accomplished  com- 
paratively little.1 

POLITICAL  CHANGES  AND  REFORMS  (1877-1886) 

398.  Garfield  and  Arthur.  —  Not  only  was  business  re- 
established on  a  normal  basis  after  1877,  but  the  political 
parties  began  to  interest  themselves  in  present-day  questions. 

This  was  apparent  in  all  of 
the  elections  after  1878.  In- 
terest in  the  election  of  1880 
centers  in  the  Republican  con- 
vention in  Chicago  rather 
than  in  the  campaign.  The 
friends  of  Grant  were  anxious 
that  he  should  be  nominated, 
for  he  and  they  thought  that 
the  so-called  "  third-term  tra- 
dition "  was  a  foolish  custom 
not  sanctioned  by  the  nation. 
Guided  by  Roscoe  Conkling, 
a  New  York  senator,  over 
three  hundred  delegates  voted 
on  every  ballot  for  their  champion.  His  chief  opponent 
was  Elaine,  whose  forces,  after  thirty-five  futile  ballots, 
joined  the  ranks  of  those  that  supported  James  A.  Garfield 
of  Ohio.  Chester  A.  Arthur  of  New  York  was  named  for 
the  vice  presidency  to  represent  the  Conkling  wing  of  the 
party.  Grant's  followers  rallied  to  the  support  of  the  ticket 
and  in  November  Garfield  was  elected  by  a  vote  of  214  to  155 
over  the  Democratic  nominee,  General  Winfield  S.  Hancock. 
After  the  election  the  breach  between  the  Conkling  and 
Elaine  factions  was  widened.  Elaine  was  selected  by  Gar- 
field  for  the  state  portfolio  and  was  influential  in  determin- 
ing the  policy  of  the  administration.  When  the  President 
nominated  for  the  chief  office  in  the  state  of  New  York  a  man 
who  for  partisan  reasons  was  obnoxious  to  Conkling,  the 

1  On  the  later  history  of  railway  regulation,  see  §$  466,  471. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELU 


1884] 


Political  Changes  and  Reforms 


465 


224-239. 


Arthur. 


latter  resigned  from  the   Senate   and  persuaded  his  col-  Stanwood. 
league  to  do  the  same.     It  had  been  the  custom,  and  is  still  Blaine< 
to  some  extent,  for  the  senators  to  name  the  appointees  for 
federal  positions  in  their  states,  so  that  Garfield's  action  was  a 
blow  to  Conkling's  power  as  well  as  his  pride.    The  senators 
expected  of  course  to  be  triumphantly  reelected  and  were 
sadly  disappointed  when  others  were  selected.    The  incident 
aroused  public  sentiment  to  the  evils  and  dangers  of  the 
spoils  system.    This  feeling  reached  fever  heat  when  on 
July   2,    1 88 1,    Garfield    was 
shot  by  a  disappointed  office 
seeker.    The  lingering  illness 
of  this  second  "  martyr  presi- 
dent "  created  a  demand  for 
reform  in  the  civil  service  that 
found    embodiment    in    law 
soon  after  (§  401). 

Arthur  had  been  looked 
upon  as  a  politician  of  no 
great  ability,  but  he  proved 
a  wise  and  reliable  executive. 
Few  of  the  measures  of  his 

term  were  partisan  acts,  so  slight  was  the  cohesion  in  the 
political  parties.  The  old  issues  had  been  dropped,  but 
party  lines  were  not  drawn  as  yet  on  new  political  ques- 
tions. 

399.  The  Election  of  Cleveland  (1884). — The  campaign  Political 
of  1884  was  the  most  interesting  that  had  been  held  up  to 
that  time  since  the  Civil  War.  The  dissensions  in  the  Repub- 
lican ranks,  the  lack  of  any  clear-cut  Democratic  policy,  and 
the  rise  into  prominence  of  the  Prohibition  party  compli- 
cated the  situation.  So  far  as  any  political  issues  attained 
prominence,  the  main  question  that  seemed  to  be  at  stake 
was  that  of  reform,  although  the  politicians  of  both  parties 
sought  to  make  the  tariff  the  important  issue.  In  reality,  it 
was  more  a  personal  campaign  between  the  two  candidates. 

The    Republicans    nominated    the    most    distinguished 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR 


situation 


466 


American  History 


[1884 


Candidates 
and  election. 


Wilson, 
Am.  People, 
V, 169-176. 

Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
427-449. 


member  of  their  party,  James  G.  Elaine  of  Maine,  a  man  of 
magnetic  personality  .who  aroused  in  his  followers  a  greater 
enthusiasm  than  any  other  leader  since  the  days  of  Henry 
Clay.  Elaine  had  unfortunately  been  connected,  while 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  a  transfer  of 
railway  stock  which  his  opponents  claimed  was  a  bribe. 
Elaine  had  answered  the  charge  boldly,  but  had  never 
satisfied  some  of  the  reformers  in  his  party  of  his  innocence. 

This  transaction,  in  fact,  clouded 
the  most  brilliant  political  career 
of  recent  times.  The  reformers 
refused  to  support  the  Repub- 
lican ticket  and  worked  for  the 
Democratic  nominee.  This 
faction  of  "Mugwumps,"  as  it 
was  called  sneeringly,  was,  in 
fact,  sufficiently  large  to  decide 
the  election.  Grover  Cleveland, 
who  represented  the  Democratic 
party,  had  become  prominent 
as  governor  of  New  York,  be- 
cause of  the  immense  plurality 
by  which  he  had  been  elected  in 

1882  and  by  the  fearless  use  of  the  veto  to  reduce  expendi- 
tures. He  was  hailed  as  the  chief  reformer  then  prominent  in 
politics.  The  campaign  was  contested  hotly  and  was  marred 
unfortunately  by  the  bitterness  of  the  personal  accusations 
against  the  two  candidates.  The  election  was  decided  by 
the  vote  of  New  York,  in  which  both  the  Prohibitionists  and 
Mugwumps  were  numerous.  For  several  days  after  the 
election  the  vote  of  New  York  was  in  doubt,  but  the  official 
count  showed  that  the  state  had  gone  Democratic. 

As  Cleveland  was  the  first  Democratic  president  for  a 
quarter  of  a  century  the  party  looked  forward  eagerly  to  the 
return  to  power.  The  reformers,  on  the  other  hand,  ex- 
pected him  to  overlook  partisanship  in  making  removals 
and  appointments.  In  consequence  his  position  was  one  of 


JAMES  G.  ELAINE 


1871]  Political  Changes  and  Reforms 


-467 


great  difficulty,  and,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  Cleveland 
did  too  little  to  satisfy  the  one  party  and  too  much  to  please 
the  other.  He  left  conditions  better  than  he  found  them  and 
at  all  times  exhibited  a  firmness  that  brought  results.  His 
administration  is  noteworthy  for  the  numerous  important 
changes  that  were  made  in  the  law  of  the  nation. 

400.  The  Spoils  System  and  Reform.  —  For  a  period  of 
fifty  years  the  majority  of  the  offices  connected  with  the 
national  government  had  been 
filled  by  party  workers  who 
had  been  appointed  in  return 
for  services  rendered  to  the 
party  during  the  election  cam- 
paign. Frequently  extensive 
changes  had  been  made  every 
four  years  even  when  the  same 
party  remained  in  power. 
Thousands  of  persons  were 
employed  whose  services  had 
never  been  engaged  according 
to  law.  This  resulted  in  a 
serious  demoralization  of  the 
civil  service  which  was  in- 
creased by  the  practice  of  requiring  officeholders  to  con- 
tribute to  campaign  funds  and  work  for  their  chiefs.  Often 
the  entire  influence  of  an  administration  and  its  supporters 
would  be  devoted  to  the  carrying  of  primaries;  the  election 
of  delegates  to  nominating  conventions  and  the  carrying  of 
doubtful  states  or  districts.  Pernicious  political  activity  of 
this  kind  was  even  more  disgraceful  than  inefficiency  in 
office. 

Even  before  the  Civil  War,  there  had  been  some  demand 
for  the  reorganization  of  the  public  service  oh  business 
principles.  Nothing  of  importance  was  done  until,  in  1871, 
a  civil  service  commission  of  first-class  men  was  appointed 
by  President  Grant.  The  commission  was  empowered  to 
investigate  the  character  and  fitness  of  a  few  employees  and 


Character  of 
the  spoils 
system. 


GROVER  CLEVELAND 


Lodge,  Hist, 
and  Pol.  Es- 
says. 

Hart,  Actual 
Gov't,  §  132. 


Civil  service 
under  Grant 
and  Hayes. 

Lamed"  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
I.  47&-477- 


468 


American  History 


[1875 


Lodge, 
Essays. 


Civil  Service 
Commission 
(1883). 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No.  109. 

Hart,  Actual 
Gov't,  §  134. 

Extension  of 
commission's 
work. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 
VI,  I4S-I48. 


Special 
improvements. 


might  give  examinations  of  an  elementary  character.  After 
four  years  Congress  refused  to  vote  appropriations  for 
carrying  on  the  work,  and,  as  the  results  were  not  par- 
ticularly gratifying,  the  commission  ceased  to  exist.  Presi- 
dent Hayes  did  much  more  for  the  national  civil  service  by 
insisting  on  good  appointments. 

In  1883  Congress  passed  by  a  large  majority  in  both 
houses  a  bill  for  the  reform  of  the  national  civil  service. 
This  had  been  drafted  by  the  Civil  Service  League  and 
introduced  by  Senator  Pendleton  of  Ohio.  It  provided  for 
a  commission  of  three  members  with  power  to  make  rules 
for  the  examination  of  candidates  for  numerous  offices  of  a 
clerical  nature.  These  offices  were  arranged  in  classes, 
hence  the  term  "  classified  "  service. 

401.  Progress  of  Civil  Service  Reform  since  1883.  —  As 
the  president  was  permitted  to  increase  the  number  of  posi- 
tions to  which  appointments  might  be  made  by  the  com- 
mission, the  attitude  of  the  chief  executive  was  a  matter  of 
the  first  importance.  All  of  the  presidents  since  1883  have 
extended  the  scope  of  the  commission's  work.  Until  1894, 
however,  most  of  the  additions  were  made  after  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  executive  in  office  had  been  chosen.  During 
his  second  term  President  Cleveland  gave  the  commission 
control  of  large  numbers  of  offices  in  the  treasury,  war,  navy, 
and  interior  departments.  During  that  administration  the 
number  of  offices  in  the  classified  service  was  more  than 
doubled.  Afterward  it  was  claimed  that  the  men  ap- 
pointed by  the  commission  to  some  positions  requiring  skill 
were  not  fitted  for  their  work,  and  nearly  eight  thousand 
offices  were  taken  from  the  commission.  During  the  first 
four  years  that  Roosevelt  was  president  the  number  again 
increased  nearly  one  hundred  per  cent,  the  offices  opened 
to  examination  being  in  many  cases  of  a  higher  type 
than  those  formerly  filled  by  the  commission. 

Numerous  executive  orders  have  modified  the  civil  service 
rules.  Originally  persons  in  the  classified  service  might  be 
removed  by  those  under  whom  they  served.  After  con- 


1887]  Political  Clianges  and  Reforms  469 

siderable  agitation  President  McKinley  in  1897  declared  that 
none  should  be  removed  but  for 'cause  which  was  stated 
specifically.  Changes  have  also  been  made  for  the  pro- 
motion of  officials  according  to  proved  ability.  Some  of  the  , 
presidents,  Roosevelt  particularly,  have  applied  this  prin- 
ciple to  very  many  offices  not  controlled  by  the  commission. 
In  general  it  may  be  said  that,  although  the  method  of  ap- 
pointment used  by  the  commission  is  not  ideal,  and  although 
there  is  danger  of  retaining  under  the  system  officials  and 
employees  who  have  outlived  their  usefulness,  it  has  per- 
formed a  work  of  inestimable  service  to  the  nation. 

The  experience  of  the  state  and  city  governments  in  regard   Municipal  and 
to  the  spoils  system  and  reform  has  been  somewhat  similar  state  reform- 
to  that  of  the  central  government.     In  our  largest  cities 
particularly  the  abuses  of  the  old  system  have  been  more   Hart- 

„.    ...  .     .  Actual  Gffv't, 

serious  than  elsewhere.  Civil  service  commissions  were  , , 
appointed  in  a  few  states  and  cities  during  the  nineteenth 
century.  Civil  service  reform  has  made  more  progress  since 
the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century,  especially  in  those 
cities  that  have  adopted  the  commission  form  of  govern- 
ment. Much  still  remains  to  be  done. 

402.  Reform  of  Elections.  —  Following  close  upon  the  Former  eieo- 
reform  in  the  methods  of  appointing  public  officials  came 
a  demand  for  improvement  in  the  methods  of  election. 
There  had  never  been  any  system  of  providing  ballots  or  any 
order  in  polling  votes.  Each  party  printed  its  own  tickets, 
and  the  parties,  by  neglecting  to  provide  ballots,  might  pre- 
vent an  election.  Party  workers  were  allowed  to  accompany 
any  voter  from  the  time  he  entered  the  polling  place  until  he 
deposited  his  ballot.  There  was  no  secrecy,  but  every  chance 
for  bribery  or  intimidation.  Organized  gangs  of  the  roughest 
element  frequently  controlled  the  election.  "  Stuffing  "  the 
ballot  box  was  by  no  means  uncommon.  Occasionally  those 
who  had  the  right  to  count  the  ballots  took  the  boxes  with 
them  to  one  of  their  homes.  In  short,  there  was  every  op- 
portunity to  defeat  the  will  of  the  people. 

In  1887  agitation  for  reform  began  in  earnest.     England  Reform  ballots. 


American  History 


r> 


Short  Ballot. 


Primary 
Reform. 


Presidential 
Succession 
Act  (1886). 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No.  in. 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
450-452. 


had  adopted  recently  a  form  of  ballot  based  on  that  in  use  in 
Australia.  The  reformers  urged  the  selection  of  this,  and  in 
1 889  Massachusetts  adopted  with  modifications  the  so-called 
Australian  ballot.  The  movement  spread  with  amazing 
rapidity,  and  although  no  state  had  used  the  reform  ballot  in 
the  presidential  election  of  1888  more  than  thirty  did  so 
four  years  later,  and  all  but  three  had  abandoned  the  older 
system  in  1906.  These  reform  ballots  are  printed  by  the 
government.  Names  of  all  candidates  for  all  offices  are 
printed  on  a  single  sheet.  Official  ballots  are  not  distrib- 
uted to  the  voters  until  they  have  registered  on  election  day, 
and  the  ballot  is  marked  in  secret. 

On  account  of  the  large  number  of  names  on  the  old  ballots 
there  has  been  a  recent  movement  to  decrease  the  number 
of  elective  offices  using  a  short  ballot.1 

In  the  old  primaries  were  elected  the  delegates  to  nomi- 
nating conventions.  Most  of  our  present  primaries  are  direct 
primaries  which  choose  candidates  directly.1 

403.  Changes  affecting  the  Presidency.  —  One  of  the  most 
significant  series  of  laws  passed  during  Cleveland's  first  term 
affected  the  presidency.  In  1885  Vice  President  Hendricks 
died.  According  to  the  law  of  that  time,  in  case  of  the  death 
or  disability  of  both  the  president  and  the  vice  president,  the 
office  was  to  be  filled,  first  by  the  president  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate,  second,  by  the  speaker  of  the  House.  As  the  Senate 
was  Republican  at  this  time,  the  accession  of  its  presiding 
officer  to  the  presidency  would  have  led  to  a  complete 
reversal  of  the  administration's  policy.  A  new  Presiden- 
tial Succession  Act  was  passed,  therefore,  providing  that, 
if  both  the  president  and  the  vice  president  died,  the  office 
should  be  filled  by  the  members  of  the  cabinet  in  the  order 
of  the  creation  of  the  departments,  beginning  with  the  sec- 
retaries of  state,  treasury,  and  war. 

President  Cleveland  had  an  interesting  tilt  with  the  Senate 
in  1886  over  his  right  to  remove  officials  without  the  consent 


i  See  §  456. 


1887]  Political  Changes  and  Reforms  471 

of  the  Senate.     It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Tenure  of  Dispute  over 
Office  Act  in  1867  had  restricted  the  president's  right  of  P°wer  of 
removal.    This  was  replaced  by  a  much  milder  act  in  1869 
when  Grant  took  the  oath  of  office,  but  the  Senate  had  been 
in  the  habit  of  asking  for  reasons  of  removal.     Cleveland    G^,'f  , 
refused  to  do  this,  claiming  that  the  law  did  not  give  the 
Senate  a  share  in  making  removals.     A  long  debate  closed  .     . 

with  the  yielding  of  the  Senate.    This  action  is  typical  of  a  pres.  Prob- 
number  of  others  by  which  Cleveland  did  much  in  his  re-  l*ms-  39-76. 
lations  with  Congress  to  restore  the  dignity  and  power  of 
the  presidency  to  the  position  it  had  occupied  before  recon- 
struction days. 

The  third  change  affecting  the  presidency  was  the  enact-  Electoral 
ment  (1887)  of  an  Electoral  Count  Bill.     In  spite  of  the  CountBi11- 
difficulties  in  1877  in  counting  the  electoral  votes,  Congress  MacDonaid, 

.  .     .  '     ,      °  Statutes, 

had  done  nothing  to  supplement  the  omissions  of  the  Con-  No 
stitution  in  this  important  respect.    The  law  of  1887  left  Stanwood 
the  decision  regarding  what  votes  should  be  counted  to  the  Presidency, 
states,  and  if  the  states  neglected  the  matter,  Congress  could  397-40°. 
reach  a  decision  only  by  the  agreement  of  both  houses. 

404.   Summary. — The  years  following  the  war  brought  industrial 
to  the  national  government  several  problems  besides  that  problems  of 

.  government 

of  reconstruction.  There  was  an  immense  war  debt  to  be  and  pe0pie 
refunded  and  paid.  Congress  was  obliged  to  decide  whether  (1865-1886), 
the  paper  money  of  the  war  should  be  retained,  when  specie 
payments  might  be  resumed,  and  what  should  be  done  about 
silver.  By  1880  we  were  again  on  a  specie  basis,  although 
a  great  amount  of  paper  was  in  circulation  and  there  was  no 
longer  free  coinage  of  silver.  The  nation  meanwhile  had 
passed  through  a  period  of  extreme  business  activity  followed 
by  the  great  depression  in  the  years  after  1873.  One  of  the 
prominent  characteristics  of  the  time  was  the  rapid  expan- 
sion of  railways.  In  the  East  the  railways  cut  rates  between 
competitive  points,  making  good  the  losses  at  the  expense 
of  intermediate  stations.  Cut-throat  competition  led  to 
the  formation  of  pools.  In  the  East,  first,  and  later  in 
the  West,  state  railway  commissions  sought  tQ  restrain  ;the 


472  American  History  [1865- 

railways,  the  granger  legislation  of  the  prairie  states  being  so 
drastic  as  to  injure  the  railways.  Legislation  for  interstate 
railways  was  delayed  until  1887. 

Political  parties  The  election  of  Hayes  put  an  end  to  the  political  confusion 
and  problems  of  tne  reconstruction  period,  and  with  the  election  of  1 880  new 
issues  were  discussed.  Some  of  these  were  industrial,  as  was 
the  case  with  the  tariff,  which  became  prominent  during  the 
close  of  this  period.  From  1882  to  1886  more  attention  was 
paid  to  the  reform  of  party  politics.  The  first  attack  was 
made  on  the  spoils  system,  but  later  the  reform  of  elections 
and  the  primaries  was  demanded. 

TOPICS 

1.  CONSTITUTIONALITY  or  THE  GREENBACKS:    Bancroft,  "Plea 
for  the  Constitution";   Knox,  "United  States  Notes,"  pp.  156-166, 
193-229;   Hart,  "Salmon  P.  Chase,"  pp.  389-414;   Thayer,  "Cases 
in  Constitutional  Law,"  II,  pp.  2222-2273. 

2.  NATIONAL  CONTROL  OF  RAILWAYS:    Lord,  J.  W.,  in  North 
American  Review,    183   (1905),   pp.    754-766;   Haynes,  "Restrictive 
Railway  Legislation,"  pp.  220-233,  243-292;    Johnson,  "American 
Railway  Transportation,"  pp.  367-407,  420-427;    Meyer,  "Govern- 
ment Regulation  of  Railway  Rates,"  pp.  319-439. 

STUDIES 

1.  John  Sherman  and  Resumption.     (Sherman,  "Recollections 
of  Forty  Years,"  II,  pp.  629-660.) 

2.  Oil  craze  in  Pennsylvania.     (Tarbell,  "History  of  Standard 
Oil,"  I,  Chapter  I.) 

3.  Destruction   of    Custer's   force.     (Andrews,    "United    States 
in  Our  Own  Time,"  pp.  186-193.) 

4.  Building  the   first  transcontinental  line.     (Warman,    "Story 
of  the  Railroad,"  pp.  31-65.) 

5.  Transportation  in  the  South.     (Bruce,  "  Rise  of  New  South," 
pp.  281-306.) 

6.  Government  grants  of  land  to  railways.     (Hart,  "Practical 
Essays,"  No.  10.) 

7.  Conkling's  attempt  to  nominate  Grant.     (Dawes,  H.  L.,  in 
Century,  47  (1894),  pp.  341-344.) 

8.  The  Plumed  Knight  and  his  joust.     (Andrews,  "  United  States 
in  Our  Own  Time,"  pp.  452-480.) 


1 886]  Internal  Development  473 

9.    History  of  removal  from  national  offices..  (Cleveland,  G.,  in 
Atlantic  Monthly,  85  (1900),  pp.  721-732;    86  (1900),  pp.  1-14.) 


QUESTIONS 

1.  Look  up  the  income  taxes  and  taxes  on  production  during 
the  Civil  War.     Why  was  there  opposition  to  these  taxes?     Should 
they  have  been  retained  after  the  war?     If  not,  should  the  tariffs 
have  been  lowered  to  correspond  to  the  reduction  on  the  internal 
taxes  ? 

2.  What  is  meant  by  "legal  tender"?     Should  Congress  be  pro- 
hibited from  issuing  a  legal  tender  paper  money?    What  has  been 
the  importance  of  the  greenbacks,  in  supplying  the  government  with 
revenue  ?    in  increasing  government  expenditures  by  affecting  the 
price  of  bonds  (§  389)   and  by  requiring  a  gold  reserve  (§  412)  in 
relation  to  business  ? 

3.  Give  a  summary  of  the  laws  regarding  gold  and  silver  money 
from  1792  to  1900.      Compare  the  Bland-Allison  Act  and  the  Sher- 
man Act ;  the  law  of  1873  and  the  law  of  1900. 

4.  How  does  our  federal  system  of  government  complicate  the 
problem  of  railway  control  ?     Has  government  interference  with  the 
railway   business   protected   the   shippers?     protected   the   public? 
affected  the  railways? 

5.  Show  how  the  year  1877  marks  a  return  to  normal  conditions, 
in  the  South;  in  the  national  government;   in   political  parties;   in 
business. 

6.  What  is  meant  by  the  "third-term  tradition"?      Is  it  ever 
likely  to  be  set  aside?    What  change  occurred  between  1876  and 
1885  in  the  composition  of  the  parties  and  their  policies? 

7.  What  were  the  chief  abuses  existing  in  1880  in  the  selection  of 
public  officials  ?    Summarize  the  progress  that  has  been  made  toward 
more  satisfactory  methods  of  appointment  and  election. 


CHAPTER   XX 
THE  END   OF  THE  ERA   (1886-1897) 

PRESIDENTS 

Grover  Cleveland  (1885-1889)     Benjamin  Harrison  (1889-1893) 
Grover  Cleveland  (1893-1897) 

THE  TARIFF 

General  405.   Proposed  Reform  of  the  Tariff  (1882  1888).  —The 

changes  of  the  perjO(j  from  1 886  to  1897  was  a  period  of  social  unrest l  and 

industrial  change.2     It  was  the  end  of  the  era  of  isolation  in 

foreign  affairs,  for  after  1897  the  United  States  occupied  a 

new  position  as  a  world  power.     During  the  period  there 

were  interesting  foreign  complications,  and  sharp  internal 

political  controversies,  first  over  the  tariff  and  later  over  free 

silver. 

Tariff  of  1883.       The  commercial  and  industrial  changes  which  took  place 

Dewey,  Finan-  during  the  administrations  of  Hayes.  Garfield,  and  Arthur 

rial  Hist.,  ,    .     ,  , 

t  lgo  made  advisable  a  revision  of  the  tanff,  which  was  in  1882 

Taussig,  substantially  the  same  as  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War.     A 

Tariff  Hist.,  commission  of  business  men  appointed  by  President  Arthur 
recommended  a  reduction  in  rates,  but  Congress  passed  in 
1883  a  tariff  which  raised  many  of  the  protective  rates. 

Tariff  discus-  The  tariff  was  discussed  somewhat  in  connection  with  the 
election  of  1884  and  occupied  the  attention  of  Congress 
during  several  sessions.  In  general  the  Republicans  favored 

Coman,  Indus-  the  existing  rates  and  the  Democrats  sought  to  obtain  a  re- 

trial  Hist.          duction,  but  a  fair  minority  of  Democrats,  led  by  Samuel  T. 

(rev.  ed.);  313— 

JI4  Randall  of  Pennsylvania,  were  protectionists.     Party  lines 

1  Oh  Chinese  legislation  see  §476,  note  i.    On  the  Mormons,  §477, 
note  2. 

*  On  industrial  changes  see  also  §§  467-469,  473-476. 
474 


1 888]  Social  and  Industrial  Conditions  475 

were  not  drawn  strictly  on  this  issue  until  after  December,  Dewey,  Finan- 
1887,  when  President  Cleveland  devoted  his  entire  message  to  cial  Hist-' 
a  plea  for  tariff  reform.     In  this  document  he  used  the  oft- 
quoted  statement,  "  It  is  a  condition  which  confronts  us,  not  a 
theory."    During  the  following  spring   (1888)  the  Demo- 
cratic  House  passed  the  Mills  Bill,  providing  a  tariff  for  251-255. 
revenue  only,  but  the  Senate  favored  a  tariff  even  higher 
than  that  in  use. 

406.  The  Election  of  1888.  —  In  the  presidential  election  Election  of 
of  1888  all  other  questions  were  subordinated  to  that  of  the  Harrison, 
tariff.  Cleveland  was  renom- 
inated  by  the  Democrats,  but 
failed  to  draw  as  large  a  part 
of  the  independent  vote  as 
in  1884.  Benjamin  Harrison 
of  Indiana  was  elected  by  a 
comparatively  close  vote  on 
a  distinctively  protectionist 
platform.1  Harrison,  a  con- 
scientious man,  who  had  been 
long  in  public  life,  was  the 

grandson  of  President  William 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON 
Henry   Harrison.      Although 

he  had   few  peers  in  making  short  addresses  to  public  Peck,  Twenty 

audiences,  he  possessed  little  tact  and  magnetism  in  deal-  Years>  I5S-l65 

ing  with  individuals.     His   most  prominent  cabinet  official  stanwood, 
was  James  G.  Blaine,  who  conducted  important  negotia-     '"' 'J*9'' 

tions  with  Great  Britain  and  Italy  and  took  a  prominent  xxix. 
part  in  Pan-American  affairs  (§§  416-418). 

The  Fifty-first  Congress,  elected  in  1888,  was  one  of  the  New  House 

most  memorable  in  our  history.     It  possessed  a  Republican  ru  es- 

majority  in  both  houses- —  the  first  time  that  any  party  had  t 

J   r       J  Follett,  Speaker 

been  in  power  since  1876  —  but  the  majorities  in  both  houses  Of  the  H.  O/K., 
were  very  small.    The  House  selected  Thomas  B.  Reed  of  190-216- 
Maine  as  speaker.     Since  some  Republicans  were  always 

'The  electoral  vote  was  233  to  168,  but  Cleveland's  plurality  on  the  pop- 
ular vote  was  98,017. 


476 


American  History 


[1889 


Protection  and 
reciprocity. 

Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
301-302. 


Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
$187. 


Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/.. 
IV,  3085-3089. 


Election  of 
1892. 


Stanwood, 
Presidency, 
491-518. 


absent  the  Democrats  sought  to  "  filibuster  "  and  prevent 
the  transaction  of  business  by  failing  to  respond  to  their 
names  when  the  roll  was  called.  In  order  to  obtain  a 
quorum  Reed  ruled  that  any  member  who  was  in  the  Hall 
of  Representatives  should  be  counted  as  present  whether  he 
responded  to  his  name  or  not.  This  and  other  acts  destined 
to  destroy  the  "  rights  of  the  minority  "  were  received  with 
protests  so  loud  that  the  title  "  Czar  "  Reed  was  thereafter 
applied  to  the  big  man  from  Maine. 

407.  The  McKinley  Tariff  (1890). — This  Congress 
enacted  three  laws  which  were  of  particular  importance. 
One  of  these  was  a  silver  act  (§  412),  another  the  so-called 
Sherman  Anti-Trust  law  (§  450).  The  third  was  the  Mc- 
Kinley tariff  reported  in  the  House  by  the  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  committee,  William  McKinley.  In  its  final 
form  it  was  the  most  distinctively  protective  act  ever  passed 
by  Congress.  The  rates  were  especially  high  on  manufactures 
of  wool  and  cotton.  As  there  had  been  a  large  surplus  of  rev- 
enues over  expenditures  for  several  years,  the  free  list  was 
enlarged  greatly,  sugar  being  the  most  important  commod- 
ity admitted  free  for  the  first  time.  To  protect  the  growers  of 
sugar  in  the  United  States  a  bounty  of  two  cents  a  pound 
was  to  be  paid  on  all  sugar  produced  in  this  country.  The 
tariff  also  provided  for  reciprocity  by  permitting  the  presi- 
dent to  increase  the  duties  on  certain  articles  imported  prin- 
cipally from  Latin  America,  if  any  country  discriminated 
against  our  exports.1  The  tariff  was  not  approved  by 
many  moderate  Republicans  and  was  one  cause  of  the  de- 
cided reaction  against  that  party  in  the  following  election. 

In  the  election  of  1892  the  Republicans  indorsed  their 
policy  of  protection  and  the  Democrats  came  out  emphati- 
cally for  a  revenue  tariff.  Cleveland  and  Harrison  were 
again  the  candidates.  The  campaign  was  unusually  quiet, 
but  it  was  found  when  the  votes  were  counted  that,  as  in 
1890,  the  Democrats  had  carried  a  large  number  of  nor- 
mally Republican  states. 

1  These  articles  were  sugar,  molasses,  tea,  coffee,  and  hides. 


l895j  Social  and  Industrial  Conditions  477 

408.    The    Gorman-Wilson    Tariff;    the    Income    Tax  Gorman- Wil- 

(1894).— The  Democratic  platform  in  1892  had  contained  sontariff- 
an  unequivocal  declaration  for  a  revenue  tariff.     To  redeem 

this  pledge  a  tariff  bill  was  introduced  in  the  House  by  Dewey.  Finan. 

William  L.  Wilson,  chairman  of   the  Committee   on  Ways  c,  * 

*      5  192. 

and  Means.  Rates  on  protected  articles  were  much  lower 
than  in  the  McKinley  Act,  although  still  high ;  while  many 
articles,  such  as  raw  wool,  coal,  and  iron  ore  were  placed  on  Ready  Re/., 
the  free  list.  In  the  Senate  the  Wilson  Bill  was  altered  by  the  IV.  so^-s0^- 
committee  under  Senator  Gorman  so  that  most  of  the  revenue 
features  were  removed  and  high  protective  rates  were  re- 
established on  many  manufactured  articles.  As  the  Demo- 
cratic majority  was  not  united,  a  combination  of  members 
from  both  parties  passed  the  bill  in  this  form  and  finally 
compelled  the  House  to  adopt  practically  the  same  measure, 
on  the  promise  that  the  Senate  would  consider  bills  to  place 
coal,  wool,  and  other  articles  on  the  free  list.  President 
Cleveland  was  unwilling  to  sign  so  un-Democratic  a  measure, 
but,  believing  it  to  be  better  than  the  McKinley  tariff, 
allowed  it  to  become  a  law  without  his  signature. 
The  most  interesting  provision  of  this  act  was  an  income  Income  tax 

tax  of  two  per  cent  levied  on  all  incomes  in  excess  of  $4000.  anc! lts  consti- 
tutionality. 
This  measure  was  desired  by  the  South  and  West,  which 

feared  and  distrusted  the  capitalists  of  the  East.     It  was  Dewey,  Finan- 
denounced  as  a  class  measure  aimed  at  persons  of  wealth,  ctaiHist., 
but  the  exemption  of  incomes  below  $4000  was  justified  on 
the  ground  that  capitalists  paid  less  in  proportion  to  their 
ability  than  other  members  of  society.    The  law  was  set  Larned    (ed-), 
aside  by  the  Supreme  Court  because  it  held  that  all  income  55*4-557. 
taxes  were  direct  taxes  which  must  be  levied  according  to 
population.1    Nearly  twenty  years  later  the  Constitution  was 
amended  for  the  first  time  in  forty  years  to  permit  the  levying 
of  income  taxes  (§  464).    The  loss  of  revenue,  estimated  at 
$40,000,000  a  year,  seriously  hampered  the  national  govern- 
ment at  a  time  when  the  ordinary  revenues  were  reduced 

1  Constitution,  Art.  1,  §  9,  cl.  4. 


478 


American  History 


[1897 


Dingley  tariff 
(1897). 


Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VI,  581-582. 


Taussig, 
Tariff  Hist., 
324-328,    348- 
360. 


Conditions  at 
Cleveland's 
inauguration 
(1893). 


greatly,  and  there  was  a  constant  demand  on  the  gold  in  the 
treasury  in  exchange  for  paper  money.1 

409.  Recent   Tariffs.  —  As   the   Republicans   were  suc- 
cessful in  the  election  of  1896  (§  412)  and  desired  to  re- 
vise the  tariff  at  the  first  opportunity,  a  special  session  of 
Congress  was  called  in  March,  1897.     In  July  a  tariff  was 
adopted  which  marked  a  return  to  many  of  the  rates  used 
in  the  McKinley  tariff  of  1890,  although  some  of  the  rates 
represented  a  compromise  between  the  rates  adopted  in 
1890  and  those  of  the  Gorman- Wilson  tariff.    This  Dingley 
tariff  provided  for  two  forms  of  reciprocity:    (i)  The  presi- 
dent was  authorized  to  levy  duties  on  certain  imports  that 
otherwise  would  come  in  free  from  semi-tropical  countries 
which    discriminated    against    American    exports.     (2)  By 
reciprocity  treaties  the  president  and  Senate,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  Congress,  might  reduce  by  twenty  per  cent  the 
rates  on  a  few  articles  in  return  for  concessions  made  to  our 
trade  by  foreign  powers.     Numerous  treaties  were  negotiated 
under  this  clause,  but  only  two  of  these  were  ratified.     As 
the  Republican  party  remained  in  power  for  several  years 
after  1897,  no  change  was  made  in  the  tariff  until  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Payne-Aldrich  tariff  in  1909  (§  463).     Recent 
changes  in  the  tariff  are  treated  later  as  part  of  the  move- 
ment of  the  times. 

THE  SILVER  CONTROVERSY  (1893-1897) 

410.  Repeal  of  the   Sherman   Silver  Act.  —  Cleveland 
began  his  second  term  under  unfavorable  circumstances. 
The  finances  of  the  national  government  were  in  an  un- 
satisfactory condition,  foreign  affairs  were  still  complicated, 
business  was  unsettled,  the  people  were  uneasy,  and  the 

1  The  excess  of  expenditures  over  revenue  for  the  year  1893-1894  was 
seventy  millions  and  for  the  last  three  years  of  Cleveland's  administration, 
about  eighty-five  millions.  To  meet  this  deficit  and  supply  gold  for  the  gold 
reserve,  bonds  were  sold  aggregating  in  value  $  262,000,000.  One  issue  of 
sixty-two  millions  was  sold  secretly  to  a  "  bond  syndicate  "  which  agreed  to 
import  gold  and  to  prevent  gold  from  being  withdrawn  from  the  treasury  for 
a  period.  This  sale  was  probably  the  most  criticised  of  the  many  unusual 
acts  of  this  administration. 


1893.'  The  Silver  Controversy  479 

willingness  and  ability  of  the  government  to  redeem  its  Peck,  Twenty 
obligations  in  gold  were  questioned.    Cleveland  selected  as    y^s,  306-325. 
his  Secretary  of  State    Walter  Q.  Gresham,  a  former  Re- 
publican, without  experience  in  diplomatic  affairs.    Most 
of  the  other  members  of  his  cabinet  were  unknown  men, 
although  events  proved  their  ability. 

In  1890  the  Bland-Allison  Act  (§  391)  had  been  replaced  Silver  law  of 
by  a  new  silver  law  which  was  passed  by  Congress  as  a   l89°- 
substitute  for  a  free  silver  measure  desired  in  the  West. 
This  law,  called  the  Sherman  Silver  Act,  authorized  the  Dex;f/y>  Fina°' 

ctalHist.,^  186. 

treasury    department  to  purchase  4,500,000  ounces  of  sil- 


INAUGURATION    OF  CLEVELAND    (1893) 

ver  a  month,  paying  for  it  in  certificates  which  were  full 
legal  tender  and  which  were  redeemable  in  either  gold  or 
silver  at  the  option  of  the  department. 

The  passage  of  this  act,  coupled  with  business  changes  Difficulty  in 
during  the  years  1890-1892,  had  a  decided  influence  on  the  maintaimnl 

,    ,  the  gold 

gold  reserve  of  the  treasury.     Since  the  resumption  of  specie  reserve. 
payments  (1879)  (§  390),  it  had  been  the  custom  to  keep  at 
least  $100,000,000  in  gold  always  on  hand  for  the  redemp-  Dewe 
tion  of  notes  issued  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  cial  Hist., 
Comparatively  few  of  these  had  been  presented  prior  to  §§ l88- 189 
1890,  but  after  1890  the  amount  of  the  gold  reserve  declined 
steadily.     President  Cleveland  believed  that  this  unfortunate  N°yes- 
state  of  affairs  and  the  uneasiness  caused  among  business  p^ance 
men  by  the  low  state  of  the  revenue  was  due  chiefly  to  the  153-173. 
purchase  of  silver  required  under  the  Sherman  Act.    He  did 
21 


480  American  History  [1893 

not  call  a  special  session  of  Congress,  however,  until  more 
than  a  month  after  the  commercial  unrest  had  brought  on  a 
panic  in  May,  1893  (§454)>  until,  in  fact  India  closed  her 
mints  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  The  House  voted 
for  repeal  without  delay,  but  the  silver  men  in  the  Senate 
held  out  over  two  months  before  they  would  permit  the 
Sherman  Act  to  be  repealed. 

Causes.  411.  The  Free  Silver  Movement  in  the  West.  —  During 

the  years  preceding  1893  there  were  numerous  indications 

ec  ,    wenty     Qf  a  serjous  movement  throughout  the  West  against  the 

Years,  448-453. 

commercial  interests  of  the  East  and  against  the  financial 
policy  of  the  national  government.  In  1890  and  in  1892 
several  states  had  been  carried  by  voters  known  as  "  pop- 
ulists," who  favored  a  change.  With  the  hard  times  that 
began  in  1893  and  lasted  for  several  years,  the  movement 
became  more  aggressive  and  almost  universal  throughout  the 
states  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the  Pacific  coast.  From 
all  parts  of  the  West  arose  a  demand  for  government  relief 
from  the  financial  ills  that  oppressed  the  people.  At  first 
the  demand  was  for  the  redemption  of  all  paper  money  at 
Washington  in  silver  as  well  as  gold;  but  later,  especially 
after  the  Sherman  Silver  Act  had  been  repealed,  the  cry 
arose  for  "  free  silver."  In  fact,  many  of  the  westerners 
urged  the  issuance  of  paper  money  on  an  extensive  scale. 
Development  Thousands  of  editors,  politicians,  and  public  speakers 

of  the  silver       discussed  this  question  until  even  the  children  felt  that  the 
movement. 

wrong  done  to  the  West  by  the  administration  and  Wall 

Street  could  be  righted  only  by  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at 
the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one.  Most  of  the  western  farmers 

Dewey,  rinan- 

daiHist.,  $  194.  were  deeply  in  debt,  but  had  struggled  along  cheerfully  in 
spite  of  high  rates  of  interest,  heavy  charges  for  transport- 
Peck.  Twenty     ing   their  grain  to  an  eastern  market,  and  the  manipula- 
Years,  453-464.  tion  of  the  market  by  speculators  to  the  great  loss  of  the  grain 
grower.     But  natural  as  was  their  anger  against  capital 
and  the  administration,  it  was  unfortunate  that  they  should 
have  selected  "  free  silver  "  as  the  sole  remedy  for  the  con- 
ditions existing  in  that  section. 


1896] 


The  Silver  Controversy 


481 


412.  Election  of  1896.  —  So  formidable  had  this  free   Party  conven- 
silver  movement  become  that  it  dominated  the  political  tions> 
situation  in  1896.    The  most  ardent  advocates  of  free  silver 
were  the  "Populists," *  who  were  preeminently  a  cheap  money  Andrews,  Our 
party,  advocating  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  a  legal  ratio          ^me' 
of  sixteen  to  one  and  the  issuance  by  the  government,  with- 
out intervention  of.  the  banks,  of  paper  money  in  large 
quantities.    The  Republicans,  who  held  their  convention 
earliest,  sought  to  subordinate 
the  question  of  money  to  that 
of  protection.    They  declared 
their  opposition   to   the   free 
coinage  of  silver  except  by  in- 
ternational   agreement    with 
the    leading    nations    of    the 
world.     William  McKinley  of 
Ohio  was  their  nominee  for  the 
presidency.    The    Democrats 
met  at  Chicago,  the  silver  and 
the    anti-silver   men    striving 
for  control.    The  silver  men 
outnumbered  their  opponents 
easily  and  succeeded  in  adopt- 
ing a  free-silver  plank  for  their   platform.     During  the 
course  of  the  debate  on  silver  a  speech   of  remarkable 
power  was   given    by  William   J.    Bryan    of    Nebraska.2 
Bryan    was    nominated    subsequently    not    only    by    the 
Democratic  convention,  but  by  that  of  the  People's  party 
and    by  the   silver  Republicans  who    "  bolted  "  the   Re- 
publican  ticket.    The  Democrats  and  the  Populists,  how- 
ever, nominated  different  candidates   for  the  vice  presi- 
dency.   Many  gold  Democrats  supported  the  Republican 

1  This  name  was  given  commonly  to  members  of  the  People's  party. 

2  The  most  dramatic  passage  in  this  historic  oration  was  that  in  which  he 
declared,  "  We  answer  the  demand  for  the  gold  standard  by  saying,  '  You 
shall  not  press  down  upon  the  brow  of  labor  this  crown  of  thorns.    You 
shall  not  crucify  mankind  upon  a  cross  of  gold.' " 

3  I 


WILLIAM  J.  BRYAN 


482 


American  History 


[1896 


Campaign  and 
election. 


I94> 


ticket,  but  others  held  a  convention  at  Indianapolis  and 
selected  nominees  of  their  own. 

The  campaign  was  one  of  great  vigor  and  intense  interest. 
Bryan  visited  almost  every  state  in  the  Union,  making 
speeches  everywhere  along  the  route.  The  Republicans 
relied  on  a  "  camPaign  of  education,"  but  both  sides  scat- 
tered  cartoons  and  documents  broadcast.  Each  party 


claimed  to  favor  the  only  form  of  "  sound  money."  The 
returns  showed  that  party  lines  had  been  abandoned  every- 
where and  that  the  sections  had  voted  solidly  for  the  candi- 
date that  seemed  to  champion  their  interests.  McKinley 
carried  the  North  as  far  west  as  the  Missouri  and  obtained 
the  electoral  votes  of  Maryland,  West  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
and  two  Pacific  states  in  addition,  a  total  of  271.  Bryan  had 
large  majorities  in  all  the  mountain,  western  prairie,  or  dis- 
tinctively southern  states,  176  electoral  votes  in  all.  The 
total  popular  vote  polled  was  larger  than  that  in  either  1900 
or  1904. 

413.  Republican  Policies.  — The  tidal  wave  of  1896  gave 
the  Republicans  control  of  all  branches  of  the  national 
government  —  a  control  which  they  maintained  and 


The  Silver  Controversy 


483 


strengthened  for  many  years  owing  to  the  dissensions  in  the 
Democratic  ranks.  McKinley,  who  was  by  temperament 
fair-minded  and  conservative,  surrounded  himself  with  a 
cabinet  which  contained  during  the  first  part  of  his  ad- 
ministration men  like  John  Sherman  and  William  R.  Day, 
and  later  included  those  exceedingly  able  statesmen, 
John  Hay  and  Elihu  Root. 
McKinley  sought  to  conciliate 
the  different  interests  at  home 
and  to  prevent  unnecessary 
complications  abroad.  The 
chief  event  of  his  administra- 
tion was  the  conflict  with 
Spain  which  changed  many 
national  policies  (§§  428-431.) 
No  change  was  made  in  the 
financial  system  of  the  United 
States  until  in  1900  a  law  was 
passed  revising  part  of  the 
system.  Gold  was  declared  to 
be  the  money  standard,  and 
all  forms  of  money  are  to  be  maintained  at  a  parity  with  gold. 
The  national  paper  currency  was  reduced  in  amount  and 
reissued  only  in  exchange  for  gold.  The  old  bonds  bearing 
three,  four,  or  five  per  cent  interest  which  had  almost 
reached  maturity  might  be  exchanged  for  new  thirty-year 
two  per  cent  bonds.  National  banks  might  be  organized 
more  easily  and  might  issue  notes  on  more  liberal  terms. 


WILLIAM  MCKINLEY 


Financial  law 
of  1900. 

Hart,  Content* 
porat  ies, 
IV,  No.  172. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VI,  639-641. 

Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§§  198-201. 


FOREIGN  AFFAIRS  (1865-1895) 

414.  Disputes  with  England.  —  During  the  first  adminis-  Fisheries 
tration  of  Cleveland  most  of  our  foreign  disputes  were  with  disputes. 
Great  Britain.  The  more  acute  of  these  dealt  with  the  . 

Cambridge 

northeastern  fisheries  and  was  settled  at  this  time ;  the  others  Mod.  Hist., 
were  concerned  with  fur  sealing  in  Bering  Sea  and  with  the  VII,  657-650. 
Alaskan  boundary.     It  will  be  recalled   (§    170)    that  at 
the  close  of  the  Revolution  the  New  England  states  desired 


484 


American  History 


[1886 


Larned  (ed.)^ 
Ready  Ref.,  II, 

II2I-II22. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Time, 
508-515. 

Hart,  Contem- 
poraries, 
IV,  No.  173. 

McGrath, 
P.  T.,  in  New 
England  Mag., 
33  (1906),  625- 
630. 


Seals  in  Bering 
Sea. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref.,  V, 
3S8i-3S82, 
VI,  51-53- 

Dewey,  Nat. 

Problems, 

208-213. 

The  Alaskan 
boundary. 


a  continuance  of  the  profitable  fisheries  off  Newfoundland. 
The  liberal  privileges  granted  to  the  United  States  in  the 
treaty  of  1783  were  declared  to  be  forfeited  when  war  broke 
out  in  1812,  and  in  1818,  when  the  matter  was  readjusted, 
the  United  States  was  obliged  to  surrender  her  claim  to  most 
of  the  "  inshore  "  fisheries.  There  was  continued  dispute 
over  the  interpretation  of  the  convention  of  1818  and  several 
attempts  were  made  to  gain  further  rights,  notably  in  the 
important  treaty  of  Washington1  (1871),  by  which  the  United 
States  gave  a  free  market  to  all  Canadian  fish  and  gained  the 
right  to  fish  off  the  coasts  of  the  British  colonies  for  ten  years, 
on  payment  of  $5, 000,000 .2  When  these  privileges  lapsed, 
peaceful  relations  were  disturbed  by  the  seizure  of  American 
fishing  vessels  which  trespassed  on  forbidden  ground.  After 
much  hard  feeling  the  matter  was  settled  by  giving  special 
privileges  to  those  American  fishermen  who  took  out  licenses 
in  Canada.  For  some  years  fishing  was  permitted  by  special 
agreements  with  Newfoundland,  but  in  1908  the  whole 
question  was  submitted  to  the  Hague  Court  (§  443).  Al- 
though the  decisions  of  the  Court  in  1910  gave  Great 
Britain  control  of  bays  less  than  ten  miles  wide,  it  freed 
American  fishermen  from  petty  regulations  and  annoy- 
ances. 

The  Bering  Sea  seal  fisheries  were  threatened  with  de- 
struction because  of  raids  by  irresponsible  parties.  After 
protracted  controversy,  it  was  decided  that  Canadian  sealers 
should  not  take  furs  within  a  distance  of  sixty  miles  of  the 
most  important  seal  islands.  In  1911  an  agreement  was 
made  by  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  Japan,  and  Russia 
for  the  permanent  protection  of  the  seal  herds. 

The  invasion  of  Alaska  by  gold  seekers  after  1898  (§  437) 
brought  into  prominence  the  boundary  between  Alaska  and 

1  This  treaty  of  Washington  not  only  settled  the  controversy  over  the 
fisheries,  but  arranged  for  the  arbitration  of  the  claims  due  to  losses  caused 
by  the  Alabama  and  other  cruisers  (§  361,  note)  and  for  the  arbitration  of  the 
boundary  line  in  Puget  Sound. 

*  This  award  was  made  at  Halifax  in  1877. 


1891]  Foreign  Affairs  485 

Canada.1    Both  sides  wished  to  control  the  most  valuable  Lamed  (ed.), 

mines  and  the  bays  leading  to  the  interior  where  the  mines  Rea*y  Ref->  VI> 
Were.      By    submitting    the    question    to    arbitration    the 

United  States  gained  most  of  her  contentions,  so  that  she  Latan6-  Am- as 

controls  practically  all  of  the  coast  of  the  "  panhandle  "  Ig2_202 
of  Alaska. 

415.    Samoa.  —  Harrison's  administration  is  notable  not  Our  first  joint 

alone  for  the  interest  we  were  beginning  to  take  in  our  protectorate, 

southern  neighbors,  but  because  in  the  south  Pacific  we  were  Cambridge 

engaging  with  other  nations  in  a  method  of  political  control  ^°f'^tst'' 

VII,  001—663. 

hitherto  foreign  to  our  policy.     This  was  done  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  joint  protectorate  over  the  group  of  Samoan  Lamed  (ed.), 

Islands.     In  1878  we  had  obtained  Pago  Pago  harbor  as  a  *««&  **/.  VI, 

431—434. 

coaling  station,  but  our  commerce  with  the  islands  was  not 

large,  and  it  was  not  until  1889  that  the  attempt  of  Germany   Foster,  Am. 

to  control  the  king  of  the  island  forced  the  United  States  into  Diplomacy    in 

a  joint  protectorate  for  Samoa  with.  Germany  and  Great   .,86-398 

Britain.    This  did  not  work  well,  and  by  1898  a  situation  had 

developed  that  was  little  better  than  civil  war.     By  common 

consent  (1899)  the  joint  protectorate  was  dissolved,  Tutuila 

Island  with  Pago  Pago  harbor  being  given  to  the  United 

States  and  the  rest  of  the  islands  going  to  Germany,  which 

compensated  Great  Britain  for  her  share. 

1  The  relations  of  Canada  and  the  United  States  have  at  all  times  been 
very  intimate.  In  1776  attempts  were  made  to  have  Canada  join  the 
United  States,  in  the  invasion  of  Arnold  (§  142)  and  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  In  1783  part  of  Canada  was  ceded  by  Great  Britain  to  the 
United  States  (§  171).  In  1812  one  important  cause  of  the  war  was  a  design 
on  the  part  of  the  West  to  annex  Canada  (§  245).  Later  boundary  disputes 
(§§  280,  303),  reciprocity  for  12  years  (1854—1866),  fisheries  questions,  re- 
newed talk  of  annexation,  and  finally  in  191 1  renewed  consideration  of  reci- 
procity (§  458),  formed  other  links  in  the  chain  of  international  relations.  So 
many  Canadians  have  come  to  the  border  states  during  the  last  half  century 
and  so  many  Americans  have  gone  to  the  Canadian  northwest  in  the  last 
decade  that  the  boundary  line  between  the  two  countries  is  not  so  important 
socially  as  it  was.  Since  Canada  became  practically  self-governing  and  in 
1867  formed  a  federation,  called  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  there  is  little 
difference  politically  between  the  two.  As  we  export  to  Canada  more 
than  to  any  other  country  except  Great  Britain,  and  as  we  need  Canadian 
raw  materials,  the  commercial  relations  ought  to  be  still  closer  than  they 
are. 


486 


American  History 


[i893 


United  States 
and  Hawaii 
before  1893. 
Andrews,  Our 
Own  Time, 
700-704. 
Foster,  Am. 
Diplomacy 
in  Orient, 
370-378. 

Revolution  of 
1893- 


M od.  Hist., 
VII,  667-668. 


United  States 
and  Hawaii 
(1893-1898). 

Peck,  Twenty 
Years,  243— 
248,  331-335- 

Foster,  Am. 
Diplomacy 
in  Orient, 
378-385. 


416.  —  Hawaii. —  Americans  have  been  interested  in  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  since  the  first  part  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury. After  the  Civil  War  there  was  a  growing  sentiment 
in  the  United  States  that  the  islands  must  never  be  con- 
trolled by  any  European  power.  On  account  of  a  desire 
for  free  trade  with  Hawaii,  a  reciprocity  treaty  was  signed 
in  1876,  but  we  did  not  interfere  with  the  government  of  the 
islands,  which  had  become  more  liberal  because  of  the  de- 
mands of  white  residents. 

Early  in  1893  there  occurred  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  a 
revolution  which  drove  from  the  throne  the  reigning  queen, 

Liliuokalani,  who 
wished  to  restore 
arbitrary  govern- 
ment. During 
the  confusion  ac- 
companying this 
change,  the  Amer- 
ican  minister 
authorized  the 
landing  of  marines 
and  raised  the 
American  flag.  A  treaty  was  drawn  up  without  delay  pro- 
viding for  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  to  the  United  States  and 
was  submitted  by  President  Harrison  to  the  Senate  during 
the  closing  days  of  his  term. 

Before  action  had  been  taken  in  the  Senate,  the  treaty 
was  withdrawn  by  President  Cleveland,  and  a  special 
commissioner,  James  H.  Blount,  was  sent  to  investigate  the 
revolution.  By  Blount's  orders  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  was  hauled  down,  and,  on  his  recommendations,  plans 
were  made  for  the  restoration  of  the  queen.  These  failed 
because  the  new  government  refused  to  relinquish  its  author- 
ity and  because  the  queen  desired  the  death  of  all  engaged 
in  the  revolt  against  her.  The  President's  policy  was  not 
popular,  and  in  1894  he  recognized  the  newly  organized 
republic  of  Hawaii.  In  1897  another  treaty  providing  for 


Foreign  Affairs  487 

annexation  was  signed,  but  it  failed  of  ratification.  Not 
until  the  events  leading  to  the  Spanish- American  War  forced 
us  to  abandon  our  old  policy  of  semi-isolation  from  affairs 
of  world-wide  importance  did  Hawaii  become  part  of  the 
United  States  (1898)  through  joint  resolution  of  the  houses 
of  Congress. 

417.   Pan-American  Congresses.  —  In  a  sense  our  most  Panama  Con- 
important  foreign  relations  and  policies  have  been  those  gress  (l8z6)- 
with  our  southern  neighbors.    The  Monroe  Doctrine  grew  Foster,  Am. 
out  of  attempts  to  protect  them  and  our  interests  in  Latin  Diplomacy, 
America.     Beginning  with  James  G.  Elaine,  several  states-  4 
men  have  attempted  to  increase  our  trade  with  Latin  Amer-  Burgess, 

ica  and  establish  a  better  feeling  between  the  United  States  Middle  Period 

.  147-155- 

and  countries  south  of  us.    The  first  Pan-American  congress 

was  held  at  Panama  in  1826  for  the  purpose  of  forming  an  al- 
liance of  the  Latin-American  states  in  their  contest  with 
Spain.  The  United  States  was  asked  to  send  delegates, 
although  it  was  expected  that  we  should  have  no  share  in  the 
alliance  ;  but  many  Americans  objected  to  sending  commis- 
sioners. The  proposed  alliance  came  to  naught.  Later 
congresses  of  Latin-American  states  were  held,  without  im- 
portant results. 

'    The  United  States  did  not  take  part  in  the  work  of  any  Pan-American 
congresses  until  1889.     Delegates  from  the  republics  in  the 
new  world  met  in  conference  at  Washington  in  October, 
1889,  and  selected  as  chairman  Secretary  Elaine,  who  had   Andrews,  Our 

tried  to  secure  a  Pan-American  conference  in  1881.    This  0™"Time- 

566—574. 
conference  was  followed  in  1900  by  one  held  in  the  city  of 

Mexico.    The  third  Pan-American  conference  met  at  Rio   Casasus,  J.  D., 
Janeiro  in  1906,  and  the  fourth  in  Buenos  Ayres  in  1910.   in   Annals    °) 
The  results  of  the  meetings  have  been  important,  although   Sc  '  s      'M 
the  delegates  have  made  no  laws  and  the  different  countries   (1906),  5-13. 
have  not  always  acted  on  the  suggestions  offered.    Because 
of  these  conferences  a  better  understanding  exists  among  the 
nations  of  the  new  world.     Commerce  has  been  promoted, 
especially  by  the  establishment  of  a  bureau  of  the  American 
republics  which  collects  and  publishes  information  regarding 


488 


American  History 


[1865 


Two  applica- 
tions of  the 
Monroe 
Doctrine. 


The  French  in 
Mexico  (1866). 

Foster,  Am. 

Diplomacy, 

401-403. 

Lothrop, 
Seward,  387- 
395- 


trade.1  Most  of  the  countries  have  agreed  to  use  every 
effort  to  preserve  peace  and  the  most  important  nations  have 
given  their  consent  to  a  plan  for  the  compulsory  arbitration  of 
debts  owed  by  any  government  to  citizens  of  another  country. 

418.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  and  Mexico  after  the  Civil 
War.  —  During  the  last  half  century  there  have  been  two  con- 
spicuous instances  of  European  interference  with  the  affairs 
of  the  Latin-American  republics  to  which  we  have  objected. 
The  first  of  these  occurred  in  Mexico  during  the  Civil  War, 
the  second  grew  out  of  the  boundary  dispute  in  Venezuela. 

During  the  Civil  War  Napoleon  III  of  France,  under 
pretext  of  collecting  certain  debts,  forced  upon  the  Mexicans 
an  Austrian  prince  named  Maximilian,  who  was  main- 
tained as  Emperor  of  Mexico  by  the  use  of  the  French  army. 
Being  fully  occupied  with  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and 
anxious  to  avoid  difficulty  with  France,  the  government  at 
Washington  felt  it  unwise  to  do  more  than  refuse  to  recognize 
Maximilian's  government  and  mildly  protest  against  Na- 
poleon's course.  After  Appomattox  the  case  was  different. 
An  army  of  observation  under  Sheridan  was  dispatched  to 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  disapproval  of  French  actions  was 
clearly  expressed.  Finally,  on  December  10, 1865,  Secretary 
Seward  sent  to  France  a  peremptory  note,  stating  that  the 
policy  of  friendship  for  France  would  "  be  brought  into  im- 
mediate jeopardy,  unless  France  could  deem  it  consistent  with 
her  interest  and  honor  to  desist  from  the  prosecution  of  armed 
intervention  in  Mexico  to  overthrow  the  domestic  republican 
government  existing  there,  and  to  establish  upon  its  ruins  the 
foreign  monarchy  which  has  been  attempted  to  be  inaugu- 
rated in  the  capital  of  that  country."  After  a  little  hesitation 
Napoleon  agreed  to  withdraw  his  troops ;  and  when  that  was 
done,  the  Mexican  Empire  came  to  an  end,  Maximilian  being 
put  to  death. 

419.  Dispute  over  the  Boundary  of  Venezuela  (1895).  — 
Since  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  had  been 

1  It  has  a  building  at  Washington  built  chiefly  with  money  donated  by 
Mr.  Carnegie. 


1895] 


Foreign  Affairs 


489 


RICHARD  OLNEY 


a  dispute  over  the  location  of  the  boundary  line  between 
British  Guiana  and  Venezuela.  This  had  never  been  located, 
although  repeated  attempts  had  been  made,  especially  after 
1841,  to  reach  some  agreement.  The  disputed  territory  in- 
cluded a  large  area  in  the  interior,  in  which  gold  had  been 
discovered,  and  a  strip  along 
the  mouth  jof  the  great  Orinoco 
River.  Venezuela  proposed 
arbitration,  but  the  British 
government  refused  at  first 
such  a  settlement  of  the  ques- 
tion, and  later  agreed  to  that 
method  only  on  condition 
that  Venezuela  should  admit 
the  validity  of  most  of  Eng- 
land's claims  before  submis- 
sion to  arbitrators. 

The  disparity  in  strength  between  Great  Britain  and 
Venezuela,  the  danger  that  Venezuela  might  be  forced  to 
surrender  some  of  her  territory  to  Great  Britain,  as  well  as 
the  interest  of  the  United  States  in  the  controversy,  seemed  to 
President  Cleveland  and  Secretary  of  State  Olney  sufficient 
ground  for  interference.  Secretary  Olney  accordingly  wrote 
to  Lord  Salisbury  (1895),  explaining  at  length  the  nature  of 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  asserting  our  right  to  protect 
Venezuela  from  the  forcible  seizure  of  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute. Lord  Salisbury  answered  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
was  simply  a  policy  of  the  United  States,  that  it  was  not  a  part 
of  the  law  of  nations,  and  that,  in  any  case,  it  was  not  a  suffi- 
cient reason  for  American  interference. 

420.  Settlement  of  the  Venezuela  Controversy.  —  Soon 
after  receiving  this  reply,  President  Cleveland  sent  a  special 
message  to  Congress  (December  17).  He  stated  that  since 
Great  Britain  had  been  unwilling  to  submit  the  dispute  to 
impartial  arbitration,  it  was  now  the  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  determine  the  location  of  the  true  boundary  line. 
He  recommended  a  commission  appointed  by  the  executive 


Venezuelan 
boundary  dis- 
pute before 
1895. 

Cambridge 
Mod.  Hist., 
VII,  670-671. 


Correspond- 
ence over 
Venezuela. 

Hart,    Contem- 
poraries, 
TV,  No.  179. 

Latang,  U.  5. 
and  Sp.  Am., 
272-277. 

Dewey,  Nat. 

Problems, 

304-307 


Cleveland's 
message. 

Dewey,  Nat. 

Problems, 

307-312. 


490 


American  History 


[1895 


Cleveland, 
Pres.  Problems, 
269-273. 


Decision 
regarding 
Venezuela 
boundary. 

Cleveland, 
Pres.  Problems, 
273-281. 

Larned    (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VI,  600-693. 


Debt   collec- 
tion in  Vene- 
zuela and 
Santo 
Domingo. 

Lamed    (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VII,  582-585, 
684-685. 

Latane,  Am. 
as  a  World 
Power,    271— 
284. 

The  dilemma 
of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine. 

Bingham,  H., 
in  Atlantic  Mo., 
ill  (1913), 
721-734. 


to  investigate  the  question  and  render  a  report.  "  When 
such  report  is  made  and  accepted  it  will,  in  my  opinion,  be 
the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  resist,  by  every  means  in  its 
power,  as  a  willful  aggression  upon  its  rights  and  interests, 
the  appropriation  of  any  lands  or  the  exercise  of  governmen- 
tal jurisdiction  over  any  territory  which  after  investigation 
we  have  determined  of  right  belongs  to  Venezuela." 

This  forceful  language  aroused  great  enthusiasm  in  Amer- 
ica, but  for  a  few  days  there  was  considerable  excitement 
because  of  the  belief  that  war  with  Great  Britain  might  fol- 
low. After  the  commission  was  appointed,  Great  Britain 
agreed  to  arbitrate  the  dispute,  on  condition  that  each  country 
could  have  the  lands  which  its  citizens  had  occupied  for 
fifty  years.  This  gave  a  large  part  of  the  inland  territory 
in  dispute  to  Great  Britain  without  further  controversy.  The 
tribunal  which  fixed  the  line  decided,  however,  that  Venezuela 
should  control  the  territory  on  both  sides  of  the  Orinoco. 

421.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  since  1895.  — The  Venezuela 
dispute  emphasized  the  fact  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
is  not  simply  the  doctrine  announced  by  Monroe  in  1823. 
Since  1895  the  doctrine  has  been  changed  still  further.  In 
1902  Germany,  Great  Britain,  and  Italy  tried  to  collect  from 
Venezuela  by  "  peaceful  blockade  "  debts  due  to  citizens  of 
those  countries.  When  the  United  States  insisted  that  a 
peaceful  blockade  was  contrary  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
the  powers  declared  a  war  blockade.  The  question  was 
settled  by  submission  to  the  Hague  Court,  which  gave  pref- 
erence to  the  three  powers  over  other  creditor  countries. 
Later,  in  Santo  Domingo,  President  Roosevelt  took  charge  of 
the  customs  of  that  country  in  order  to  protect  American 
interests  and  to  avoid  European  interference. 

As  the  Monroe  Doctrine  is  the  policy  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  it  varies  with  each  executive.  President 
Roosevelt  favored  a  very  great  extension  of  the  doctrine. 
Other  chief  executives  would  restrict  it.  Continued  mis- 
government  in  a  Latin- American  republic,  coupled  with  inter- 
ference with  foreigners  and  foreign  property  rights,  certainly 
calls  for  supervision  by  the  United  States,  as  Roosevelt 


1895]  Foreign  Affairs  491 

insisted,  or  interference  by  European  powers,  if  American  Biakeslee, 

diplomacy  and  moral  suasion  fail.     But  the  more  progres-   G-  H-- in  No- 

•      T    *•     A        •  *  •     t       TT    i    c      >    •  ,-  l<r  Am-  Rev->  I98 

sive  Latin-American  countries  fear  Uncle  Sam's  interference   (i9i3)i779- 

rather  than  that  of  Europe.     The  Monroe  Doctrine  arouses  789. 
the  hostility  of  these  people  and  interferes  with  their  friend- 
ship for  us  and  their  trade  with  us.     We  must  expand  the 
doctrine,  or  we  must  limit  it  to  unwarranted  interference  by 
Europe,  or  we  must  abandon  it. 

In  spite  of  this  indefiniteness  the  Monroe  Doctrine  may  Principles  of 

be  said  to  include  the  following  principles.     No  European  the  Monroe 

.  .  .  .  .  ,  Doctrine, 

power  can  colonize  any  American  territory,  with  or  without 

the  consent  of  the  American  republic  whose  territory  is  taken.  No  Am  Rev 
No  great  European  power  shall  decide  territory  controversies   180  (1905), 
with  the  weaker  American  states  to  its  own  advantage.     We  586-601. 
do  not  permit  one  of  the  great  nations  to  occupy  or  retain 
the  territory  of  a  republic  of  this  continent  to  guarantee  the 
payment  of  debts  owed  in  Europe.    On  the  other  hand,  we 
do  not  object  to  the  use  of  force  if  necessary  to  collect  debts 
that  a  Spanish-American  state  may  refuse  to  pay,  nor  do  we 
interfere  in  ordinary  disputes  between  the  nations  of  the  old 
world  and  the  new,  although  we  always  offer  our  services 
in  the  settlement  of  the  controversy. 

422.  Summary. — The  decade  which  closed  with  1897  is  General, 
noteworthy  as  a  transition  period.  It  was  the  end  of  an 
era  of  growth  mainly  national.  It  was  a  time  of  change  in 
politics,  in  business,  and  in  society.  People  were  dissatisfied 
with  their  political  parties  and  their  government's  methods 
in  dealing  with  internal  and  foreign  questions. 

Politically  the  period  may  be  divided  into   two  parts.   Political  issues, 
(i)  The  dominant  issue  from  1886  to  1894  was  the  tariff. 
In  1890  a  high  protective  tariff  was  adopted.     (2)  From 
1894  to  1896  the  free-silver  movement  obscured  every  other. 

The  foreign  questions  of  the  period  were  more  important  Foreign  affairs 
than  at  almost  any  other  time  since  1815.  Most  of  our 
ordinary  disputes  were  settled  without  great  difficulty.  Two 
questions,  those  of  Samoa  and  Venezuela,  showed  a  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  officials  and  people  to  take  an  active  part 
in  world  affairs  from  which  we  had  heretofore  held  aloof. 


492  American  History  [1909 

TOPICS 

1.  THE  SILVER  ACT  OF  1890:    White,  "Money  and  Banking"; 
Noyes,  "  Thirty  Years  of  American  Finance,"  pp.  i58-(i8i) ;  Taussig, 
"The   Silver   Situation,"   pp.   48-71;    Sherman,    "Recollections   of 
Forty  Years,"  pp.  1061-1071,  1175-1200.' 

2.  THE  VENEZUELA  CONTROVERSY:    Peck,  "Twenty  Years  of  the 
Republic,"  pp.  412—436;    Larned  (ed.),  "  History  for  Ready  Refer- 
ence," VI,  pp.  684-693,  557-560;  Cleveland,  "Presidential  Problems," 
pp.  i73-273- 

3.  ELECTION  OF  1896:    Stanwood,  "History  of  the  Presidency," 
Chapter  XXXI;   Peck,  "Twenty  Years  of  the  Republic,"  pp.  465- 
517;  Larned  (ed.),  "History  for  Ready  Reference,"  VI,  pp.  563-574. 

STUDIES 

1.  Kearney  and  the  sand  lot  riots.     (Andrews,  "The  United  States 
in  Our  Own  Time,"  pp.  360-381.) 

2.  Thomas  B.  Reed.    (Knight,  E,,  in  New  England  Magazine,  30 
(1904),  pp.  215-224.) 

3.  Populist  platform  (1892).     (Stanwood,  "History  of  the  Presi- 
dency," pp.  509-513.) 

4.  Government  sales  of  bonds.     (Cleveland,  "Presidential  Prob- 
lems," pp.  121—172.) 

5.  Bryan's   "Cross   of  Gold"    speech.     ("Masterpieces   of   Elo- 
quence," Vol.  25,  pp.  10735-10745.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Make  a  table  showing1  the  changes  in  the  tariff  since  the  Civil 
War.     Would  it  be  better  if  business   men  rather   than  politicians 
decided  tariff  rates  ?    What  are  the  chief  objections  to  a  highly  pro- 
tective tariff  ?    to  one  exclusively  for  revenue  ? 

2.  What  was  the  purpose  of  the  Panama  Congress  (1826)  ?     How 
has  the  object  of  the  later  congresses  been  different  ?    To  what 
extent  do  the  American  countries  trade  with  one  another  ?    To  what 
extent  have  they  a  community  of  political  interests  ? 

3.  What  European   countries  have  income  taxes?    Was  the   tax 
of  1894  a  class  measure  ?     Should  not  some  of  our  taxes  be  progres- 
sive, i.e.  with  a  higher  rate  for  those  whose  assessment  is  large  ? 

4.  What  is  the  chief  cause  of  agitation  for  cheap  money  ?    To  what 
extent  was  the  free-silver  movement  in  1894  similar  to  the  greenback 
movement  of  1877  ?    What  was  the  result  of  the  movement  in  each 
case? 

5.  Place  in  the   notebook  a   complete   summary  of  each  of  the 
following  topics,  showing   the  sections  of  the  test  in   which  details 
may  be  obtained ;  the  tariff,  laws  relating  to  money,  Monroe  Doctrine. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

EXPANSION   (1897-1904) 

PRESIDENTS 
William  McKinley  (1897-1901)  Theodore  Roosevelt  (1901-1909) 

423.  Fundamental  Changes  in  the  United  States  after  Readiness  for 
1897. — The  years  1897  and  l898  marked  the  transition  from  change  (l897) 
the  old  era  to  the  new.  The  old  nation,  which  had  emerged 
triumphant  from  the  long  struggle  with  state  sovereignty 
twenty  years  earlier,  had  completed  the  task  of  destroying 
slavery  and  most  of  the  other  dangers  which  threatened  the 
development  and  continuance  of  a  true  nation.  It  had 
attacked  and  in  many  cases  had  solved  temporarily  press- 
ing political  problems,  such  as  the  tariff,  silver,  and  civil 
service  difficulties.  New  industrial  and  commercial  methods 
were  coming  into  use.  The  nation,  instinct  with  life  and  . 
energy,  needed  new  outlets  for  its  products,  sought  new 
fields  of  activity,  political  and  commercial,  demanded  new 
policies  that  were  based  on  recognition  of  our  real  position 
as  a  nation  and  not  on  precedent.  For  several  years  there 
had  been  evidence  of  a  readiness  to  abandon  our  former 
position  of  semi-isolation  from  the  affairs  of  the  world  powers. 
The  opportunity  to  adopt  a  new  international  policy  came 
when  we  felt  impelled  not  alone  for  self- protection  but  in 
the  interests  of  humanity  to  intervene  in  Cuba. 

The  war  which  followed  gave  the  new  American  spirit   New  imperial 
a  chance  to  express  itself  in  many  ways.     We  annexed  new  P°licy- 
territories  which  were  densely  populated  by  people  of  races 
alien  to  our  own,  by  people  who  were  inexperienced  in  the 
art  of  self-government.     A  new  colonial  policy  was  formu- 
lated to  meet  the  needs  of  these  dependencies,  although  this 
policy  involved  on  a  large  scale  imperial  principles  which 
2K  493 


494 


American  History 


[1868 


Industrial 
consolidation. 


Importance  of 
Cuba  to  the 
United  States. 


Cf.  Mahan, 
America  in 
Sea  Power, 
271-314. 


The  Ten 

Years'  War 
(1868-1879). 


we  had  considered  odious  hitherto  and  which  we  had  used 
reluctantly.  The  establishment  of  this  colonial  policy 
involved  a  new  construction  of  the  Constitution  which  will 
react  inevitably  on  the  government  of  the  United  States 
proper  by  increasing  centralization  and  by  decreasing  the 
right  of  the  states  and  of  individuals. 

The  new  imperial  policy  of  the  United  States  was  of 
scarcely  greater  importance  than  the  industrial  changes 
which  took  place  at  this  time.  With  the  great  consolidation 
of  capital  engaged  in  industry  or  commerce  in  the  form  of 
great  trusts  or  railway  combinations,  the  country  began  a 
new  period  marked  by  limited  competition,  extensive  pro- 
duction, and  wider  markets.  To  protect  the  public  from  the 
exorbitant  changes  or  unjust  methods  of  these  combinations 
has  been  and  is  now  one  of  the  chief  problems  of  our  national 
government  and  of  the  governments  in  many  of  our  states. 

THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR 

424.    Our   Relations   with    Cuba    before    1895. — The 

location  of  Cuba  has  made  that  island  of  the  first  importance 
in  the  history  of  the  United  States,  since  we  acquired  ter- 
ritory in  the  Mississippi  basin  and  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Standing  at  the  entrance  to  those  two  inland  seas,  the  Gulf 
and  the  Caribbean,  both  of  which  become  of  infinitely  greater 
value  to  us  with  the  construction  of  an  isthmian  canal, 
Cuba  has  interests  inseparable  from  those  of  the  United 
States.  We  could  permit  Cuba  to  remain  a  Spanish  colony 
because  Spain  was  no  longer  a  factor  in  the  world's  affairs, 
but  we  could  not  and  cannot  permit  Cuba  to  become  the 
dependency  of  any  of  the  great  European  nations.  To 
many  people  the  annexation  of  Cuba  by  the  United  States 
has  been  considered  the  only  safe  solution  of  this  vexed 
problem. 

Among  the  colonizing  nations  of  the  world  Spain  has  been 
notorious  for  the  wretched  government  of  its  provinces. 
Cuba  suffered  most  of  the  abuses  borne  by  Spanish  colonies, 
due  to  harsh  laws,  arbitrary  administration,  failure  of  justice, 


1896]  The  Spanish  American    War  495 

official  greed,  and  universal  corruption.    Many  revolts  had  Titherington, 
occurred  in  order  to  gain  greater  liberty  and  lower  taxes.  sP--Am-  War> 

2Q — 40. 

The  greatest  of  the  revolts  before  1895  was  the  so-called 

"Ten  Years'  War,"  an  insurrection  that  started  in  1868, 

but  was  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  eastern  part  of  and  s'  A'm^. 

the  island.     When  the  United  States  protested  against  the  136-174. 

fruitless  struggle,  Spain's  captain-general  in  Cuba,  Campos, 

agreed  to  grant  autonomy.    But  after  the  insurgents  had  laid 

down  their  arms,  the  Spanish  government  refused  to  carry 

out  the  promises  of  Campos.     During  this  struggle  war  was 

averted  narrowly  when  the  Virginius  was  captured  on  her 

way  to  Cuba,  and  Cuban  officials  shot  many  of  her  crew  who 

were  Americans. 

425.  United  States  and  Cuban  Insurrection  (1895-1 896). —  Insurrection 
In  February,  1895,  insurrection  again  broke  out.    This  time  °  I  95' 
all  Cuba  was  affected  and  the  cry  of  Cuba  Libre  was  echoed 
from  every  part  of  the  island,  for  few  longer  put  faith  Larned  (ed-). 

'  .  r  Ready  Kef., 

in  the  promises  of  the  Spaniards.     Spam  sent  large  numbers  VI  I7I_I75>  , 
of  troops  who  could  accomplish  little  against  the  guerrilla 
bands  of  the  Cubans,  although  they  outnumbered  the  in-  Titherington 
surgents  regularly  in  the  field  at  least  four  to  one.    The  sp.-Am.  Wart 
difficulty  was  to  find  an  enemy  whom  they  could  Strike.  43-S6- 
In  despair  General  Weyler  sought  to  crush  the  rebellion  by 
ordering  (1896)  the  concentration  of  all  non-combatants  in 
camps  near  the  larger  cities.    Through  this  "  reconcentrada" 
policy  the  insurgents  were  crippled  somewhat,  but  the  suffer- 
ing of  the  innocent  women  and  children,  huddled  together 
without  means  of  earning  enough  for  food,  defeated  not  only 
the  immediate  purpose  of  Weyler,  but  was  the  signal  for  the 
overthrow  of  Spanish  rule  in  America.     In  the  interest  of 
humanity  the  United  States  was  compelled  to  assert  herself. 

From  the  beginning  of  this   insurrection  there  was  a  Cleveland 
pronounced  sentiment  among  many  Americans  in  favor  of  and  Cuba- 
recognizing  the  belligerency  of  the  Cubans  if  not  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Cuban  republic.    This  sentiment  was  reflected  Lodge,  War 

in  Congress,  both  houses  of  which  desired  to  have  President  vn 

13-23. 

Cleveland  use  his  good  offices  for  the  recognition  of  both 


496 


American  History 


[1896 


McKinley 
and  Cuba. 


Lodge,  War 
with  Spain, 
23-28. 


Destruction  of 
the  Maine. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Re/., 

vi,  583-585- 


belligerency  and  independence.  The  President  did  not  see 
fit  to  take  any  action  and  when  (December,  1896)  Congress 
was  on  the  point  of  declaring  that  Cuba  was  independent, 
Cleveland  and  Olney  made  it  clear  that  they  should  disregard 
any  resolution  passed  in  Congress  to  that  effect.  In  his 
last  message  to  Congress,  however,  the  President  stated  that 
a  prolongation  of  the  war  might  require  our  intervention  in 
Cuba. 

426.    Dangers  to  American  Interests  in  Cuba  (1897- 
1898).  —  President  McKinley  took  nearly  the  same  view  of 


THE  Maine  ENTERING  HAVANA  HARBOR 

the  Cuban  question  as  his  predecessor,  although  his  efforts 
in  behalf  of  American  prisoners  afforded  better  protection 
to  those  who  had  business  in  Cuba.  During  1897  the 
Spanish  prime  minister  was  assassinated  and  a  Liberal 
ministry  was  formed  under  Sagasta,  which  recalled  Weyler 
and  endeavored  to  pacify  the  island  by  offering  home  rule  to 
the  Cubans.  This  offer  was  spurned,  and  by  the  middle  of 
January,  1898,  the  disorder  in  and  around  Havana  had 
increased  to  such  an  extent  that  the  battleship  Maine  was 
sent  to  Havana  harbor  in  order  to  protect  American  interests. 
On  the  morning  of  February  16  the  world  was  shocked 
to  learn  that  the  Maine  had  been  blown  up  at  ten  o'clock 
the  preceding  evening,  266  of  her  officers  and  crew  being 
dead.  For  five  weeks,  with  rare  self-control,  the  nation 
waited.  On  March  21  a  committee  of  inquiry  reported  to 
the  President  that  the  disaster  had  been  caused  by  the 


1898] 


The  Spanish- American  War 


497 


explosion  of  a  mine  outside  the  vessel.  Although  the 
Spanish  officials  must  have  known  that  they  had  stationed 
the  Maine  over  a  mine,  no  blame  was  attached  to  the 
Spanish  government.  Even  then  the  people  waited  for  the 
government  to  decide  when  and  in  what  way  it  would  act. 
Pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon  Spain  to  make  repara- 
tion for  this  outrage,  without  result  of  course. 


By  courtesy  of  Judge.     Copyrighted. 


BE  CAREFUL' 


427.   The  Situation  during  the  Spring  of  1898. — Mean-   Preparations 
while   active  preparations  were  made  for  the  war  which  forwar' 
was  to  be  the  last  resort.      On  March  9  Congress  had 
voted  $50,000,000  for  the  national  defense,  to  be  expended  Tithenngton, 
at  the  discretion  of  the  President.     When  it  became  evident 
that  Spain  would  do  nothing,  the  patience  of  the  people  was 
exhausted.     President  McKinley  sought  to  prevent  hostili- 
ties, but,  on  April  n,  he  was  forced  by  public  sentiment 
to  send  to  Congress  his  "  war  message  "  asserting  that  "  the 
war  in  Cuba  must  stop."    After  a  few  days'  debate  on  the 
exact  form  of  intervention,  Congress,  on  the  historic  igth 

of  April,  adopted  four  resolutions:    (i)  that  the  people  of 
a  K 


49* 


American  History 


[1898 


Attitude  of 

European 

powers. 


Peck,  Twenty 
Years,  545-554- 


Comparison 
of  the 
combatants. 


Titherington, 
Sp.-Am.  War, 
96-114. 


Cuba  were  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent; 
(2)  that  Spain  must  withdraw  from  Cuba;  (3)  that  the  PreS' 
ident  might  use  force  to  free  Cuba ;  and  (4)  that  the  United 
States  was  freeing  the  island  for  the  Cubans  and  not  for 
herself.  Spain  at  once  severed  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  United  States  and  war  actually  began  April  21,  al- 
though it  was  several  days  before  Congress  declared  that  a 
state  of  war  existed  between  Spain  and  the  United  States. 
The  attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  Cuba  had  been 
watched  carefully  by  the  European 
powers,  who  had  tried  to  prevent 
armed  conflict  between  Spain  and 
America.  Most  European  states- 
men believed  that  the  United  States 
was  interfering  in  Cuba  in  order 
to  advance  American  interests^ 
They  thought  therefore  that  ouij 
interference  was  not  justified.  On 
the  continent  it  was  expected  that; 
Spain  would  have  no  difficulty  in 
overpowering  our  navy,  and  the 
attitude  of  many  was  distinctly 

hostile  to  the  United  States,  until  repeated  victories  silenced 
opposition.  England,  however,  gave  proof  of  her  goodwill 
from  the  beginning  and  used  her  influence  in  winning 
friends  for  us  on  the  continent. 

428.  The  Beginning  of  War.  —  On  paper  the  advantage 
at  the  beginning  lay  with  Spain  rather  than  the  United  States, 
but  the  Americans  of  necessity  assumed  the  offensive. 
Spain  had  large  numbers  of  seasoned  troops  under  arms  in 
Cuba,  whereas  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States  con- 
sisted of  but  25,000  men,  many  of  whom  could  not  be  spared 
for  foreign  service.  Spain's  navy  consisted  of  several 
armored  cruisers  of  high  speed  and  modern  equipment, 
although  the  navy  as  a  whole  was  inferior  to  that  of  the 
United  States,  which  included  several  large  battleships. 
After  the  destruction  of  the  Maine,  the  navy  was  pre- 


WILLIAM  T.  SAMPSON 


1898] 


The  Spanish- American    War 


499 


pared  for  possible  war.    Two  fleets  were  gathered  in  the  Preparing  the 
north  Atlantic.    One  of  these,  with  most  of  the  battleships  fleets< 
and  monitors,  was  commanded  by  Admiral  William  T.  Samp- 
son; the  other,  composed  of  faster  cruisers  and  called  the   Hart-  Content- 
"  flying  squadron,"  by  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley.1    All   J 
vessels  in  the  Pacific  were  ordered  to  Hong  Kong,  where 
Admiral  Dewey  made  preparations  to  capture  the  fleet  at 
Manila  in  case  of  war. 


183 


Copyright  (1898)  by  Wm.  H.  Rau. 

THE  BATTLESHIP  Oregon 

After  war  was  declared  Dewey  was  obliged  to  leave 
the  British  port  at  Hong  Kong,  as  he  could  not  remain  in 
the  harbor  of  a  nation  that  had  declared  itself  neutral. 
He  proceeded  at  once  to  the  Philippines  and  advanced  early 
on  the  morning  of  May  i  against  the  Spanish  fleet.  The 
Spanish  were  not  well  prepared  for  an  attack,  although 
their  vessels  were  more  numerous  than  ours  and  were  pro- 
tected by  the  batteries  located  at  Cavite  and  along  the 
shore.  A  few  hours  sufficed  for  the  complete  destruction  of 

1  The  battleship  Oregon  was  ordered  from  San  Francisco  to  join  the 
Atlantic  fleet  and  made  a  remarkable  voyage  around  Cape  Horn,  the  ship 
covering  fourteen  thousand  miles  in  sixty-seven  days,  and  reporting  for 
duty  without  delay,  since  it  arrived  in  perfect  condition. 


Manila. 


Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VI,  59&-S99, 
617-620. 


Titherington, 
Sp.-Am.  War, 
364-378. 


500 


American  History 


[1898 


Lodge,  War 
with.  Spain, 
48-67. 


Cuba. 


Lodge,  War 
with  Spain, 
Chapters  VI- 
VIII. 


GEORGE  DEWEY 


•  all  the  enemy's  vessels,  but  no  attempt  was  made  at  this 
time  to  capture  Manila,  since  Dewey  could  not  spare  the 
marines  necessary  for  holding  the  city.  Later  in  May  the 

first  transports  left  San  Fran- 

^^^Hiifj^,  cisco    with    troops    for    the 

Philippines,  but  Manila  was 
not  besieged  until  late  in  July 
after  fresh  reinforcements 
had  arrived.  A  combined 
land  and  naval  attack  under 
General  Merritt  and  Dewey 
led  to  the  surrender  of  the 
city  August  13,  one  day  after 
peace  articles  had  been  signed 
at  Washington.  As  the  Span- 
ish had  controlled  a  very 
small  part  of  the  islands, 
their  rule  in  the  East  was  practically  over. 

429.  Wax  on  the  Atlantic.  —  At  the  beginning  of  the  war 
a  blockade  of  most  of  the  important  ports  of  Cuba  was 
established,  in  the  hope  of  starving  Havana  into  submission. 
A  sharp  lookout  was  kept  for  the  fleet  under  Cervera  which, 
it  was  feared,  might  at- 
tack one  of  our  unpro- 
tected coast  cities.  The 
fleet  was  discovered  later 
at  Santiago  de  Cuba,  the 
harbor  of  which  is  deep 
and  narrow,  with  a  bottle- 
like  entrance  which  the 
blockading  fleet  sought 
unsuccessfully  to  close  by 
sinking  a  collier,  the  Mer- 
rimac,  in  the  entrance.  The  American  fleet  now  waited 
outside  the  harbor  until  the  army  threatened  the  capture 
of  the  city.  Owing  to  the  difficulties  in  organizing  and 
transporting  the  troops,  only  a  few  thousand  were  ready 


OPE1UTIOXS  AKOINU  SANTIAGO  1)E  CUBA 


1898]  The  Spanish- American    War  501 

to  sail  from  Florida  at  this  time.  After  some  delays  and 
considerable  suffering  through  lack  of  proper  food  and 
shelter,  the  regulars  and  Roosevelt's  "  rough  riders  "  cap- 
tured the  enemy's  strongholds  at  El  Caney  and  San  Juan 
Hill.  Cervera  then  left  the  harbor  about  nine  o'clock  on 
the  morning  of  July  3.  One  after  another  his  vessels 
were  forced  ashore  and  destroyed  by  the  accurate  fire 


SIGNING  THE  PEACE  PROTOCOL 

of  the  Americans.  Again,  practically  without  loss,  an 
American  fleet  had  destroyed  its  Spanish  opponent.1  Soon 
after,  the  city  was  surrendered  with  all  of  the  troops  in 
eastern  Cuba,  on  condition  that  they  should  be  transferred 
free  to  Spain. 

Later  in  July  an  American  force  under  General  Nelson   Porto  Rican 
A.  Miles  proceeded  against  Porto  Rico.     By  a  well-planned   caH1Paign- 
and  brilliantly  executed  campaign  the  subjugation  of  Porto  L^^  /e(j.) 
Rico  was  nearly  completed  when  preliminaries  of  peace  were  Ready  Re/., 
signed  and  hostilities  ceased.  VI>  6l7> 

1  The  sole  remaining  fleet  of  Spain,  which  had  passed  through  the  Suez 
canal  on  its  way  to  the  East,  now  turned  back  to  Spain. 


502 


American  History 


[1898 


Preliminaries 
of  peace. 


Lodge,  War 
with  Spain, 
222-226. 


Loans  and 
new  taxes. 

Dewey,  Finan- 
cial Hist., 
§  197- 


West,  M.,  in 
Rev.  of  Rev., 
18  (1898), 
48-52. 


Inefficiency 
of  the  war 
department. 


The  decisive  naval  victories  of  the  Americans  at  Manila 
and  Santiago,  followed  by  preparations  for  active  campaigns 
against  Porto  Rico  and  the  city  of  Manila,,  convinced  the 
Spanish  government  that  further  prosecution  of  the  war  was 
unwise.  On  July  26  the  French  ambassador  at  Washing- 
ton was  requested  to  ask  for  terms  of  peace  and  on  August 
12  a  peace  protocol  was  signed.  Spain  relinquished  all 
claim  to  Cuba,  ceded  Porto  Rico  and  her  other  West  Indian 
islands  to  the  United  States,  and  gave  us  one  island  in  the 
Ladrone  group  in  the  Pacific.  The  United  States  was  to 
hold  the  city  and  harbor  of  Manila  pending  the  final  dis- 
position of  the  Philippines. 

430.  War  Finance.  — To  meet  the  extraordinary  expenses 
of  the  war,  Congress  raised  large  sums  of  money.  Imme- 
diate needs  were  satisfied  by  a  loan  of  $200,000,000  at  three 
per  cent  interest.  So  patriotic  was  the  response  to  the 
government's  request  for  money  that  more  than  300,000 
persons  subscribed  to  the  loan,  offering  a  total  sum  of 
$1,400,000,000.  Profiting  by  the  lesson  of  the  Civil  War, 
the  government  wisely  sought  to  pay  most  of  the  military 
and  naval  expenses  through  taxation.  The  old  rates  on 
tobacco  and  fermented  liquors  were  increased  one  hundred 
per  cent.  New  schedules  were  created  by  placing  a  stamp 
tax  on  patent  medicines,  chewing  gum,  and  other  articles. 
Stamps  were  to  be  placed  on  all  checks,  drafts,  deeds,  notes, 
and  many  other  papers  involving  business  transactions. 
Several  lines  of  business  were  obliged  to  pay  business  taxes, 
the  total  revenue  from  the  new  excise  and  business  taxes 
amounting  to  about  $71,000,000  a  year.  A  new  kind  of 
national  tax  was  levied  on  legacies,  the  rate  varying  from  less 
than  one  per  cent  for  direct  heirs  to  fifteen  per  cent  for  those 
unrelated  to  the  deceased  who  inherited  large  sums. 

As  the  increase  of  the  army  and  navy  expenses  was  not 
limited  to  the  four  months  of  the  war,1  most  of  these  war 

1  The  military  and  naval  expenses  for  1898-1901  inclusive  were  $514.- 
000,000  more  than  for  the  preceding  four  years,  an  increase  of  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent. 


1898] 


The  Spanish- American    War 


503 


taxes  were  retained   for  several  years.     Both   the  stamp  Lamed  (ed.), 

taxes  and  the  inheritance  tax  were  repealed  during  1002.   Ready  Kef" 

VI,  631-634. 
43 1 .  Army  Administration  and  Reform. — Even  before  the 

war  began  the  serious  condition  of  the  war  department  became 
painfully  evident.  Not  only  was  the  department  unpre- 
pared for  war,  but  so  defective  were  its  methods  that  it  could 
not  do  satisfactorily  even  a  small  part  of  the  work  assigned 
to  it.  Troops 
were  furnished 
with  the  wrong 
kind  of  materials 
for  tropical  cam- 
paigns; there 
were  few  modern 
rifles  obtainable 
and  smokeless 
powder  was  pro- 
vided only  on 
rare  occasions. 
The  volunteers 
were  huddled 
in  unsanitary 
camps.  If  sent 

to  the  front,  they  were  delayed  at  every  point  by  lack 
of  transports  or  other  facilities.  Six  weeks  after  war  was 
declared,  a  time  sufficient  in  1866  for  the  complete  humili- 
ation of  Austria  by  Prussia,  the  new  army  was  still  dis- 
organized. The  department  failed  most  completely  in 
providing  food  for  the  troops.  Serious  sickness  and  death 
were  caused  by  this  scarcity  or  by  the  inferior  quality  of  the 
supplies.  Contracts  were  made  by  the  department  under 
which  "  embalmed  "  beef  that  was  unfit  for  food  was  fur- 
nished in  large  quantities.  An  investigation  in  1899  ex- 
onerated Alger,  the  secretary  of  war,  but  the  public  was  not 
satisfied  that  the  defects  of  the  system  were  understood  or  the 
proper  officials  blamed  for  neglect  of  duty. 
As  the  preservation  of  order  in  the  new  colonies  required 


ELIHU  ROOT 


504 


American  History 


[1898 


Reorganiza- 
tion of  the 
army. 

Lamed  (ed.)i 
Ready  Ref., 
VI,  678-680. 


The  question 
of  expansion. 


Negotiations 
regarding  the 
Philippines. 


a  larger  standing  army  than  that  existing  before  1898, 
a  new  law  was  passed  by  Congress  in  1901  enlarging  the  army 
to  a  total  of  not  less  than  57,000  nor  more  than  100,000. 
Under  the  guidance  of  that  able  and  energetic  administrator, 
Secretary  of  War  Root,  the  entire  system  was  modernized 
and  reorganized,  and  a  general  staff  created  to  take  charge 
of  army  affairs.  Since  we  had  decided  to  keep  the  outlying 
islands  which  came  into  our  possession  in  1898  and  con- 
struct an  isthmian  canal,  plans  were  made  and  have  been 
carried  out  partially  to  enlarge  and  strengthen  the  navy, 
which  will  be  of  especial  value  in  protecting  our  interests  in 
all  parts  of  the  globe. 

THE  CARE  OF  WIDER  AMERICAN  INTERESTS 

432.  The  Problem  of  the  Pacific. — During  the  three 
months  following  the  conclusion  of  hostilities  the  adminis- 
tration was  obliged  to  decide  definitely  what  its  policy 
should  be  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of  distant  lands  in  the 
Pacific.  There  was  no  doubt  that  the  nation  was  willing  to 
follow  a  new  policy  that  would  open  to  us  new  ports  in  the 
far  East  and  permit  us  to  use  our  political  influence  in  the 
Pacific  to  greater  advantage.  During  the  war  Hawaii  had 
been  annexed  to  the  United  States  by  joint  resolution  of 
both  houses  of  Congress.  Although  many  arguments  in 
favor  of  Hawaiian  annexation  could  not  be  used  of  islands 
near  Asia — the  nearness  of  the  Hawaiian  group,  their  com- 
mercial dependence  on  the  United  States,  the  comparatively 
large  white  population  of  Hawaii,  the  danger  to  us  from  their 
acquisition  by  a  European  nation  —  nevertheless  the  pos- 
session of  Hawaii  was  a  reason  for  going  a  step  farther  and 
acquiring  islands  which  would  give  us  commercial  advan- 
tages in  the  great  struggle  that  had  already  begun  for  su- 
premacy in  the  west  Pacific  and  in  eastern  Asia. 

At  first  President  McKinley  authorized  the  peace  com- 
missioners to  acquire  the  island  of  Luzon  only,  with  trade 
concessions  in  other  parts  of  the  Philippines.  Later,  how- 
ever, the  President  reached  the  conclusion  that  "  the  cession 


1899]          Care  of  Wider  American  Interests  505 

must  be  of  the  whole  archipelago  or  none.    The  latter  is  Lodge,  War 

wholly   inadmissible    and   the    former  must   therefore   be  Wlth  SPMH< 

226—230. 

required."  As  Secretary  Hay  telegraphed  to  the  peace  com- 
missioners, "  The  sentiment  in  the  United  States  is  almost 
universal  that  the  people  of  the  Philippines,  whatever  else 
is  done,  must  be  liberated  from  Spanish  dominion.  In  this  VII,  682-686. 
sentiment  the  President  fully  concurs.  Nor  can  we  permit 
Spain  to  transfer  any  of  the  islands  to  another  power.  Nor 
can  we  invite  another  power  or  powers  to  join  the  United 
States  in  sovereignty  over  them.  We  must  either  hold  them 
or  turn  them  back  to  Spain.  Consequently  grave  as  are  the 
responsibilities  and  unforeseen  as  are  the  difficulties  which 
are  before  us,  the  President  can  see  but  one  plain  path  of 
duty  —  the  acceptance  of  the  archipelago." 

433.  The  Treaty  of  Paris  (1898-1 899).  —  While  the  admin-   Negotiation 
istration  was  deciding  what  should  be  done  in  reference  to  the  and  Provisions 
Philippines,  negotiations  for  a  peace  treaty  were  begun  at 
Paris,  October,  1898.    The  United  States  was  represented  by  Hart-  Contem- 
five  able  commissioners  *  who  succeeded  in  gaining  all  of  the   i™™^'  8 
concessions  we  desired.    The  chief  discussions  were  caused 
by  Spain's  desire  to  make  us  responsible  for  Cuba  and  the  . 

'      *  MacDonald, 

Cuban  debt  and  to  retain  the  Philippines  for  herself.    On   statutes, 
both  points  Spain  yielded  finally.     According  to  the  com-   No.  131. 
pleted  treaty  Spain  relinquished  her  sovereignty  over  Cuba, 
ceded  to  us  Porto  Rico  and  her  other  West  India  possessions 
and  the  Island  of  Guam,  and  transferred  her  rights  in  the 
Philippines  for  a  sum  of  $20,000,000  paid  to  her  for  public 
works    and  improvements  which  belonged  to  the  Spanish 
government. 

Although  most  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  approved   Debate  over 
the  acquisition  of  the  Philippines,  an  active  minority  opposed.  ratification. 
it.     Anti-imperialist  leagues  were  formed  which  sought  to 
arouse  public  sentiment,  especially  by  harping  on  the  word   Lamed  (ed.) 
"  imperialism."    They  called  attention  to  the  great  change 
which  we  should  make  if  we  abandoned  our  traditional 

1  The  commissioners  were  William  R.  Day,  Cushman  K.  Davis,  Wil- 
liam P.  Frye,  George  Gray,  and  Whitelaw  Reid. 


506 


American  History 


[1899 


policy.  They  maintained  that  the  acquisition  was  not  only 
contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  Constitution,  but  was  unjust  to  the  Filipinos  and 
dangerous  to  the  perpetuation  of  our  democratic  institutions. 
Many  of  the  advocates  of  annexation  did  not  desire  to  hold 
the  Philippines  permanently,  but  believed  any  other  course 
to  be  unwise.  Probably  the  majority  of  the  American  people, 
even  at  this  time,  favored  not  only  the  retention  of  the  islands 


Aguinaldo's 
insurrection. 


Andrews,  Our 
Own  Time, 
842-852. 


By  courtesy  of  Leslie's  Weekly.    Copyrighted. 

A  REPUBLICAN  APPEAL  TO  VOTERS  (1900) 

but  the  adoption  of  an  imperialist  policy  involving  tropical 
colonies.  The  treaty  was  submitted  to  the  Senate  early  in 
January,  1899.  After  a  month  of  discussion  it  was  adopted 
by  a  very  narrow  margin,  the  vote  being  57  to  28,  only  one 
more  than  the  constitutional  two  thirds. 

434.  The  Philippine  Insurrection  and  the  Election  of 
1900. — The  problem  of  controlling  the  Philippines  was 
complicated  because  of  an  insurrection  against  the  authority 
of  the  American  government.  For  several  years  before  the 
Spanish-American  War  there  had  been  armed  opposition  in 
the  islands  to  the  rule  of  Spain.  After  the  transfer  of  the 
Philippines  in  the  treaty  of  peace  these  forces  which  had 
rebelled,  led  by  Aguinaldo,  attacked  the  American  troops, 


1902]          Care  of  Wider  American  Interests  507 

and  it  was  more  than  two  years  before  the  disorder  was  Lamed  (ed.), 

finally  suppressed  by  the  capture  of  Aguinaldo  and  the  Ready  Ref-> 

suppression  of  minor  rebellions  in  the  smaller  islands  of  the  ,85-387 
group. 

In  the  presidential  election  of  1900  interest  in  the  free-  Election  of 

silver  discussion  of  1896  was  revived  because  of  the  unwill-  I9°°- 

ingness  of   the  Democratic  candidate,    William  J.  Bryan,  Andrews,  Our 

to  run  on  any  other  platform  than  that  of  the  free  coinage  of  £f wor*we' 

065 — o7o« 

silver  at  a  legal  ratio  of  16  to  i.    The  Democratic  platform, 

however,  stated  that  imperialism  was  "  the  paramount  issue  Lamed  (ed.), 

of  the  campaign."    The  Republican  convention  endorsed  Ready  Ref-' 

VI,  646-660. 
the  attitude  of  the  McKmley  administration  in  its  dealings 

with  our  dependencies  and  renewed  its  "  allegiance  to  the  Latan6, 

principle  of  the  gold  standard."     William  McKinley  was  ^*«™»«« 
.  .  World  Power, 

renominated  for  President  and  Theodore  Roosevelt  of  New   I20_I32. 

York  was  selected  for  Vice  President  in  response  to  popular 
demand.  Although  many  eastern  states  gave  McKinley 
much  smaller  pluralities  than  during  the  abnormal  campaign 
of  1896,  his  total  popular  plurality  was  much  larger  than  in 
1896,  and  he  carried  five  states  more  than  in  his  first  election. 

435.  The    Development    of    a    Colonial    Policy.  —  The  Republican 

.  , .  .  .  .   ,     ,  policy  before 

Republican  victory  in  1900  might  be  construed  as  an  endorse-   i902. 

ment  of  the  colonial  plans  of  that  party.  That  policy  fol- 
lowed the  usual  methods  for  controlling  new  territory,  that 
is,  to  appoint  military  governors  until  it  was  possible  to  or- 
ganize a  civil  government.  Provisional  civil  government  was 
changed  into  permanent  civil  government,  in  Porto  Rico 
in  1900,  and  in  the  Philippines  in  1902.  This  permanent 
government  was  not  like  that  of  our  "  organized  territories," 
however,  since  Congress  and  the  President  did  not  believe 
that  "  the  Constitution  follows  the  flag."  They  held  on  the 
contrary  that  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  were  colonies, 
that  Congress  might  decide  how  they  should  be  governed, 
and  that  Congress  might  levy  taxes  on  the  colonies,  in  spite 
of  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  that  "  all  duties,  imports 
and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States."  T,  ,  j 
In  the  earlier  "  Insular  cases  "  (1901)  the  Supreme  Court  cases. 


508 


American  History 


[1900 


Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VI,  660-674, 
682-683. 
Burgess,  J.  W., 
in  Pol.  Sc. 
Quar.,  1 6 
(igoi),  486- 
504- 

Rowe,  L.  S.,  in 
Annals   Am. 
Acad.,  18 
(1901),   226- 
250. 

Porto  Ricx>. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Hist,  for  Ready 
Ref.,  VII,  501- 
503- 

Abbott,  L.,  in 
Outlook,   92 
(1009),  451- 
462. 

Liberty  and 
government. 


Taft,  W.  H., 
in  Outlook,   71 
(1902),  305 
et  seq. 

Jenks,  J.  W., 
in  Rev.  of  Revs., 
26  (1002), 
580-588. 

Willoughby, 

Territories, 

184-201. 

Lamed  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VII,  492-498. 


decided  that,  since  the  colonies  were  neither  foreign  soil  nor 
integral  parts  of  the  United  States,  Congress  might  levy  such 
tariffs  as  it  pleased.  Later  decisions  (1904)  denied  the  right 
of  trial  by  jury  and  the  right  to  bear  arms  within  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  even  to  former  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
These  decisions  gave  Congress  absolute  control  of  the 
colonies,  since  Congress  might  rule  them  as  it  wished  until  it 
limited  its  own  power  by  extending  constitutional  rights  and 
privileges  to  inhabitants  of  the  colonies. 

Porto  Rico  was  allowed  to  have  complete  civil  govern- 
ment earlier  than  the  Philippines,  and  the  powers  granted  to 
the  people  were  greater.  Universal  suffrage  was  given  in 
the  act  of  1900,  and  the  Porto  Ricans  had  a  legislature  from 
the  first.  Porto  Rico  was  subject  to  a  special  tariff  for  a 
short  time  only.  The  United  States  (1909),  however,  as- 
serted its  right  to  make  appropriations  if  the  Porto  Rican 
legislature  failed  to  do  so.  The  most  important  agitation 
among  the  islanders  during  recent  years  has  been  the  demand 
for  United  States  citizenship. 

436.  The  Philippines  since  1900.  —  The  Philippine 
Islands  were  at  first  under  a  military  governor  who  was  the 
commander  of  the  army  in  the  Philippines.  In  1900  a  civil 
government  was  established,  a  commission  of  five  being 
appointed  by  the  President  to  control  the  islands  under  the 
laws  of  Congress.  This  commission  was  replaced  in  1902  by 
a  complete  government,  consisting  of  a  governor,  four  com- 
missioners, and  other  colonial  officials  selected  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  Senate,  of  an  upper  legislative  house  composed  of 
the  Philippine  commission  with  several  Filipinos,  and  of  a 
lower  house  of  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  members  chosen 
by  voters  who  own  property  or  can  speak,  read,  and  write 
Spanish  or  English.1  In  local  government  the  people  were 
allowed  a  greater  share  than  in  the  tropical  colonies  of  any 
European  power.  Congress  did  not  deem  it  wise  to  grant  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  all  of  the  civil  rights  exercised 
by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  it  did  give  them  all  the 
1  The  first  assembly  did  not  meet  until  1907. 


(The  different  Scales  used  shoult 


:00'West  from    95'  Greenwich    90'  85'  80' 70' 70' 


TERRITORIAL 
GROWTH 

OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES 


A  Disputed  by  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  Slalei  ( 1783-1842 
B  Disputed  by  Spain  and  the 
United  Stales,   (1S08-1S18); 
ized  by  the  United  Slates 


5  HAWAIIAN  ,  ... 

I    ISLANDS.,  j' 

1SOS 


SAMO/VN  ISLAN'DS  1899 

(Amerir:m  roscs-,ioin)  w«(  rren 


be  noted  with  particular  care.) 


1913]          Care  of  Wider  American  Interests  509 

rights  enumerated  in  the  amendments  of  the  Constitution 
except  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  and  the  right  to  bear  arms. 

In  many  ways  the  United  States  has  been  able  to  settle  Social  and 
difficulties  which  prevented  the  development  of  the  islands,  industrial 
Among  these  have  been  the  problems  of  schools,  which  have  F 

been  opened  everywhere  on  the  islands ;  that  of  roads,  which  Ide>  H-  c->  in 
...  .      ,  .  .          ,,  r         .      .  ,    No.  Am.  Rev., 

have  been  built  near  the  large  cities ;  those  of  sanitation  and  lg6  (Igo_) 

public  improvements;    and,  most  trying  of  all,  that  of  the  510-524. 
friars  lands,  which  was  settled  through  the  help  of  the  pope,  Ireland,  A.,  in 
by  the  purchase  of  the  friars'  lands  and  by  depriving  the  Atlantic,  94 
friars  of   much    of    their  previous   political  control.      Ap-      9°4''  S77~~ 
parently  the  islands  have  made  good  progress  under  Ameri- 
can control,  but  many  of  the  inhabitants  and  others  desire  Forbes,  W.  C., 
Philippine  independence,  and  consider  the  work  which  has  m  Atlantic,  103 

been  done  by  the  Americans  to  be  of  comparatively  little 

*  200-209. 

value.     Before  1909  imports  to  the  United  States  from  the 

islands  paid  a  duty  equal  to  seventy-five  per  cent  of  our  Willis,  H.  P., 

regular  tariff,  but  since  that  date  there  has  been  practically  in  pM-  People, 

free  trade  between  the  islands  and  the  United  States  for  the 

products  of  either. 

437.  Alaska.  —  The  last  American  territory  to  have  a  Relations  with 
government  of  its  own  was  Alaska,  which  until  1912  had  no  Russia  before 
law-making  body.     However,  Alaska  was  the  first  territory 
that  we  acquired  which  was  not  contiguous  to  the  United  Foster,  Am. 
States  proper.     It  had  been  held  by  Russia  which  had  sought  DiP^macy- 
about  1820  to  acquire  possessions  farther  south  than  Sitka 
in  order  to  keep  the  British  from  the  Pacific.     This  threat- 
ened aggression  by  the  largest  country  of  the  old  world  was 
an  immediate  cause  of  the  proclamation  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  in  1823  (§  262).     In  1824  Russia  agreed  to  remain 
north  of  54°  40'.     After  the  United  States  gained  undisputed 
possession  of  southern  Oregon  in  1846  (§  303)  offers  were 
made  to  Russia  for   Alaska.     These    seem    to  have  been 
considered  favorably  because  of  Russia's  hatred  and  fear  of 
England,  particularly  in  the  years  following  the  Crimean  War 
(1854).     During  the  Civil  War  Russia  gave  proof  of  her 
friendship  by  sending  a  fleet  to  New  York.     In  1867,  when 


5io  American  History  [1898 

the  suggestion  was  made  that  Russia  should  cede  us  Alaska, 
terms  were  agreed  upon  and  the  treaty  ratified  within 
twenty-four  hours.  Russia  had  gained  such  great  areas  in 
Asia  (hat  she  feared  Great  Britain  and  wished  our  friendship, 
as  Napoleon  had  sixty  years  earlier  (§  232). 

Development         There  was  little  opposition  to  the  acquisition  of  this  vast 

)°  Alaska  ^       territory,  but  few  people  appreciated  the  richness  of  the 

resources  in  that  region.     In  fact  it  was  not  until  the  dis- 

Lamed  (ed.),      covery  of  large  quantities  of  gold  near  the  Yukon  River  in 

VI  6^-ic/  J^9^  tna*  much  interest  was  taken  in  Alaska.    The  location 

of  valuable  mines  near  the  boundary  line  and  the  use  that 

Rev.  of  Revs.,  38  was  made  by  the  gold-seekers  of  bays  and  roads  which  were 

702°  o  (100  )    claimed  by  both  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  caused 

40-62.  the  settlement  in  1903  of  the   boundary  dispute  between 

Alaska  and  Canada.     Alaska  is  well  supplied  not  only  with 

Halbert,  W.D.,   gold  but  with  coal  and  other  minerals.     The  attempt  of  cor- 

3  porations  and  speculators  to  seize  coal  lands  and  harbor 

951-962.  frontage  in  1909  caused  severe  criticism  of  President  Taft's 

Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Richard  Ballinger  (§  458).    Later 

Weems,  C.,  in   Alaska's  resources  were  tied  up  until,  after  1912,  the  govern- 

World's    Work,  .   ,,T     ,  .  \  ., 

d  12)  ment  at  Washington  proposed  a  government  railway,  pro- 

422-430.  vided  some  self-government  for  the  territory,  and  permitted 

further  development  of  Alaska's  resources. 
Early  438.  Attempts  to  secure  an  Isthmian  Canal  before  1902. 

—  With  American  possessions  in  the  Pacific,  a  canal  across 
Taylor,  B.,  in  Central  America  became  a  necessity.  Plans  were  proposed 
Century  47  three  centuries  ago  to  connect  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific. 
(1900),  When  the  United  States  gained  California,  this  discussion  was 

507-509.  revived,  and,  in  order  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  Great 

Latane",  U.  S.     Britain,  which  possessed  capital  and  controlled  the  best 

and  Spanish 

America,  canal  route,  the  United  States  agreed  to  the  Clayton-Bulwer 

180-220.  treaty  in  1850. 

Necessary  pre-  jn  order  to  construct  a  canal  under  American  auspices, 
foTconstruc^3  ^  was  necessary to  complete  four  preliminary  steps,  (i)  We 
tion  of  an  must  secure  the  abrogation  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty 
American  which  required  the  cooperation  of  Great  Britain  in  the  con- 

struction of  a  canal;    (2)  Congress  was  obliged  to  select  a 


1902]          Care  of  Wider  American  Interests  511 

route  and  authorize  the  construction  of  a  canal  by  that 
route;  (3)  the  President  and  Senate  must  agree  with  the 
country  in  which  the  canal  was  to  be  located  on  the  terms 
under  which  we  should  dig  the  canal ;  and  (4)  if  the  Panama 
route  were  selected,  we  must  purchase  the  rights  and  property 
of  the  French  company  that  had  done  considerable  excava- 
tion for  a  canal  at  Panama. 

The  United  States  and  Great  Britain  finally  agreed  (1901)   Hay- 
on  the  Hay-Pauncefote  convention,  which  superseded  the  Pauncefote 

.          Convention 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty.     It  expressly  stated  that  the  United   (IOOI). 

States  might  construct  a  canal,  directly  or  indirectly,  and  Lamed  (ed.), 

gave  us  the  exclusive  right  of  providing  for  the  regulation  HisL  f°r  Ready 

and  management  of  the  canal.     The  canal  was  to  be  neutral  Latane,  Am.  as 

on  the  same  conditions  as  the  Suez  canal,  giving  the  United  a  World  Power, 

States  the  right  to  police  the  district  traversed,  but  not  allow-   *?4~2°V 

.    Dunnell.M.B., 
ing  any  nation  to  blockade  the  canal  or  commit  an  act  of  -m.^0m  Am. 

war  in  it.  Rev.,  171 

439.  Securing  a  Satisfactory  Route  for  the  Canal.  —  t^00). 

829—846. 

The  Nicaragua  route  was  favored  by  most  of  the  engineer- 
ing commissions  that  examined  this  subject,  and  by  the  isthmian 
House  of  Representatives.    The  last  commission  (1901)  re-  CanalAct 
ported  in  favor  of  Panama.    The  Seriate  favored  Panama, 
but  authorized  the  President  to  choose  the  other  route  if  no  Latane,  Am.  as 
terms  could  be  made  with  Colombia  or  the  French  company.  a  World  Power, 
This  was  accepted  by  the  House,  and  the  Isthmian  Canal 
Act  of  June  28,  1902,  contained  that  provision.1 

Without  great  difficulty  Colombia  was  persuaded  to  make  Purchase  of  a 

a  treaty  giving  us  the  use  of  a  strip  ten  miles  wide  as  a  canal  canal  zone 

zone.     Compensation  was  fixed   at  $10,000,000,   but   the  Latane,  ^m_  as 

Colombian  Congress  desired  a  larger  sum,  $25,000,000,  and  a  World  Power, 

refused  to  ratify  the  treaty.     Panama  then  took  matters  into  2I3-22o. 

her  own  hands  and  seceded  from  Colombia.     Her  independ-  in  outlook   90 

ence  was  recognized  at  once  by  President  Roosevelt,  an  act  (1911), 

314-318. 

1  The  Canal  Act  also  stated  that  the  President  might  expend  #40,000,000 

for  the  franchises  and  property  of  the  French  company,  and  might  appoint 
an  isthmian  canal  commission  which  would  have  charge  of  the  construction 
of  the  canal.  The  sum  of  #135, 000,000  was  authorized  for  the  completion 
of  the  work. 


512 


American  History 


[1902 


Bishop,  J.  B.,   which  caused  considerable  comment,  and  the  new  Republic 
m  intema-         of  panama  agreed  to  give  us  perpetual  rights  in  a  canal  zone 

tional,g(iQo4), 

247-260  an"  tne  nSnt  to  construct  a  canal  for  the  amount  originally 

Mahan,  A.  T.,   accepted    by    Colombia.     As    the    French    Company   had 

in  NO.  Am.  Rev.,  already  accepted  our  offer  of  $40,000,000,  the  way  was 

196  (1912), 

549-568. 


Work 

accomplished. 

Taft,  W.  H.,  in 

Present  Day 

Problems, 

95-122. 

Authier,  G.  T., 

in  Rev.  of  Revs., 

43 

49-61. 


CULEBRA  Cur,  PANAMA  CANAL 

(Work  done  by  French  Companies.) 

cleared   for  actual  construction  by   the   national  govern- 
ment. 

440.  Construction  of  the  Canal.  —  When  we  came  to 
examine  the  property  that  we  had  purchased,  we  found  that 
only  a  small  part  of  the  work  of  necessary  excavation  had 
been  completed,  much  of  this  being  rendered  valueless  by 
the  refilling  of  the  cuts.  Most  of  the  old  machinery  was 
worthless.  It  was  not  until  1906  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  Congress  decided  that  a  lock  canal  would 
be  better  than  one  at  sea  level.1  This  decision  was  reached 

1  The  construction  of  the  locks  presented  a  very  serious  engineering  prob- 
lem, which  was  solved  satisfactorily.  One  grave  defect  of  the  lock  system 
arises  from  the  fact  that  already  our  great  ocean  liners  are  almost  too  large 
for  the  canal  locks. 


1912]         Care  of  Wider  American  Interests 


513 


because  of  the  smaller  original  cost  of  a  lock  canal,  the  World's  Work, 
shorter  time  required  for  its  construction,  and  the  saving  of 
time  for  vessels.1     The  canal  was  completed  at  a  cost  of 


389-402,   414- 
417. 


more  than  twice  that  of  the  original  estimates,  but  it  is  much 
larger  and  better  than  the  canal  that  was  planned  originally. 
The  success. of  this  great  undertaking  is  largely  a  personal 
triumph  for  the  chief  engineer,  Colonel  G.  W.  Goethals. 

The  work  accomplished  by  the  Department  of  Sanitation 
was  of  first  importance,  since  the  canal  zone  was  originally 
very  unsanitary.  By  draining  swamps,  cleaning  up  the 
cities,  using  screens  and  other  preventive  measures  against 


Scientific   Am., 
107    (1912), 
385-399- 
Scribner's,  54 
(1913),  7-36. 

Sanitation  and 
fortification. 

Scientific   Am., 
107  (1912), 
385,  392-393. 


ATLANTIC 

OCEAN 

>CEAN    LEVEL. 


LEVEL      Of  I     ARTIFICIAL     /LAKE 

^JJZ>Ljfcg 


Excavation  to  be  completed,  1902 


PROFILE  OF  THE  PANAMA  CANAL 

yellow  fever  and  malaria,  the  zone  has  been  made  as  healthy  Bishop,  J.  B., 

as  the  average  American  city.     An  entirely  different  kind  of  m  Scnbner>s> 

protection  has  been  that  afforded  against  foreign  enemies,  234_'2SI- ' 

for  it  was  decided  in  1911  to  fortify  the  canal.  Stimson,  H.  L., 

In  1012  Congress  passed  an  act  providing  for  the  govern-  in  Scribner's>  54 

r   *u  r*  *  .v  1  - 

ment  of  the  canal  zone  after  the  completion  of  the  canal. 

1  This  is  due  to  the  greater  width  of  the  canal  between  locks. 
2  L 


American  History 


[1910 


Question  of 

tolls. 

Root,  E.,  in 

Independent, 
74  (1913), 
285-289. 

Military  and 

naval 

importance. 

Mahan,  A.  T.. 
in  Century,  8j, 


240-248. 


Commercial 
benefits  of  the 
canal. 

Ballard,  G.  A., 
in  Contempo- 
rary, 94  (1908), 
731-742. 

World's  Work, 
24  (1912),  403- 
414,  418-433. 

Johnson,  E.  R., 
in  Annals  Am. 
A  cad.,  19 
(1902),  1-23, 
and    in    Scrib- 
ners,  54  (1913), 
37-43- 


This  act  provided  that  tolls  should  be  charged  on  all  traffic 
except  American  vessels  engaged  in  the  coastwise  trade, 
which  are  to  be  exempt.  Great  Britain  protested  this  act  on 
the  ground  that  it  violated  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty,  and 
the  question  of  tolls  was  reconsidered. 

441.  Importance  of  the  Canal. — The  canal  is  not  only 
notable  as  a  great  engineering  feat.  It  is  important  from 
both  the  naval  and  the  commercial  points  of  view  in  binding 
the  East  to  the  West.  The  military  importance  is  so  great, 
in.  the  opinion  of  Colonel  Goethals,  that  the  entire  cost  of  the 
canal  should  be  considered  as  an  item  in  our  military  ex- 
penses, the  running  expenses  of  maintaining  the  canal  alone 
being  paid  by  the  traffic  through  the  canal.  In  these  days 
of  brief  wars,  time  is  an  important  element,  and  the  canal 
has  almost  doubled  our  naval  strength  by  permitting  our 
naval  vessels  to  proceed  quickly  from  one  ocean  to  the  other. 

The  importance  of  the  canal  in  binding  the  East  to  the  West 
commercially  will  be  very  great.  At  the  present  time  the 
cost  of  transporting  freight  by  rail  over  the  Rocky  mountains 
and  the  great  distance  around  Cape  Horn  hamper  the 
development  of  this  trade.  Since  transportation  by  water 
is  cheaper  than  that  by  rail,  the  shortening  of  the  water  route 
from  the  Atlantic  ports  to  those  of  the  Pacific  will  give  an 
immense  impetus  to  the  industries  of  the  Pacific  coast,  the 
products  of  which  can  now  be  sold  profitably  only  in  the 
local  market.  Of  equal  advantage  will  be  the  opportunities 
given  to  the  eastern  cities  to  trade  with  the  Orient,  and  with 
the  South  American  countries  on  the  Pacific  coast.  At 
present  they  cannot  compete  with  the  European  merchants 
who  enjoy  a  shorter  water  route.  Our  trade  with  western 
South  America  should  be  developed  by  the  opening  of  the 
canal.  The  products  of  the  Mississippi  valley  and  the  Gulf 
states  will  be  benefited  particularly,  because  of  the  great 
decrease  in  the  cost  at  which  they  can  be  marketed,  es- 
pecially if  a  ship  canal  is  built  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
to  Lake  Michigan,  and  the  branches  of  the  Mississippi  are 
improved. 


1900]         Our  New  Position  among  Nations         515 


OUR  NEW  POSITION  AMONG  THE  NATIONS 

442.  The    United    States    as    a   World    Power.  —  The  General 
position  of  the  United  States  as  a  world  power  has  long  been  position, 
suggested  by  her  preeminence  in  the  western  hemisphere.  Colquhoun, 
It  has  become  more  conspicuous  with  the  changes  in  foreign  GJealer  Amer~ 
relations  during  the  last  two  decades,  not  only  in  more  clearly 

denning  our  headship  among  the  republics  of  the  New  World,   Reinsch, 
but  in  the  acquisition  of  scattered  colonial  possessions,  in      °r  62  "' 
new  and  important  activities  in  the  Far  East,  and  in  partici- 
pation with  other  great  powers  in  affairs  of  world- wide  sig- 
nificance.    More  than  all  else  it  has  been  shown  by  our  com- 
mercial and  diplomatic  position  as  a  power  second  to  no 
other. 

Our  place  as  a  world  power  has  come  naturally  and  in-  The  United 
evitably,  as  the  Pacific  Ocean  has  become  more  and  more   Sta-tes  in  the 
the  sphere  of  world  action,  because  we  are  the  only  great 
nation  touching  both  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.     It  was   Latan£,  Am.  as 
observable  in  our  acceptance  of  a  joint  protectorate  over  a  "er> 

Samoa,  f  889,  and  in  our  joint  action  with  other  great  powers 
in  the  movement  on  Peking  during  the  Boxer  revolt  in  1900. 
Usually  our  policy  has  been  marked  by  moderation  so  far  as 
our  own  demands  are  concerned,  and  by  a  disinterested,  but 
sincere,  determination  to  protect  the  territory,  revenues,  and 
rights  of  the  non-Caucasian  countries  that  have  been  unable 
to  withstand  the  aggressions  of  the  "  civilized  world." 

443.  American  Influence  on  World  Peace.  —  From  the  Efforts  made  to 
beginning  of  its  history  the  United  States  exerted  its  influence  protect 

to  secure  the  rights  of  neutrals  against  the  aggressions  of 
belligerents.    The   proclamation   of   neutrality,   issued   by  Foster,  Century 
Washington  (1793),  furnished  not  only  an  example  of  firm  °f  Am-  Dl- 
and  moderate  action  under  trying  circumstances,  but  was  a  IS4_1S7' 
model  copied  by  older  nations  that  wished  to  declare  their  347-349. 
neutrality. 

The  United  States  has  long  been  an  advocate  of  arbitra-  International 
tion  as  a  means  of  solving  international  difficulties,  having  arbltratlon>     > 
used  that  method  repeatedly  since  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 


5l6 


American'  History 


[1897 


Moore,  J.  B., 
in  Harper's 
Magazine,    no 

(1905), 
610-619. 

Larned    (ed.), 
Ready  Ref.,  VI, 
577-580,  VII, 
708-711. 

Taft,  W.  H., 
in  Century, 

83  (1912), 
450-466. 

Living  Age, 
277  (1913), 
688-690. 


America  and 
the    future    of 
world  peace. 

Larned    (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 

vii,  715-725. 


Military 

government 

^1898-1902). 


stitution,  especially  in  the  settlement  of  disputes  with  Great 
Britain.  In  the  recent  movement  for  arbitration,  however, 
the  government  of  the  United  States  acted  rather  tardily. 
This  was  due  not  to  lack  of  interest  in  the  subject  but  almost 
entirely  to  the  complicated  machinery,  chief  executive  and 
Senate,  through  which  our  foreign  affairs  are  managed.  A 
general  arbitration  treaty  with  Great  Britain  in  1897  was 
defeated  by  the  Senate's  failure  to  cooperate  with  the  Presi- 
dent. When  the  Hague  Peace  Conference  in  1899  made 
provision  for  a  permanent  court  of  arbitration,  proposing  a 
form  of  treaty  under  which  disputes  should  be  submitted, 
the  United  States  found  it  impossible  to  join  the  other  nations 
in  this  great  movement  until,  in  1908,  several  treaties  were 
ratified.  In  1911,  through  the  influence  of  President  Taft, 
much  more  general  arbitration  treaties  with  Great  Britain 
and  France  were  ratified.  Still  later  Secretary  of  State 
Bryan  distinguished  himself  for  his  attempt  to  procure 
treaties  with  all  countries,  by  which  even  questions  involving 
national  honor  were  to  be  submitted  to  arbitration  if  they 
were  not  settled  by  diplomacy. 

Americans  have  been  very  active  in  the  promotion  of 
peace,1  holding  national  conferences,  seeking  to  keep  peace 
in  the  western  hemisphere,  and  securing  a  second  Peace 
Conference  at  the  Hague  in  1907,  but  they  have  not  always 
been  unselfish  enough  to  arbitrate.  As  the  only  great  power 
with  direct  access  to  both  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific;  as 
the  most  disinterested  spectator  of  European  political  ma- 
neuvers, and  of  contests  in  the  Orient  for  territorial,  political, 
or  commercial  advantage,  —  the  United  States  will  un- 
doubtedly have  in  the  future  a  still  greater  share  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  world's  peace. 

444.  Relations  with  Cuba  since  1898.  —  The  question  of 
Cuba  after  the  war  with  Spain  was  one  of  great  delicacy  and 
difficulty.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  we  had  justified 
interference  on  the  grounds  that  Cuba  deserved  to  be  free 

1  The  Nobel  peace  prize  has  been  awarded  to  two  Americans,  Theodore 
Roosevelt  and  Elihu  Root. 


1903]          Our  New  Position  among  Nations          517 

and  that  Spain's  methods  of  control  were  morally  wrong  and  Lamed  (ed.), 
injurious  to  American  interests.     We  were  pledged  prac-  Ready  Ref-' 
tically  to  establishing  in  Cuba  a  government  that  would  be 
not  only  independent,  but  would  reestablish  order  in  the  Latane,  Am.  as 
island  and  maintain  satisfactory  relations  with  other  nations.   a  Wor^  Power, 
The  fulfillment  of  this  pledge  required  the  military  occupa-   I8I_Ig3' 
tion  of  the  island  for  more  than  two  years,  during  which  the 
American  commanders  did  much  toward  improving  munic- 
ipal government  in  Cuba  and  aiding  in  the  reestablishment 
of  business  prosperity. 

In  1901  a  constitutional  convention  completed  a  consti-   Permanent 
tution  providing  a  complete  government  for  the  Republic  of  rights  'n  Cuba. 
Cuba  and  embodying  several  articles  regarding  the  inde-  Lamed  (ed.), 
pendence  of  Cuba  and  the  relations  to  exist  between  Cuba  Ready  Re-f-> 
and  the  United  States.1    On  the  basis  of  this  amendment  we  VIj  I74_I78 
took  charge  of  the  Cuban  republic  in  1906,  when  insurgents 
prevented    President    Palma    from    executing    the    laws.    Conant,  C.  A., 
Palma's  resignation  forced  the  United  States  to  govern  the  ^"".Am.Ree. 
island  until  1909,  when  the  Cuban  republic  was  again  left   I4I_I4e. 
in  charge,  but  in  1912  President  Taft  was  obliged  to  warn  the 
Cuban  government  that  affairs  must  be  managed  better. 

As  soon  as  the  Cuban  republic  was  established,  the  United  Reciprocity 
States  was  asked  to  aid  the  Cuban  planters  by  giving  them  with  Cuba- 
especially  low  rates  on  goods  imported  from  Cuba.  Free  ^?n?j  ™' as 

J  a  World  Power, 

trade  between  the  two  countries  was  advocated  by  a  few,  i83-igo. 

but  was  not  considered  seriously.     After  numerous  delays,  Willis,  H.  P., 

largely  due  to  the  opposition  of  the  beet-sugar  interests  of  in  Annals  Am. 

the  United  States,  the. Senate  ratified  (1903)  a  reciprocity  (Ig03\  I20_ 

treaty  with  Cuba.  147. 
445.  Relations  with  Mexico.  —  Our  relations  with  Mexico 

1  In  the  most  important  of  these  articles  Cuba  agreed  to  maintain  her 
independence,  financial  and  political,  to  accept  the  work  done  during  the 
military  occupation  by  the  United  States,  and  if  necessary  to  permit  inter- 
ference by  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  independence 
of  Cuba  and  fulfilling  the  obligations  which  we  assumed  for  Cuba  in  the  treaty 
of  Paris.  The  United  States  was  allowed  to  have  coaling  stations  in  the 
island,  which  we  agreed  never  to  use  for  the  purpose  of  dominating  Cuban 
affairs. 


518 


American  History 


[1910 


Mexico  under 
Diaz. 

Lummis,  C.  F., 
in   Outlook,    69 
(1901),  536- 
545- 

Martin,  P.  F., 
in  Quar.  Rev., 
211,  526-549. 


Lyle,  E.  P.,  Jr., 
in  World's 
Work,  14 
(1907), 
9179-9196. 


Rule  of  Madero 
and  Huerta, 
1911-1914. 

Welliver,  J.  C., 
in  Tech.  World, 
18  (1912), 
376-387- 


Uncle  Sam's 

Mexican 

problem. 


have  been  very  interesting  and  are  likely  to  be  as  important 
as  those  with  Cuba.  In  1867  Maximilian  was  overthrown 
in  Mexico  by  Benito  Juarez  (§418).  A  few  years  later 
Juarez  was  succeeded  in  the  presidency  of  Mexico  by  Porfirio 
Diaz,  who  ruled  the  republic  until  191 1.  During  that  period 
of  forty  years  of  benevolent  despotism,  Mexico  developed  rap- 
idly, building  railways,  opening  mines,  constructing  buildings, 
and  developing  agriculture.  Diaz  encouraged  the  invest- 
ment of  foreign  capital,  so  that,  at  the  close  of  his  "  reign," 
a  billion  dollars  of  American  capital  was  invested  in  the 
country.  Although  he  looked  after  the  material  interests 
of  Mexico  by  promoting  peace  and  prosperity,  Diaz  did  not 
give  the  Mexicans  political  freedom,  and  he  often  sacrificed 
individual  rights  and  liberty  to  national  progress.  He  was 
denounced  as  a  tyrant  who  oppressed  the  people  and  denied 
the  right  of  free  elections. 

In  1910  Diaz  defeated  Francesco  Madero  for  the  presi- 
dency, but  soon  after  Diaz  was  forced  to  resign  and  leave 
Mexico.  As  president,  Madero  was  not  strong  enough  to 
maintain  order,  several  insurrections  being  started  in  the 
states  of  northern  Mexico.  In  1913  Madero's  government 
was  overthrown.  Madero  was  forced  to  resign  and  was  shot, 
after  he  had  surrendered  to  acting  President  Huerta.  Insur- 
rections followed  in  the  northern  states,  but  Huerta  main- 
tained himself  a  dictator.  The  United  States  did  not 
recognize  Huerta's  government  in  Mexico. 

For  several  years  United  States  troops  have  been  main- 
tained along  the  Mexican  border  in  order  to  protect  residents 
of  that  territory  and  to  maintain  the  neutrality  laws.  On 
several  occasions  intervention  seemed  probable,  but  was 
avoided.  In  1913  President  Wilson  sent  John  Lind  as  his 
personal  representative  to  Mexico  to  study  the  situation  and 
work  for  peace  and  order.  In  accordance  with  Lind's 
suggestions,  the  Wilson  administration  followed  a  waiting 
policy.  American  citizens  in  Mexico  were  urged  to  leave  the 
country  and  attempts  were  made  to  force  Huerta's  resigna- 
tion by  preventing  him  from  getting  money.  This  policy 


1 900]          Our  New  Position  among  Nations          519 

was  supported  by  most  of  the  powers.  As  Mexico  has  great 
natural  resources  which  attract  foreign  investors,  as  the 
Mexican  people  are  incapable  of  true  self-government, 
and  as  they  have  not  yet  developed  a  national  consciousness, 
Mexico  is  likely  to  have  troubles  for  some  years  to  come.  If 
Uncle  Sam  tries  to  act  as  either  censor  or  guardian  for 
unhappy  Mexico,  our  relations  with  our  turbulent  southern 
neighbor  are  also  likely  to  be  unsettled  for  a  similar  period. 

446.  Relations  with  China.1  —  In  1898  we  added  Hawaii  Foreigners  in 
and  the  Philippine  Islands  to  Alaska  as  Pacific  Ocean  pos-'  China-    The 
sessions.     These  changes  compelled  us  to  interest  ourselves 
in  the  Far  East,  particularly  in  China.     For  years  the  feeling   Smith,  A.  H., 
in  China  against  foreigners  had  been  growing,  especially  at  m  Outloo*> 
the  invasion  of  graveyards  and  the  acquisition  by  foreign   72I_728. ' 
governments  of  spheres  of  influence.     Under  the  lead  of  a  La.ta.ne,  Am.  as 
secret  organization  whose  members  were  known  as  "  Boxers,"   a  World  Power, 
foreigners  were  attacked  everywhere  in  igoo.2    To  protect 
our  minister  and  other  Americans  in  China,  the  United  Foster,  Am. 
States  joined  the  European  powers  in  sending  troops  against  ^^mtey  m 
the  Chinese  capital,  Peking.     The  Chinese  government  was  40g_433 
forced  then  to  punish  the  leaders  of  the  revolt,  to  give  assur- 
ance that  there  would  be  no  recurrence  of  the  difficulty,  and 
to  simplify  and  improve  its  methods  of  dealing  with  foreign 
nations.    The  Chinese  government  was  forced  to  pay  the 
allies  an  indemnity  equal  to  more  than  $350,000,000,  but 
the  United  States  effectually  prevented  any  further  partition 
of  the  empire  or  the  possibility  of  any  nation's  seizing  terri- 
tories in  lieu  of  the  amounts  due  to  it. 

The  influence  of  the  United  States  at  this  time  and  later 
was  exerted  very  effectually  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  John 

1  Our  early  relations  with  China  were  cordial,  partly  through  the  personal 
influence  of  Caleb  Gushing  and  Anson  Burlingame,  ministers  to  China. 
Even  the  drastic  Chinese  exclusion  laws  (§  476,  note  i)  did  not  destroy  this 
friendship,  which  has  been  strengthened  by  the  demand  of  the  United  States 
that  there  should  be  fair  dealings  with  China  among  foreign  powers. 

*  The  German  minister  was  killed  and  the  other  ministers  were  besieged 
in  one  of  the  legations.  The  Chinese  government,  which  had  been  unable  to 
preserve  order  for  many  years,  sided  with  the  Boxers. 


520 


American  History 


[1904 


United  States 
and  the 
integrity  of 
China. 


The  Chinese 
Republic. 

Hart,  A.  B., 
Obvious  Orient, 
208-220. 
Colquhoun, 
A.  R.,  in 
Fortnightly 
Rev.,  96  (1911), 
1032-1043. 
Annals  Am. 
Acad.,  39 
(1912),  1-38. 
McCormick, 
F.,  in  Scrib- 
ner' 5,50(1911), 
349-355- 


Changes  in 
Japan  after 
Perry's  visit  in 
1854. 

Coolidge,  U.  S. 
as  World  Power, 
341-344. 


Hay,  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  China  and  to  remove  unjust 
trade  restrictions.  Early  in  the  Russo-Japanese  War  (1904) 
Secretary  Hay  secured  the  consent  of  the  combatants  and  all 
European  powers  to  the  "  administrative  entity  "  of  China 
and  a  limitation  of  the  field  of  hostilities. 

The  danger  of  the  partition  of  China  among  the  great 
powers  is  by  no  means  past,  since  China  became  a  republic 

(1911).  The  organization  of 
the  republic  was  the  culmina- 
tion of  numerous  reforms,  giv- 
ing China  a  western  system 
of  education,  provisional  con- 
gresses, and  a  national  as- 
sembly. In  1911  the  reform 
movement  became  a  revolution 
in  which  the  ruling  dynasty  of 
the  Manchus  was  driven  out 
of  China.  A  parliament  was 
held  in  1913  and  Yuan  Shi  Kai 
was  elected  president,  one  of 


JOHN  HAY 


his  acts  of  his  first  year  in 
office  being  to  abolish  the 
parliament  and  rule  China  with  the  help  of  an  administra- 
tive council.  Whether  China  will  be  permanently  a  republic, 
and  whether  as  a  republic  she  will  be  able  to  resist  foreign 
aggressions  remains  to  be  seen.1 

447.  Relations  with  Japan.  —  In  the  immediate  future 
our  relations  with  Japan  are  likely  to  be  much  more  important 
than  those  with  China,  because  China  is  still  half-asleep,  and 
the  Japanese  are  wide-awake.  Our  relations  with  Japan 

1  As  the  Chinese  government  has  needed  money,  it  has  borrowed  from 
foreigners.  In  the  " four-power "  loan  and  later  hi  the  "six-power"  loan 
conditions  were  imposed  on  China  which  would  have  threatened  to  deprive 
China  of  her  independence.  Because  of  this  fact  and  because  President 
Wilson  was  unwilling  to  aid  American  capitalists  in  China  and  elsewhere  by 
the  use  of  our  national  authority,  he  withdrew  (1913)  the  support  of  the 
American  government  from  the  "six-power"  loan.  Later  the  Chinese 
Republic  was  recognized. 


1913]          Our  New  Position  among  Nations       •  521 

began  with  the  visit  of  Commodore  Perry  to  the  islands  in 
1854.  Japan  soon  opened  several  ports  to  foreign  com- 
merce, but  these  concessions  to  foreigners,  like  those  in  China 
nearly  a  half  century  later,  caused  a  domestic  revolution. 
Out  of  this  domestic  revolution  emerged  finally  a  modern 
Japan,  with  a  constitution  and  parliamentary  government. 
Japan  has  adopted  western  methods  in  business,  in  education, 
and  in  war.  As  the  Japanese  are  keen,  ambitious,  courteous, 
exceedingly  industrious,  and  intensely  patriotic,  Japan  has 
rapidly  come  to  the  front  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 

As  Japan  is  small  and  her  resources  are  limited,  while  her  Japanese  immi- 
population  is  one  half  that  of  the  United  States,  she  has  gratlon  m 
required  an  outlet  for  her  surplus  population.     This  she  treaty  rights 
has  found  partly  in  Formosa,  obtained  from  China  in  I894.1  and  state 
Another  outlet  is  Korea,  occupied  after  the  successful  war  legislatlon- 
against    Russia.     Japanese    laborers    are    found    in    large  Yoshida,  Y.,  in 
numbers  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  in  Hawaii,  and  in  Latin  Annals  Am. 
America.     So  many  began  to  come  to  the  United  States  that   (Igog) 
the  people  of  the  Pacific  coast  were  alarmed,  as  they  were  377-387. 
by  the  Chinese  immigration  nearly  a  half  century  earlier  Coolidge,  U.  S 
(S  476,  note   i).    The  Japanese  live  on  much  less  than  asWorld 

*         .'  ,  A  Power,  350- 

Amencans  can,  and  work  many  more  hours  a  day.  Ameri-  37 
cans  therefore  cannot  compete  with  the  Japanese  on  equal 
terms.  For  economic  and  racial  reasons  the  San  Francisco 
school  board  (1906)  and  the  California  legislature  (1907, 
1913)  legislated  against  the  Japanese.  Japan  protested 
against  these  acts  as  violations  of  treaty  agreements.  The 
earlier  problems  were  settled  by  a  compromise  which  per- 
mitted the  Japanese  to  attend  regular  schools,  and  the  Japan- 
ese government  restricted  the  immigration  of  laborers  to  this 
country.  These  Japanese  questions  and  trouble  with  Italy 
in  1891 2  illustrate  the  difficulty  encountered  by  the  na- 

1  In  1894,  after  her  brilliant  campaigns  against  China,  Japan  freed  herself 
from  the  humiliating  treaties  which  Caucasian  nations  had  forced  on  her 
before.  Since  that  time  foreigners  in  Japan  have  been  under  Japanese  law 
and  not  under  treaties. 

*  A  similar  difficulty  over  the  conflict  between  national  and  state  authority 
occurred  in  1891  when  citizens  of  New  Orleans  lynched  several  citizens  of 


522 


American  History 


[1896 


Real  and 
imaginary 
dangers  of  the 
future. 

Shaw,  A.,  in 
Rev.  of  Revs., 
47  (1913), 
643-650. 


The  war  with 
Spain. 


is  ibleras 
growing  out 
of  the  war. 


tional  government  in  negotiating  with  foreign  countries 
concerning  subjects  left  exclusively  to  the  states. 

Japan's  progress! veness  and  her  aggressiveness  have 
aroused  fears  that  she  wished  to  attack  the  United  States. 
Friction  due  to  incidents  like  those  in  California  has  pro- 
duced in  the  "  yellow  journals  "  and  among  the  "  jingoes  " 
of  both  nations  a  great  deal  of  "  war  talk."  Japanese  leaders 
and  well-informed  Americans  do  not  share  in  this  feeling, 
although  it  is  well  understood  that  there  cannot  be  emigra- 
tion of  Japanese  laborers  to  America  without  race  antago- 
nism, and  that,  in  the  future,  Japan  and  the  United  States  will 
be  keen  rivals  in  the  Pacific  and  may  even  come  to  blows. 

448.  Summary.  —  When  affairs  in  Cuba  became  un- 
endurable in  1896  and  1897,  the  government  of  the  United 
States  indicated  that  it  must  interfere  unless  order  was 
restored  at  once  and  American  interests  protected.  The 
battleship  Maine  was  sent  to  Havana  harbor  in  January, 
1898,  to  insure  this  protection.  Its  destruction  in  February, 
and  the  report  of  the  commission  of  inquiry  in  March  that 
it  was  blown  up  from  the  outside,  left  no  way  open  but 
complete  submission  by  Spain,  or  war.  As  Spain  refused 
to  admit  that  she  was  in  the  wrong,  war  began  on  April  21, 
1898,  after  a  specific  statement  by  Congress  that  its  purpose 
was  not  conquest  but  the  freedom  of  the  Cubans.  The 
decisive  victories  at  Manila  Bay  and  at  Santiago  de  Cuba 
showed  that  Spain  could  not  hope  for  the  least  degree  of  suc- 
cess, and  peace  was  made  by  Spain's  relinquishing  her  sov- 
ereignty over  Cuba,  and  by  surrendering  Porto  Rico  and  the 
Philippines  to  us. 

The  events  of  the  war  forced  upon  us  recognition  of  the 
fact  that  we  were  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  Pacific,  and 
must  decide  important  problems,  not  only  in  connection  with 
the  government  of  distant  colonies,  but  in  regard  to  our 

Italy  who  had  terrorized  that  community.  Italy  demanded  reparation 
Secretary  Blaine  stated  that  Louisiana  had  entire  jurisdiction  of  the  matter. 
Although  the  state  did  nothing,  the  matter  was  settled  by  the  payment  of 
indemnity  by  the  United  States. 


I9I3]          Our  New  Position  among  Nations  523 

attitude  in  the  East  toward  the  other  world  powers.  Colonial 
problems  we  solved,  theoretically  by  asserting  the  authority 
of  Congress  to  govern  the  colonies  as  it  deemed  best,  prac- 
tically by  leaving  the  people  of  our  new  possessions  a  fair 
share  in  their  own  government  and  training  them  for  the 
assumption  of  a  larger  number  of  duties.  By  constructing 
an  Isthmian  ship  canal,  we  have  sought  to  link  more  firmly 
the  Atlantic  slope  with  our  Pacific  states  and  possessions. 

Owing  to  her  position  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,   The  United 
to  her  headship  among  the  nations  of  the  new  world,  to  the   States  as  a 

•     world  power 

great  development  of  her  marvelous  natural  resources,  and  to 
her  skillful  and  aggressive  foreign  policies,  the  United  States 
has  taken  a  position  in  recent  years  second  to  none  of  the  great 
world  powers.  She  has  used  this  position  to  promote  peace 
and  sometimes  extend  international  arbitration.  She  has 
taken  a  rather  arbitrary  attitude  toward  Cuba  and  other 
Latin- American  states  (§§  424,  444).  On  the  other  hand  she 
has  submitted  to  many  indignities  rather  than  intervene 
in  Mexico.  As  a  rule,  and  especially  in  China,  her  leader- 
ship has  been  marked  by  disinterestedness  and  by  considera- 
tion for  weaker  peoples.  In  her  relations  with  aggressive 
Japan,  she  has  found  it  necessary  to  follow  a  moderate 
course  in  order  to  avoid  antagonism. 

TOPICS 

1.  CUBA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES  BEFORE  1898:   The  American 
Nation,   XXI,    171-173;     XXV,   3-28;  Hart,   "American   Foreign 
Policy,"  pp.  113-132;  Latane,  "United  States  and  Spanish  America," 
pp.  89-175;   Callahan,  "Cuba  and  International  Relations;"   Chad- 
wick. 

2.  DESTRUCTION  OF  CERVERA'S  FLEET:  Nation,  69  (1899),  p.  406; 
Warren,  A.,  in  Engineering  Magazine,  16  (1899),  pp.  533-548;  Long, 
J.,  in  Outlook,  74  (1902),  419-426,  603—620;     Century  Magazine,  58 
(1899),  pp.  50-118. 

3.  CONTROVERSY  OVER  RETENTION  AND  GOVERNMENT  OF  PHIL- 
IPPINES: Latane,  "Am.  as  a  World  Power,"  69—81,  153-164;  Lamed 
(ed.),  "History  for  Ready  Reference,"  VI,  pp.  634—638,  641-645,  660- 
666 ;  Vest,  G.  G.,  in  North  American  Review,  168  (1899),  pp.  112—120 ; 
Denley,  C.,  in  Forum,  29  (1900),  pp.  401-408;  Taft,  W.  H.,  in  Out- 


524  American  History 

look,  71  (1902).  pp.  305-321 ;  76  (1903),  pp.  1024-1027  ;  Cook,  W.  W, 
in  Political  Science  Quarterly,  16  (1901),  pp.  68-78. 


STUDIES 

1.  Isolation  of  the  United   States  before   1897.     (Olney,   R.,   in 
Atlantic  Monthly,  81  (1898),  pp.  577-588.) 

2.  Objections  to  assuming  new  international  obligations.     (Wool- 
sey,  "American  Foreign  Policy.") 

3.  Report  of  the  Maine  inquiry  commission. 

4.  The  problems  of  the  Spanish  fleet.     (Mahan,  "Lessons  of  the 
War  with  Spain,"  III-V.) 

5.  Importance  of  a  navy  to  the  United  States.     Annals  of  Am. 
Acad.  of  Pol.  and  Science,  26  (1905),  123—136,  163—169. 

6.  Government   of   Porto   Rico.     (Willoughby,  "  Territories   and 
Dependencies  of  the  United  States,"  pp.  79—118.) 

7.  Municipal    government     in    the    Philippines.       (Willoughby, 
"Territories  and  Dependencies  of  the  United  States,"  pp.  251-289.) 

8.  Character  of  the  Panama  route.      (Burr,  W.  H.,  in  Scribner's 
Magazine,  31  (1902),  pp.  156—169.) 

9.  The  United  States  in  relation  to  the  American  Mediterranean. 
(Semple,  "American  History  and  its  Geographic  Conditions,"  397- 

4I9-)     . 

10.  The  United  States  in  the  Pacific.    (Coolidge,  "  U.  S.  as  a  World 
Power,"  313-326.) 

11.  Treaty  obligations  and  state  rights.     (Taft,  W.  H.,  in  Inde- 
pendent (1914).) 

12.  The  enfranchisement  of  Japan  from  an  inferior  international 
position.     (Foster,  "Am.  Diplomacy  in  the  Orient,"  344—364.) 


QUESTIONS 

1.  In  what  respects  had  the  United  States  been  a  world  power 
before  1897  ?     Trace  the  development  of  American  influence  in  world 
affairs  since  1776.     What  improvement  in  our  international  position 
followed  the  war  of  1812?    the  Civil  War?    the  Spanish-American 
War? 

2.  Give  a  brief  history  of  Cuba's  struggle  for  independence.     Name 
several  examples  of  Spanish  misrule.     In  what  ways  did  the  Cuban 
war  imperil  American  interests?     On  what  grounds  did  we  have 
the  right  to  interfere  ? 

3.  Make  a  full  comparison  of  the  armies,  fleets,  financial  condi- 
tions, and  resources  of  Spain  and  the  United  States.     What  were  the 
real  causes  of  Spain's  poor  showing  in  the  war  ? 


Our  New  Position  among  Nations  525 

4.  Compare  the  acquisition  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  with 
that  of  Louisiana,  in  regard  to  (a)  attitude  of  the  people  toward  ac- 
quisition, (b)  national  or  international  difficulties  settled  by  acquisi- 
tion, (c)  problems  of  government  in  the  new  territory,  and  (d)  in- 
fluence of  the  acquisition  on  the  United  States  as  a  world  power. 
'  5.  What  difficulties  were  encountered  in  selecting  a  route  for  the 
Isthmian  canal  ?  in  deciding  what  kind  of  canal  should  be  con- 
structed ?  How  should  the  canal  affect  the  Pacific  coast  ?  the  com- 
merce of  the  Atlantic  cities  with  South  America  and  Asia  ? 

6.  State  with  exactness  our  rights  in  Cuba  after   1898  and  our 
obligations  toward  Cuba.     To  what  extent  did  we  protect  Cuba's 
interests  rather  than  our  own  in  the  military  occupation  (1898—1902)  ? 
by  the  Platt  amendment  ?   by  commercial  treaty  ?   by  interference  in 
1905  ?     Must  we  finally  annex  Cuba  ? 

7.  To  what  extent  has  the  United  States  money  interests  in  Mexico  ? 
Should  we  abandon  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  allow  European  powers 
to  protect  their  interests  or  should  we  intervene  when  a  Latin-American 
crisis  occurs  like  that  in  Mexico,  1911—1914? 

8.  What  is  the  great  problem  of  the  Pacific?     Is  there  a  "yellow 
peril,"  now  from  Japan,  in  future,  from  China?     Should  we  restrict 
or  prohibit  Asiatic  immigration  ?     Why  ?     Should  we  give  Asiatics 
citizenship  ? 


CHAPTER    XXII 


RECENT  CHANGES  (1901-1914) 
PRESIDENTS 

Theodore  Roosevelt  (1901-1909)     William  H.  Taft  (1909-1912) 
Woodrow  Wilson  (1912-) 

THE  ROOSEVELT  POLICIES  (1901-1909) 

Contrast  be-          449.  McKinley  and  Roosevelt.  —  William  McKinley  was 
tweenthetwo     mortally    wounded    in    Buffalo.    September    6,    1901.    by 

men  and  their  _^  ,  . 

a  Pohsh  anarchist. 
With  his  death  a  few 
days  later,  Theodore 
Roosevelt  became 
President.1  In  gen- 
eral Roosevelt  at- 
tempted at  first  to 
carry  out  the  policies 
of  McKinley,  but 
they  were  men  of 
different  character, 
methods,  and  ideas. 
In  spite  of  his  fine 
personal  character, 
McKinley  had  been 
the  tool  of  "  big 
business,"  "  the  ad- 
vance agent  of  prosperity,"  in  the  words  of  the  political 
managers.  McKinley  was  largely  under  the  domination 

1  Roosevelt's  first  experience  in  politics  was  in  the  New  York  legislature 
in  1 88 1.  He  was  later  (1886)  the  Republican  candidate  for  mayor  of  New 
York,  served  (1889-1805)  on  the  naticnal  Civil  Service  Commission,  was 

526 


Copyright  by  Pach  Brothers  (1904). 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


1901]  The  Roosevelt  Policies  527 

of  the  Republican  boss,  Mark  Hanna.     Roosevelt  was  a  White,  Wm., 
much  more  skillful  politician  than  his  predecessor,  a  man  of  in 
wider  knowledge,  and  infinitely  more  aggressive.     He  un- 
derstood  better  that  the  people  would  not  permit  capital        .  k 
and  the  great  corporations  to  rule  them  indefinitely.     Roose-   (igog),  2g8- 
velt  did  not  break  at  once  with  the  party  "  machine,"  but  3?o,  430-434- 
Hanna's  death  in  February,  1904,  left  him  in  control  of  the 
party.    The  changes  in  policy  that  followed  McKinley's 
death  will  be  understood  from  the  following  sections. 

450.  Roosevelt's  "  First  Term."  — •  Among  the  measures  Land  laws  and 
that  became  law  at  this  time  largely  through  the  personal  reforms/ 
support  of  the  President  was  the  law  for  the  reclamation  of  Van  Hlse>  .Cow" 

r  .     .  servatton  of 

lands  in  the  arid  West  by  the  building  of  huge  dams  for  reser-  j^at.  Resources, 

voirs.    This  was  called  the  Irrigation  Act  (1902).     In  the  193-197- 

improvement   of   the   civil   service    Roosevelt   contributed  Newell,  F.  H., 

greatly  "to  the  reform  movement  of  the  time.     Postal  frauds  gD  ,    °6.  ' 

in    Cuba    and    elsewhere    were    investigated    and    several  933-941. 

"  grafters  "   were  punished.     More  positions  were  placed  Blanchard, 

under  the  Civil  Service  Commission  by  Roosevelt  than  had  c-  J->  in  NaL 

,      .         ,  Geog.  Mag.,  21 

been  set  aside  by  his  predecessors  during  the  twenty  years   (IQIO)) 

since  the  commission  had  been  created.  333-360. 

The  Panama  Canal  had  been  opposed  by  the  railways  for  The  Panama 
years.     With  Roosevelt's  support  the  Canal  Act  was  passed   Canal- 
in  1902  (§  439).     When  negotiations  failed  to  secure  from  ^a™)edje,rd")' 
Colombia  a  right  of  way  across  Panama,  Roosevelt  recog-  VIIj  467_4'70. 
nized  the  state  of  Panama  as  an  independent  Republic,  and  a 
canal  zone  was  acquired  from  Panama.  .   ,  -/ 

Had  there  been  doubt  about  the  popularity  of  Roosevelt  The  election  of 
and  his  policies,  there  was  no  question  after  the  election  of   I9°4' 
1904.     The  Democratic  party  held  an  exciting  convention,   Larned  (ed-)» 

,  •          -rx  Ready  Ref., 

which    was    controlled    by    the    conservative    Democrats.    VII 

police  commissioner  in  New  York  City  under  a  reform  administration,  and 
served  as  assistant  secretary  of  the  navy.  When  the  Spanish-American  War 
broke  out,  he  resigned  and  helped  organize  the  "Rough  Riders."  His 
popularity  made  him  governor  of  New  York  and  his  aggressiveness  made 
him  an  enemy  of  the  New  York  boss,  "Tom"  Platt.  In  igoo  Platt,  by  ap- 
pealing to  the  people,  forced  Roosevelt  to  accept  the  vice  presidency,  in  spite 
of  the  opposition  of  Mark  Hanna  and  of  Roosevelt  himself. 


528  American  History  ['9°  3 

Bryan  prevented  the  insertion  in  the  platform  of  a  plank 
favoring  the  gold  standard,  but  the  Democratic  candidate, 
,Jam' aS  Judgp- Alton  B-  Parker  of  New  York,  came  out  flatly  for  gold. 

a  World  Power,  .  .  .  J 

224-241.  In  spite  of  this  "  safe  and  sane  "  position  of  the  Democrats, 

Stanwood,  Parker  stood  no  chance  against  Roosevelt,  who  carried  all 

Hist,  of  the  of  fae  northern  states  and  two  of  those  in  the  "  Solid  South," 

(i&S  -Ty )  kis  popular  plurality  being  about  two  and  one  half  mil- 

77-140.  lions. 

General.  451.  Foreign  Affairs  under  Roosevelt.  —  During  most  of 

Latane,  Am.  as  Roosevelt's  "  first  term  "  foreign  affairs  were  conducted  by 

'    John  Hay,  and  during  most  of  the  second  term  by  Elihu 
184-180,    215-  J  J'  ' 

220,  224-227.  Root.  In  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  during  this  period, 
however,  we  usually  notice  the  hand  of  Roosevelt  and  the 
Scott,  J.  B.,  in  "  big  stick."  This  is  true  from  the  first.  Not  only  did  the 
Outlook,  gi  recognition  of  Panama  show  Roosevelt's  arbitrary  method, 
350-357  kut  tne  f°rcmg  °f  reciprocity  with  Cuba  through  th'e  Senate 

in  special  session  (1903)  (§  444)  shows  the  same  spirit. 
The  end  of  When  Roosevelt  tendered  the  good  offices  of  the  United 

Russo-  States  in  the  settlement  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War  (1905)  he 

(1005)  Santo  performed  a  notable  service  for  ths  world,  which  brought 
Domingo.  him  the  Nobel  peace  prize  the  next  year.  By  intervention 
Outlook,  go  in  Santo  Domingo  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  debts  due  to 
(1008),  American  merchants  (§  421)  Roosevelt  prevented  inter- 

vention by  European  powers  similar  to  that  in  Venezuela 
Moore,  J.  B.,  * 

in  Rev.  of  Revs.,    three  7ears  earher- 

31  (1005),  452.  Internal  Policies  of  Roosevelt's  "  Second  Term."  — 

The  Congress  which  was  elected  in  1904  made  a  record  for 
New  restrictive  restrictive  and  reform  legislation.     The  most  important  of 

legislation.  1  . 

Rev  of  Revs  measures  was  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  (§  471),  which 

34  (1006),  130-  gave  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  the  right  to  fix 
142,  65-70;  maximum  rates  and  so  changed  the  methods  of  regulating 
railways  that  the  commission  was  able  to  protect  shippers  and 
the  public.  Among  the  measures  was  a  pure  food  law  against 
which  .the  manufacturers  of  foods  and  drugs  had  fought  suc- 
cessfully for  several  years,  a  law  to  proceed  with  the  con- 
struction of  the  Panama  Canal,  and  a  law  reforming  the 
consular  service. 


The  Rule  of  the  People 


529 


The  legislation  of  this  Congress  included  a  law  for  the  pres-  Conservation 
ervation  of  Niagara  Falls.    This  was  one  of  the  earliest  P°licv- 
of  the  special  laws  made  for  the  conservation  of  our  national 
resources.     Already  a  large  forest  reserve  had  been  estab- 
lished.    Pending  revaluation,  President  Roosevelt  withdrew  Van  Hise,  Con- 
horn  sale  more  than  70,000,000  acres  of  coal  lands.     As  senatwn  °f 

.,  ,  .  ,.        ,.       ,.  .         .    .  .  ,         ,    Nat.  Resources, 

there  was  no  law  providing  for  this  act,  his  successors  placed 


WATER  POWER,  NIAGARA  FALLS 

them  again  on  the  market,  but  after  the  Ballinger-Pinchot 
controversy  (§458),  the  lands  were  withdrawn  legally. 
President  Roosevelt  aroused  great  interest  in  the  conserva- 
tion of  waterways  by  his  trip  down  the  Mississippi  (1907) 
and  by  securing  a  conference  of  the  state  governors  to 
consider  the  subject  of  conservation  in  Washington,  in  1908. 

Anti-trust  investigations  which  were  made  by  the  Bureau  Roosevelt's 
oi;  Corporations  and  suits  which  were  brought  by  the  govern-     n /" ru£ 
ment  against  trusts  formed  a  very  important  part  of  the 
"  Roosevelt  policies."     In  his  earlier  messages  President  Hill,  G.  G.,  in 

Roosevelt  urged  the  need  of  better  supervision  of  the  rail-  No-  ^m-  f ev-' 

185  (igoy), 
ways  and  the  trusts.     Suits  were  begun  against  combinations 

that  were  believed  to  be  contrary  to  the  Sherman  anti-trust 
law  (§  468),  although  none  of  these  important  cases  except 
that  against  the  Northern  Securities  Company  was  decided 


530 


Amencan  History 


[1908 


Garfield,  J.  R., 
in  Outlook, 
gi  (1009), 
389-393- 


The  panic  of 
1907. 

Holt,  B.  W.,  in 
Rev .  of  Revs., 
36  (1907), 
672-677. 
Laughlin,  J.  L., 
in  World  To- 
day, 13  (1007), 
1220-1224. 
Noyes,  Forty 
Years  of  Am. 
Finance,  355- 
380. 


The  election  of 

igo8. 

Lamed  (ed.), 

Ready  Ref., 

VII,  674-678. 

International 

Year  Book, 

1008, 

579-594- 

Stanwood, 

Hist,  of  the 

Presidency, 

(1897-1009), 

141-213. 


General. 


during  the  first  administration  of  Roosevelt.  Later,  in  public 
addresses  and  in  suits  at  law,  Roosevelt  attacked  these  great 
corporations.  He  decried  "  predatory  wealth,"  and  abused 
the  "  malefactors  of  great  wealth  "  who  exploited  the  people. 
The  public  was  aroused  against  the  great  corporations  and 
became  interested  also  in  Roosevelt's  policy  of  conservation. 

453.  Panic.  The  Election  of  1908.  —  Many  people  at- 
tributed the  business  panic  which  occurred  in  October,  1907, 
to  attacks  made  by  Roosevelt  on  the  trusts.  Others  saw  an 
attempt  by  certain  great  capitalists  to  precipitate  a  panic  so 
that  the  Roosevelt  policies  might  be  discredited  and  that  the 
competitors  of  the  capitalists  might  be  injured  by  the  de- 
pression which  followed.  These  were  undoubtedly  minor 
causes,  for,  as  in  the  case  of  previous  panics,  this  panic  was 
due  to  over-speculation  and  too  much  extravagance.  It 
was  due  in  part  also  to  a  national  banking  system  that  did 
not  give  an  elastic  currency  and  to  the  speculations  of  the 
trust  (banking)  companies.  The  depression  which  followed 
the  panic  was  comparatively  short-lived.  It  did  not  destroy 
the  popularity  of  Roosevelt  or  the  prestige  of  the  Republican 
party. 

Roosevelt  selected  William  H.  Taft  of  Ohio  to  carry  out 
the  "  Roosevelt  policies."  Taft  .and  James  S.  Sherman 
were  nominated  by  the  Republican  convention  on  a  platform 
that  called  "  unequivocally  "  for  a  revision  of  the  tariff  so 
that  rates  should  equal  the  difference  between  the  cost  of  pro- 
duction abroad  and  at  home.  The  Democrats  nominated 
William  Jennings  Bryan  with  a  platform  that  demanded 
tariff  reform  and  the  adequate  control  of  trusts.  Bryan 
polled  a  much  larger  popular  vote  than  Parker  in  1904,  but 
was  beaten  in  the  electoral  college  by  a  vote  of  326  for  Taft 
to  157  for  Bryan. 

THE  RULE  OF  THE  PEOPLE  (1906-1913) 

454.  The  War  against  Political  Misrule.  —  The  move- 
ment against  the  domination  of  the  political  world  by  "  big 
business  "  started  first  in  the  West,  especially  in  the  populist 


531 


states  and  later  in  Wisconsin  under  Robert  La  Follette.  It 
did  not  become  a  national  movement  until  Theodore  Roose- 
velt moved  into  the  White  House.  Another  nation-wide 
movement  which  has  been  characteristic  of  the  last  decade 
is  a  reform  and  uplift  movement,  especially  in  our  cities  and 
bur  central  and  western  states,  which  demands  that  the 
people  should  have  a  larger  share  in  the  government  and 
that  the  activities  of  the  government  should  promote  the 
welfare  of  the  people. 

In  order  that  the  people  might  rule,  it  was  necessary  that 
they  be  aroused  to  the  corruption  and  graft  that  were  prev- 
alent in  our  governments,  especially  those  of  the  cities. 
This  was  not  done  easily.  Gradually,  however,  people 
began  to  realize  that  the  police  of  our  cities  frequently  pro- 
tected vice  and  crime  if  they  were  paid  enough  by  the  law- 
breakers. It  was  found  that  councilmen  were  bribed  to  give 
away  valuable  franchises.  In  many  instances  these  grafters 
were  brought  to  trial,  and,  in  a  few  cases,  they  were  con- 
victed and  sentenced  to  imprisonment.  When  graft  cases 
came  to  trial,  however,  it  was  found  that  these  officials  were 
usually  part  of  a  great  political  system  which  would  not  eti- 
dure  having  its  members  punished.  It  was  found  further 
that  the  laws  were  not  designed  so  much  to  protect  the  public 
as  to  look  after  favored  interests.  More  and  more  insistent 
became  the  demand  that  new  means  should  be  devised  to  give 
the  people  control  of  their  own  governments. 

455.  The  Insurgent  Movement.  —  The  movement  against 
domination  of  the  government  by  special  interests  may  be 
called  the  insurgent  movement,  although  that  name  is  some- 
times used  for  a  small  part  of  this  general  movement.  It 
was  not  simply  a  protest  against  graft ;  it  was  a  demand  that 
the  people  should  have  a  chance  to  elect  their  own  repre- 
sentatives, and  that  these  representatives  should  not  be 
hampered  by  precedent  or  by  political  machines.  It  sought 
to  introduce  new  methods  which  would  give  the  people  a 
direct  share  in  their  government.  Among  the  first  results 
of  the  insurgent  movement  proper  was  the  overthrow  in  the 


White,  W.  A., 
in  American, 
67  (1909), 
218-225. 
Adams,  Theory 
of  Social  Rev- 
olutions, 1—35. 
Steffens,  L.,  in 
American,  64 
(1907),  489- 
SiS;   585-602. 

Difficulties  in 

punishing 

grafters. 

Ford,  H.  J.,  in 
Pol.  Sc.  Quar., 
19  (1904), 
673-686. 

Brooks,  R.  C., 
in  Pol.  Sci. 
Quar.,  24 
(1909),  1-22. 


Bingham, 
T.  A.,  in  Cen- 
tury, 78  (1909), 
725-728. 


The  national 

insurgent 

movement. 

Arena,  35 

(1906),  631- 

640. 

Steffens,  L.,  in 

Everybody's,  18 

(1908),  723- 

736. 

Pinchot,  A.,  in 

McClure, 

35  (1910), 

581-590. 


532 


American  History 


[1910 


White,  W.  A., 
in  American, 
71  (IQIO), 
170-174. 
Baker,  R.  S., 
in  American, 
69  (1910), 
435-448. 
The  "insur- 
gents" in  the 
House  of 
Representa- 
tives. 

Hinds,  A.  C., 
in  McClure, 
35  (iQio), 
195-202. 
Murdock,  V., 
in  No.  Am. 
Rev.,  igi 
(1910), 
510-516. 
Hale,  W.  B., 
World's  Work 
19  (1910), 
12805-12812. 
The  old-time 
primary  and 
nominating 
convention. 
Hart,  Actual 
Gov't,  457, 
46,  48. 
Merriam, 
Primary  Elec- 
tions, 18-39. 
Dallinger, 
Nominations 
for  Elective 
Office,  95-126. 


national  House  of  Representatives  of  the  arbitrary  rule  by 
the  Committee  on  Rules.  Widespread  and  more  important 
than  these  were  the  reform  methods  in  the  states  known  as 
the  direct  primary,  the  initiative  and  the  referendum,  and 
the  recall. 

Before  1910  the  work  of  the  House  of  Representatives  had 
been  controlled  by  the  "  big  three,"  that  is,  by  the  majority 
members  of  the  Committee  on  Rules.  The  leader  of  these 
was  the  speaker  of  the  House,  who  appointed  the  committees 
and  decided  who  might  speak  before  the  House.  Later 
speakers  had  been  more  dictatorial  if  not  more  arbitrary  than 
"  Czar  "  Reed  (§  406).  By  a  union  of  Democrats  and  "  in- 
surgent "  Republicans  the  speaker  lost  his  power  to  appoint 
committees  and  was  removed  from  the  Committee  on  Rules 
(1910),  the  committee  being  composed  thereafter  of  ten 
members,  six  from  the  majority  and  four  from  the  minority. 
This  committee  controls  the  work  of  the  House,  but  the  Dem- 
ocrats in  1911  and  in  1913,  fearing  that  it  might  gain  too 
much  power,  allowed  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  to 
appoint  the  other  committees. 

456.  Reform  of  Political  Party  Methods.  —  A  change 
that  was  of  infinitely  greater  importance  than  the  reform 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  has  been  the  gradual 
abolition  of  the  political  party  convention  and  the  substitu- 
tion of  the  direct  primary  as  a  means  for  the  nomination  of 
party  candidates.  Under  the  old,  or  convention,  system, 
primaries  were  held  to  elect  delegates  to  the  conventions. 
These  primaries  were  either  mass  meetings  of  voters  in  a 
small  precinct  who  came  together  and  elected  delegates  to  a 
local  convention,  which  in  turn  elected  delegates  to  a  larger 
convention;  or  the  primary  was  an  election  in  which  the 
voters  of  each  party  elected  its  delegates  to  the  convention. 
In  either  case  the  delegates  were  usually  selected  by  the  politi- 
cal party  "  organization  "  or  "  machine,"  and  the  candidates 
whom  the  convention  chose  were  regularly  machine  men. 

In  order  that  the  candidates  might  be  the  choice  of  the 
people  rather  than  the  tools  of  the  "  machine,"  the  direct 


1913]        Movement  toward  Economic  Reform         533 

primary  has  been  introduced.     During  recent  years  it  has  The  direct 
spread  to  almost  all  of  the  states,  being  used  for  the  nomi-  * 
nation  of  local  and  state  candidates,  and,  in  several  states, 
for  the  selection  of  the  state's  delegates  to  the  national  party  in  Outlook 
convention,  which  nominates  the  party  candidates  for  Presi-   9°  (1908), 
dent.    The  adoption  of  these  methods  has  brought  the  choice  383-389- 
of  the  candidates  close  to  the  people  ;   but  now  a  campaign  Mernam, 
is  necessary  before  the  direct  primary  election,  and  some-  ^^es-So' 
times  a  bewildering  number  of  names  of  prospective  candi- 
dates  is  placed  on  the  ballot.     After  all,  then,  with  the  direct  organized 
primary,  as  in  the  case  of  the  convention,  we  need  some  polit-  Democracy, 
ical  party  organization,  and  the  "  organization  "  or  "  ma-   22    242> 
chine  "  may  have  as  much  power  as  formerly.    The  old 
party  bosses  and  machines  are  usually  opposed  to  the  direct 
primary,  however.1 

In  order  to  reduce  the  number  of  names  on  both  the   short  ballot. 
primary  ballot  and  the  final  election  ballot,  a  reduction  in  Childs,  R.  S., 

the  number  of  elective  offices  has  been  proposed,  and  in  m  Am-  p°l-  Sc 

Rev.,  6  (1912), 
some  states  this  change  has  been  made.      This  is  known  as  3IO_3IS. 

the  "  short  ballot." 

State  and  national  laws  have  forbidden  contributions  by  Prohibition  of 
the  corporations  to  party  campaign  expenses.     The  people  corporation 

±1        ii         ±1  j.'          .,1         P  .L-      11  contribution  to 

rather  than  the  corporations  therefore  theoretically  may  con-        t   fundg 
trol  both  the  parties  and  the  elections. 

457.  The  Initiative,  the  Referendum,  and  the  Recall.  —  •  Adoption  of 

For  fear  that  these  devices  should  not  give  the  people  ade-  ^state-wide 

initiative  and 

quate  control  of  the  governments,  there  has  been  wide-   referendum. 

spread  extension  of  the  right  of  the  people  to  propose  and 

make  their  own  laws.    The  means  by  which  legislation  is   Cleveland, 

made  direct  are  the  initiative  and  the  referendum.    The 

11  initiative  "  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  propose  laws  which 


1  The  experience  of  New  York  shows  this.  In  1913  the  struggle  between 
Governor  Sulzer  and  Tammany  for  real  control  of  the  state  politics  centered 
around  the  direct  primary  law.  As  the  other  party  leaders  and  bosses  op- 
posed Sulzer,  he  was  impeached  and  removed  from  office.  In  the  following 
municipal  election  in  New  York  City  in  November  Tammany  Hall  was  over- 
whelmingly defeated.  Popular  pressure  will  in  time  give  New  York  and  other 
states  the  direct  primary. 


^o  3S3- 

355- 


534 


American  History 


Munro,  Gov't 
of  Am.  Cities, 
321-350. 


The  recall. 
Beard,  Am. 
City  Gov't, 
6&-7S- 
Annals  Am. 
Acad.,  43 
(1912),  215- 
236. 

Munro  (ed.), 
Initiative,  Ref., 
and  Recall, 
398-320. 


the  lawmaking  branch  of  the  government  must  pass  or  must 
submit  to  the  voters.  The  "  referendum  "  is  the  right  of 
ratifying  laws.  As  lawmaking  is  naturally  a  subject  that 
demands  special  knowledge  and  special  training,  the  exten- 
sion of  this  privilege  to  the  public  shows  that  the  people 
have  come  to  distrust  their  governments  very  thoroughly. 
Direct  legislation  has  been  in  use  for  local  laws  a  great  many 
years,  but  its  scope  has  recently  been  so  extended  that,  at  the 
close  of  the  year  1913,  eighteen  states  had  the  "  initiative  " 
and  the  "  referendum  "  for  state  laws  as  well.1  The  "  refer- 
endum "  had  been  used  generally  for  the  ratification  of  state 
constitutions  and  for  state  constitutional  amendments  for 
about  a  century,  but  its  use  in  connection  with  the  initiative 
for  the  making  of  state  laws  has  been  the  result  of  the  recent 
demand  that  the  people  should  rule. 

The  recall  is  a  further  means  of  controlling  public  officials ; 
it  is  not  a  method  of  popular  or  direct  legislation.  Where 
the  recall  has  been  adopted,2  a  certain  percentage  of  the 
voters  may  demand  that  another  election  shall  be  held  in 
order  to  ascertain  whether  an  official  whom  the  petitioners 
distrust  shall  be  retained  in  office.  If  he  polls  a  larger  vote 
than  any  of  his  opponents,  he  is  retained. 

THE  MOVEMENT  TOWARD  ECONOMIC  REFORM  (1909-1914) 

458.  The  Beginning  of  the  Taf t  Administration.  —  The 
new  popular  movement  for  a  larger  share  in  the  government 

1  For  a  summary  of  recent  changes  in  the  status  of  popular  government 
see  the  American  Year  Book  (1914),  table  p.  69.  This  table  will  undoubt- 
edly be  brought  down  to  date  in  later  issues. 

*  This  method  is  used  much  less  widely  than  the  initiative  and  the  referen- 
dum, being  applied  to  judicial  state  officials  in  but  three  states  in  1913.  In 
fact,  there  is  very  great  opposition  among  conservatives  to  the  application  of 
the  recall  to  judges,  whose  decisions  might  then  be  influenced  by  fear  of  re- 
moval. When  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  were  admitted  to  the  Union  in 
1912,  President  Taft  refused  to  sign  the  resolution  admitting  Arizona  until 
Arizona  eliminated  the  provision  of  the  state  constitution  which  permitted 
the  recall  of  the  judiciary.  Ex-President  Roosevelt  advocated  the  recall  of 
judicial  decisions  as  a  substitute,  but  it  has  been  received  with  less  favor 
than  the  recall. 


1911]       Movement  toward  Economic  Reform          535 


WILLIAM  H.  TAFT 


and  more  benefits  from  the  government  for  the  common 
people  had  not  made  great  headway  when  Taft  was  elected 
President  (§  453)  in  1908.  Taft  was  looked  upon  then  as  a 
progressive,  but  his  tem- 
perament and  his  long 
experience  on  the  bench 
made  him  quite  conserva- 
tive.1 He  made  himself 
unpopular  in  the  West 
the  first  year  by  indorsing 
the  reactionary  Payne- 
Aldrich  tariff  (§  463)  as 
the  "  best  ever."  His  at- 
tempt to  apply  literally 
the  law  for  the  sale  of 
coal  lands  caused  Taft 
and  Secretary  Ballinger 
to  offer  coal  lands  for 
sale  at  the  old  ridiculously  low  prices.2  A  popular  protest, 
the  so-called  Ballinger-Pinchot  controversy,  led  to  the  enact- 
ment of  laws  which  permitted  the  withdrawal  from  sale  of 
valuable  coal,  oil,  and  other  mineral  lands. 

President  Taft  earnestly  desired  to  promote  peace  and 
international  good  will.  He  earnestly  advocated  a  reci- 
procity agreement  with  Canada  by  which  trade  in  grains  and 
raw  materials  would  be  promoted  between  the  two  countries. 
For  twelve  years  (1854-1866)  the  United  States  had  tried 
reciprocity  with  Canada,  but,  although  in  1911  Congress 
voted  in  favor  of  reciprocity,  Canada,  at  a  general  election, 

1  William  H.  Taft  is  a  graduate  of  Yale,  where  he  holds  at  present  a  pro- 
fessorship.    From  1881  to  1892  he  held  several  political  positions,  and  in  1892 
was  appointed  judge  of  the  United  States  Circuit  Court.     After  1900  he 
served  as  governor  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  (1904-1908)  as  Secretary  of 
War  under  Roosevelt.     Because  of  his  extended  administrative  experience 
Taft  was  exceptionally  well  prepared  for  the  duties  of  chief  executive. 

2  Roosevelt  had  withdrawn  coal  lands  from  sale,  pending  the  revaluation 
of  these  lands,  although  no  law  permitted  this  action.     Ballinger  made  prep- 
arations to  give  patents  to  lands  in  Alaska,   which  Pinchot  thought  con- 
trary to  a  wise  policy  of  conservation. 


The  conserva- 
tive position  ol 
the  Taft  ad- 
ministration on 
tariff  and 
conservation. 
Lowery,  E.  G., 
in  No.  Am. 
Rev.,  191 
(1910),  289- 
301. 

Turner,  G.  K., 
in  McClure,  35 

(IQIO), 

2II-22I. 


Reciprocity 
and  inter- 
national 
arbitration. 
Rev.  of  Revs., 
43  (1911), 
278-283,  737- 
738. 


1913]        Movement  toward  Economic  Reform         537 

decided  overwhelmingly  against  it,  evidently  fearing  absorp-  Taft,  W.  H., 

tion  by  the  United  States.     President  Taft  was  more  fortu-  et  "*••  in  Jour- 

nate  in  securing  very  liberal  arbitration  treaties  with  France  ,    u) 

and  Great  Britain  (§  443).  513-549. 

That  action  of  Taft's  administration  which  has  been  most  Policy  of  Taft 

approved  and  will  in  future  be  of  most  importance  was  the  toward  the 
appointment  of  national  judges  made  by  President  Taft. 

For  the  first  time  in  fifty  years  a  majority  of  the  justices  of  the  Baldwin,  E.  F.. 

Supreme  Court  were  appointed  by  one  president.     More  mOutiook< 

than  forty  per  cent  of  the  judges  in  the  inferior  national  courts  ISO_I64.  ' 
were  also  selected  by  Taft.    The  work  of  these  judges  will 
constitute  the  chief  contribution  of  Taft  to  the  history  of  this 
period.1 

459.  Reform  Legislation.  —  Because  of  the  great  popular  Postal  changes 
movement  described  above  (§§  454-457)  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  reform  legislation  in  state  and  nation  during  the 

Taft  administration.     In  1910  Congress  established  a  postal  Hitchcock, 

savings  bank  system,  and  in  1012  a  parcel  post  was  author-  F-  H->  m  InJ  " 

,  -    ,  pendent,  72 

ized.    The  postal  savings  bank  is  used  in  a  majority  of  the  (I9I2); 

post  offices,  where  depositors  more  than  ten  years  of  age  can  136-138. 

deposit  from  $i  to  $500.     It  reaches  sections  which  before  Klemmeres, 

had  no  banks  and  brings  into  circulation  money  that  had  E-  w->  in  p°l- 

been  hoarded.    The  parcel  post  gives  opportunity  to  send  ^^ 

good-sized  packages  at  rates  varying  with  weight  and  dis-  462-499. 

tance.     It  is  hoped  that  the  parcel  post  may  facilitate  the  Outlook,  103 

marketing  of  products,  and,  by  eliminating  middlemen,  may  (I913)' 
reduce  the  high  cost  of  living  (§  465). 

.  .  Zimmermann, 

The  period  from  1908  to  1913  was  one  of  progressive  legis-  w  §  (  in  Sys_ 

lation  for  the  protection  of  labor.    The  national  government  tem,  23  (  1913) 

established  (1913)  a  separate  Department  of  'Labor  and  two  271-277,^374- 
years  earlier  created  a  ChiHren's  Bureau.     Child-labor  laws, 


laws  limiting  the  hours  of  labor  for  women,  improved  em-  legislation. 
ployer's  liability  laws,  industrial  and  compensation  laws,  and 
minimum  wage  measures  are  among  the  humanitarian  meas- 
ures enacted  by  the  states  during  that  period. 

1  The  attitude  of  the  courts  on  the  anti-trust  law  is  considered  below 
(§468). 


538 


American  History 


[1912 


The  Republi- 
can primary 
campaign. 
Woodbum, 
J.  A.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1912,  i— 10. 
Dunn,  A.  W., 
in  Rev.  of  Revs., 
45  (1912), 
427-433- 
Blythe,  S.  G.f 
in  McClure, 
39  (1912), 
205-214. 


The  Republi- 
can convention. 

Woodburn, 
J.  A.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1912,  10-14. 
Rev.  of  Revs., 
46  (1914),  132- 
141,  191-195- 
Davis,  R.  H., 
in  Scribner's, 
52  (1912), 
259-273- 
Democratic 
convention. 
Woodburn, 
J.  A.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1912,  14-20. 
Outlook,  101 
(1912), 
SS7-56i. 
The  Progres- 
sive 
convention. 

Woodburn, 
J.  A.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1912,  20-27. 


460.  The  Election  of  1912.  —  Reform  movements  and 
programs  played  a  considerable  part  in  the  presidential  elec- 
tion of  1912.  The  election  was  opened  by  a  spectacular 
primary  campaign.  Roosevelt  had  declared  in  1904  that 
under  no  circumstances  would  he  seek  reelection  after  that 
date.  He  was  so  disappointed  with  the  conservative  policies 
of  theTaft  administration  that  in  1912  he  came  out  openly  as 
a  candidate  against  President  Taft,  who  was  seeking  renomi- 
nation.  As  several  states  provided  by  law  for  the  election  of 
delegates  in  the  primaries,  and,  as  several  others  actually 
chose  their  delegates  in  that  way,  a  great  deal  of  vigorous 
campaigning  was  done  in  order  to  win  control  of  the  Republi- 
can convention  in  Chicago. 

Because  Taft  controlled  the  regular  Republican  machinery 
and  the  delegates  from  the  southern  states,  he  was  able  to 
control  the  Chicago  convention  by  a  small  majority.  Roose- 
velt protested  in  vain  against  the  "  steam-roller  "  methods 
which  excluded  his  delegates,  maintaining  that  the  majority 
had  been  robbed.  His  followers  remained  silent  while  the 
convention  renominated  Taft  and  Sherman,  and  adopted  a 
platform  which  was  liberal  in  many  respects  but  which  was 
conservative  in  others. 

The  Democratic  convention  met  in  Baltimore,  June  25. 
A  struggle  immediately  began  between  the  conservatives 
and  the  progressives,  the  latter  winning  through  the  unquali- 
fied support  of  William  Jennings  Bryan.  The  convention 
adopted  a  liberal  platform  with  especial  emphasis  on  a 
revenue  tariff,  an  income  tax,  opposition  to  the  trusts,  and 
a  single  term  for  the  President.  Woodrow  Wilson  of  New 
Jersey  and  Thomas  R.  Marshall  of  Indiana  were  nominated. 

The  Republican  Roosevelt  delegates  called  a  convention 
in  Chicago,  August  5,  and  organized  the  Progressive  party. 
The  primary  purpose  of  the  new  party  was  to  destroy  boss 
rule,  but  its  platform  was  an  extended  summary  of  social, 
political,  and  economic  reforms.  Roosevelt  gave  the  con- 
vention his  "  confession  of  faith,"  concluding  with  the  words : 
"  We  stand  at  Armageddon  and  we  battle  for  the  Lord." 


540 


American  History 


[1908 


Abbott,  E.  H., 
in  Outlook,  101 
(1912), 
857-864. 

Menkel,  W.( 
in  Rev.  of  Revs. 
46  (1912), 
310-317- 
Result  of  the 
election. 

Woodburn, 
J.  A.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1912,  27-44. 
World's  Work, 
25  (1912), 
137-139- 


The  Income 

Tax 

amendment. 


With  Roosevelt  was  nominated  Hiram  W.  Johnson  of  Cali- 
fornia. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  predetermined  by  the  split 
in  the  Republican  party,  the  campaign  being  comparatively 

dull.1  When  the  votes 
were  counted,  it  was 
found  that  Wilson  had 
carried  forty-one  states, 
including  three  states  that 
had  been  very  progressive 
before  1912.  Roosevelt 
had  a  plurality  in  five 
states  and  Taft  in  two. 
Wilson's  popular  vote 
was  less  than  Bryan's  in 
1908,  and  a  million  and  a 
quarter  less  than  the  com- 
bined vote  of  Roosevelt 
and  Taft  in  1912.  The 
Socialist  vote  was  nearly 
one  million,  being  more 
than  double  the  vote  of 
that  party  in  1908,  showing  that  many  people  demanded  a 
much  more  radical  reform  of  social  and  economic  abuses 
than  either  the  Progressive  party  or  the  Democratic  party 
was  likely  to  give.2 

461.  Constitutional  Changes. — Twice  in  the  year  1913 
was  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  amended  in  order 

1  In  Milwaukee,  October  14,  a  fanatic  attempted  to  assassinate  Roosevelt. 
Roosevelt's  courage  in  addressing  an  audience  immediately  afterwards,  al- 
though severely  wounded,  aroused  nation-wide  sympathy  and  enthusiasm. 

1  The  Socialist  party  platform  in  191 2  declared  that "  society  is  divided  into 
warring  groups  and  classes,  based  upon  material  interest."  It  demanded 
that  the  rule  of  the  capitalist  class  shall  be  replaced  by  that  of  the  workers. 
It  asked  for  collective  ownership  of  railways  and  other  means  of  social 
communication,  of  banks  and  of  land  held  for  speculation  or  exploitation. 
It  demanded  relief  for  the  unemployed,  the  better  conservation  of  human 
resources  and  direct  government  by  the  people  in  the  national  as  well  as  the 
state  and  local  governments. 


Copyright  by  Harris  and  Ewing. 

WOODROW  WILSON 


1913]       Movement  toward  Economic  Reform         541 

to  make  it  correspond  more  nearly  with  the  wishes  of  the  Literary  Digest, 
people.    These  were  the  first  changes  in  our  written  funda-  46  (I9I3). 

mental  law  in  more  than  forty  years.    The  sixteenth  amend-  ^5  3,  *7' 

Brooks.  S.,  in 
ment  provides  for  an  income  tax,  so  that  such  a  tax  may  be  #„.  ^m.  Rev., 

levied  without  being  declared  unconstitutional  as  was  the   197  (1913), 
tax  oi  .1:894  (§  408).     An  income  tax  was  levied  in  1913   S42~S5S- 

(§464). 

The  seventeenth  amendment  was  the  result  of  an  even  Direct  election 
more  determined   demand  of   the   people.     Several  times  of  senators- 
Houses  of  Representatives  had  passed  resolutions  in  favor  J°nes'  Rea<l™gs 

.  on  Parties  and 

of  the  direct  election  ot  senators,  but  the  Senate  always  Elections, 
failed  to  concur.     As  some  senators  were  considered  too   125-146. 
conservative  for  the  popular  taste,  many  states  had  fol- 
lowed the  Oregon  plan,  which  provided  that  the  people  might 
advise  the  legislature  of  their  choice  for  senator,  at  the  same 
time  that  the  voters  elected  legislators  who  agreed  to  abide 
by  the  people's  wish.    The  result  of  the  new  amendment 
must  be  a  decided  change  in  the  character  of  the  Senate. 

In   the  states  constitutional  amendments  have  been  as  Constitutional 
common  as  the  national  amendments  were  rare.     Among  amendments  in 
notable  changes  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  states  in 
recent  years  has  been  the  admission  of  women  to  vote  in 
five  new  states,  making  nine  states  in  all  (1913),  the  adop- 
tion of  provisions  for  direct  primaries,  the  initiative  and 
referendum,  those  that  provide  for  better  taxation  and  con- 
trol of  corporations,  and  those  which  take  better  care  of 
men,  women,  and  children  who  work  with  their  hands. 

462.  The  Beginning  of   the  Wilson  Administration. —   Character  and 
The  election  of  Woodrow  Wilson  to  the  presidency  brought  P°llcies  of 

Wilson 

to  the  chief  magistracy  a  distinguished  scholar  and  student 

of  public  affairs.1    Wilson  showed  from  the  first  that  he   ~c.  °^'     ' 

G.,  in  Century, 

intended  to  be  the  leader  of  the  party  and  the  head  of  the  85  (1913), 
administration.     He  broke  precedent  after  precedent.     For  744-753. 

1  Distinguished  as  author,  teacher,  and  college  president,  Wilson  had 
served  as  governor  of  New  Jersey,  giving  to  that  state  a  clean  and  progressive 
administration.  He  selected  Bryan  as  his  Secretary  of  State,  and  filled  hi§ 
cabinet  with  progressives. 


542 


American  History 


C'913 


Hale,  W.  B., 
in  World's 
Work,  26 
(1913),  69-77. 
Low,  A.  M.,  in 
Living  Age, 
278  (1913), 
17-22. 


Wilson,  his 
party,  and 
business 
policies. 

Harvey,  G.  B. 
McC.,  in  No. 
Am.  Rev.,  198 
(1913), 
S77-6o8. 


The  maximum 
and  minimum 
'tariff  (1909). 

Dewey,  Finan, 
Hist,  of  U.  S., 
483-487- 

Taussig,  F.  W., 
in  Quar.  Jour. 
Econ.,  24 
(1909),  11-38. 


example,  he  read  his  first  message  as  Washington  and  John 
Adams  had  done.  He  has  not  hesitated  to  go  to  the  Capi- 
tol nor  does  he  hesitate  to  advise  congressmen  freely.  He 
refused  to  be  bothered  with  office-seekers.  He  abandoned 
"  dollar-diplomacy,"  *  in  connection  with  the  China  loan 
(§  446,  note)  and  Latin-American  affairs.  In  relation  to 
Mexico  he  followed  a  waiting  policy  more  censorious  but 
not  radically  different  from  that  of  President  Taft. 

The  first  year  of  the  Wilson  administration  saw  -the  enact- 
ment of  a  comparatively  low  tariff  and  an  important  bank- 
ing act.  Against  trusts  and  other  combinations  of  capital, 
the  administration  enforced  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law  more 
thoroughly  than  previous  presidents  had  done.  Combinations 
that  controlled  prices  and  interlocking  directorates  (§  465) 
were  especially  the  objects  of  law  enforcement,  but  the 
attempt  was  made  also  to  control  the  capitalization  of  great 
companies  as  well.  Although  the  Democratic  party  had 
been  noted  for  its  factions  from  1896  to  1913,  President  Wil- 
son united  the  party  and  succeeded  during  his  first  year  in 
carrying  through  a  comprehensive  program  of  reforms, 
designed  to  benefit  the  "  common  people." 

463.  The  Payne-Aldrich  Tariff.  —  From  1897  to  1909 
there  had  been  no  real  changes  in  the  tariff.  In  1909  a  spe- 
cial session  of  Congress  passed  a  protective  tariff,  the  Payne- 
Aldrich,  and  in  1913  another  special  session  passed  a 
revenue  tariff.  Demand  for  tariff  reform  before  1909  had 
come  from  those  who  wished  lower  prices,  from  those  who 
believed  that  our  tariff  schedules  were  antiquated  because 
of  the  great  industrial  changes  of  recent  years,  and  from  those 
who  were  opposed  to  protection.  The  Payne-Aldrich  tariff 
in  1909  provided  for  a  larger  free  list,  reductions  on  some 
trust-made  articles,  and  a  rearrangement  of  schedules  which 
left  the  rates  nearly  as  high  as  before,  the  general  principles 

1  Dollar  diplomacy  was  the  name  given  to  the  method,  used  especially  by 
Secretary  Knox  in  the  Taft  administration,  to  promote  commerce  through  the 
diplomatic  service  and  to  let  the  extension  of  business,  especially  in  Latin 
America,  aid  diplomacy  in  return. 


544 


American  History 


[1909 


The  corpora- 
tion tax. 

Conant,  C.  A., 
in  No.  Am. 
Rev.,  IQO 
(1009), 
231-240. 

Proposed  tariff 

bills  (1911- 

1913)- 

Rev.  of  Revs., 

44  (1911), 

250-264. 

Am.  Year 
Book,  igii, 
48-52- 


The  Under- 
wood tariff 
(1913)- 
Wickware, 
T.  G.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1914,  28-38. 


of  the  Dingley  tariff  (§  409)  and  the  Payne- Aldrich  tariff  being 
the  same.  The  law  provided  for  what  is  called  a  double  tariff.1 
It  also  provided  for  a  special  board  of  appraisers  and  a 
Custom  Court  of^  Appeal,  before  whom  disputes  about  rates 
were  settled  finally,  and  a  temporary  tariff  board.2 

After  suggesting  an  inheritance  tax  and  an  income  tax 
as  supplementary  to  the  tariff,  Congress  agreed  (1909)  on 
a  corporation  tax  of  one  per  cent  on  the  net  revenue  of  all 
corporations,  every  corporation  being  exempted  from  pay- 
ment on  the  first  $5000  of  its  revenue. 

464.  Democratic  Tariff  Measures.  —  The  election  of  a 
Democratic  House  of  Representatives  in  1910  gave  that  party 
a  chance  (1911)  to  propose  bills  for  reducing  the  tariff. 
With  the  aid  of  progressive  Republicans  in  the  Senate  a 
wool  bill  and  a  cotton  bill  were  passed  in  Congress,  both  of 
which  reduced  the  existing  rates.  President  Taft  vetoed 
both  bills,  and  they  were  not  passed  over  his  veto.  In  1913  a 
special  session  of  Congress  was  called  by  President  Wilson 
to  enact  a  revenue  tariff  and  other  financial  measures.  The 
House  was  overwhelmingly  Democratic  and  that  party 
had  a  slight  majority  in  the  Senate.  The  Underwood  tariff 
was  passed  at  this  session. 

The  Underwood  tariff  provides  for  a  substantial  reduc- 
tion on  all  protective  rates.  It  enlarges  the  free  list  by 
including  free  wool,  and  after  three  years,  free  sugar.  It 
retains  high  rates  and  in  some  cases  increases  the  rates 

1  The  regular  rates  formed  what  was  called  the  minimum  list,  th&  minimum 
rates  being  granted  to  all  countries  which  made  the  United  States  substan- 
tial trade  concessions.  If  there  were  any  others,  they  were  obliged  to  pay 
the  maximum  rates,  which  were  obtained  by  adding  to  the  minimum  rate 
twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  cost  of  the  imported  articles. 

*  The  tariff  board  was  created  for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  cost  of 
producing  similar  commodities  at  home  and  abroad.  Having  ascertained 
these  differences,  it  was  expected  that  the  tariff  rates  would  be  changed  so 
that  the  American  manufacturers  would  be  protected  by  rates  just  high 
enough  to  make  the  foreign  costs  equal  to  the  costs  at  home.  The  board's 
reports  show  such  varying  costs  in  America  and  abroad  that  no  conclusion 
could  be  drawn,  except  this,  perhaps,  that  American  manufacturers  with  old 
equipment  and  poor  organization  had  been  able  to  continue  as  producers 
because  of  the  protective  rates. 


1913         Movement  toward  Economic  Reform         545 

on  luxuries,  reducing  the  rates  on  those  articles  that  are  Stone,  N.  I., 

used  most  commonly  by  the  public.     Although  it  does  not  in  Rev-  °f  &<™-. 

abandon  the  principle  of  protection,  it  will  seriously  cripple,  433-439 

if  it  does  not  destroy,  those  factories  or  industries  which  have  Taussig,  F.  W., 

depended  entirely  upon  protection  in  order  to  compete  with  in  Quar.  Jour. 

foreign  producers.    Theoretically  it  is  a  consumers'  tariff,  on''  2 
just  as  practically  all  of  the  tariffs  since  the  Civil  War  have 
been  producers'  tariffs. 

In  order  to  secure  sufficient  revenue  for  the  national  Income  tax 


government  without  adding  further  to  the  taxes  already 
paid  by  consumers,  Congress  in  1913  passed  an  income  tax 
measure  which  provides  rates  from  i  to  7  per  cent.  The 
first  $3000  of  every  income  is  exempt,1  thus  freeing  from  the 
tax  nine  tenths  of  the  heads  of  families.  This  has  been 
attacked  as  class  legislation.  To  any  one  who  has  observed 
that  the  national  government  has  been  supported  in  the 
past  chiefly  by  those  whose  incomes  have  been  small,  this 
law  seems  fairer  than  any  other  national  tax  that  we  have. 

465.  Other  Financial  Reform    Measures.  —  The   trusts  The  high  cost 
and  the  railways  have  been  blamed  for  part  of  the  increased  of  ^ving. 
cost  of  living  in  recent  years,  and  the  public  has  tried  to 
protect  itself  by  laws  that  will  restrict  or  regulate  business. 
The  tariff  also  was  held  responsible  on  the  ground  that  it  Fisher,  I.,  in 
has  fostered  industry,  —  that  is,  the  producer  at  the  expense  No-  Am-  Rev-> 
of  the  consumer,  —  and  therefore  made  monopoly  possible.   740_7S8 
Finally  complaint  has  been  made  that  all  capitalists  stand  streightoff, 
together  and  amass  wealth  at  the  expense  of  the  public.  Standard  of 
Prices  have  been  going  up  ever  since  1895.    This  is  due  Limnz<  44~68- 

chiefly  without  doubt  to  the  increased  production  of  gold,2  Annals  Am- 

Acad.,  July, 

1  Married  men  are  exempt  to  the  amount  of  #4000.  IQI3- 

5  The  amount  of  gold  produced  each  year  after  1910  was  more  than 
double  the  annual  output  of  gold  from  1890  to  1895.  As  the  purchasing 
value  of  gold  depends  largely  on  the  amount  in  existence,  prices  go  up  as  the 
amount  increases.  Wages,  of  course,  do  the  same  in  time,  but  changes  in 
wages  occur  slowly.  The  high  cost  of  living  is  not  simply  the  result  of  high 
prices  ;  for,  if  wages  increase  at  the  same  rate  as  prices,  a  man's  income  will 
go  as  far  with  high  prices  as  with  low  prices.  It  has  been  said  very  truly 
that  a  fair  part  of  the  high  cost  of  living  is  the  cost  of  high  living.  At  least 
it  is  due  in  part  to  an  improvement  in  the  standard  of  living. 
2  N 


546 


American  History 


Money  trust 
investigation. 
Literary  Digest, 
46  (1013),  163- 
166,  261—263. 


The  national 
banking  act  of 
1913- 

Wick  ware, 
T.  G.,  in  Am. 
Year  Book, 
1914,  38-53- 


to  the  expansions  of  our  system  of  credit,1  and  to  the  im- 
provements in  the  standard  of  living ;  but  it  is  due  in  part 
also  to  the  special  opportunity  which  the  protected  indus- 
tries have  had  of  raising  prices. 

Among  the  numerous  investigations  cf  combination  of 
capital  that  were  supposed  to  be  responsible  for  high  prices 
and  business  monopoly  was  that  of  the  head  "  trust "  of 
all,  the  so-called  "  money  trust."  The  investigation  did 
not  show  the  existence  of  any  organization,  but  it  showed 
that  1 80  men,  each  of  whom  held  positions  on  a  great  many 
directorates  (interlocking  directorates),  had  great  influence 
over  corporations  with  resources  amounting  to  about 
$25,000,000,000.  Many  of  these  corporations  were  engaged 
in  banking. 

Fear  that  great  capitalists  would  control  still  more  the 
banking  of  the  country  and  its  business  interests  delayed  the 
adoption  of  necessary  banking  reforms  until  1913.  In 
that  year  Congress  amended  the  national  banking  act  (§  342). 
The  new  act  provides  for  a  better  concentration  of  banking 
reserves,  a  more  elastic  currency,  and  a  better  system  of 
bank  credit.  National  banking  in  reserve  centers  is  no 
longer  to  cooperate  chiefly  with  the  stock  market,  but  with 
business,  domestic  and  foreign.  Loans  to  farmers  are  made 
easier,  a  general  plan  of  agricultural  credit  being  worked 
out  later.  The  bank  act  provides  for  a  national  reserve 
board  which  supervises  reserve  banks.2  This  is  selected 
by  the  president.  There  are  from  eight  to  twelve  "  regional 
reserve  banks  "  controlled  by  bankers  of  that  region,  which 
can  issue  emergency  currency  and  therefore  furnish  extra 
money  when  crops  are  to  be  moved  or  a  money  stringency 
occurs.  It  is  hoped  that  this  new  banking  plan  will  give  a 
needed  flexibility  to  our  national  banking  system,  will  help 
to  prevent  panics,  and  will  keep  organized  capital  from 
dominating  business. 

1  See  Fisher,  I.,  in  American  Economic  Review,  2  (1912),  431-558. 
*  It  is  composed  of  seven  members,  two  of  whom  are  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  Controller  of  the  Currency. 


1913]       Movement  toward  Economic  Reform          547 

466.  Summary.  —  In  the  later  years  of  the  nineteenth  General, 
century  large  railway  and  industrial  corporations  had  great 
influence  over  our  governments.  The  protest  of  society 
against  business  domination  in  politics  was  expressed  in  the 
Roosevelt  policies  in  national  affairs,  and  in  the  demand  that 
the  people  should  rule  in  city,  state,  and  national  govern- 
ments. As  a  result  of  these  two  movements  numerous 
changes  occurred  in  the  laws  affecting  labor,  the  currency, 
the  tariff  and  others. 

Roosevelt  followed  McKinley's  policies  at  first,  especially  The  Roosevelt 
in  foreign  affairs,  but  urged  more  drastic  action  against  the  P°licies- 
trusts  and  favored  conservation.     After  his  election  in  1904 
he  came  out  more  strongly  for  railway  regulation,  conserva- 
tion, and  the  punishment  of  "  malefactors  of  great  wealth." 
Even  the  panic  of  1907  did  not  shake  the  faith  of  the  Roose- 
velt supporters,  and  in  1908  William  H.  Taft  was  elected 
as  his  successor  to  carry  out  his  policies. 

The  same  forces  that  were  working  to  overthrow  business  The  rule  of 
domination  of  politics  were  working  against  corruption  in  thePe°Ple- 
government  and  for  popular  control  of  all  public  affairs. 
In  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  insurgents  overthrew 
ihe  oligarchical  sway  of  the  Committee  on  Rules.     In  the 
states,  especially  in  the  West  and  South,  were  established  the 
direct  primary,  the  initiative,  the  referendum,  and  the  recall 
by  which  the  people  were  able  to  keep  the  politicians  from 
managing  politics  against  the  wishes  of  the  public. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Taft  administration  (1909-  Movement 
1913)  many  valuable  coal,  oil,  and  mineral  lands  were  with-  toward  eco- 
drawn  from  sale,  no  longer  being  offered  at  even  low  prices. 
Later  postal  savings  banks  and  a  parcel  post  system  were 
established  by  Congress.  The  period  was  one  of  numerous 
changes  in  state  laws  for  the  benefit  of  labor.  In  the  elec- 
tion of  1912  there  were  sharp  contests  between  the  conser- 
vative and  liberal  factions  of  each  of  the  old  parties.  The 
more  conservative  members  controlled  the  Republican  party, 
nominating  Taft ;  the  liberal  wing  organizing  as  the  Progres- 
sive party  and  nominating  Roosevelt.  The  Democrats 


548  American  History  [ig  13 

elected  Woodrow  Wilson  on  a  liberal  platform.  Imme- 
diately following  the  election  two  liberal  measures  were 
incorporated  in  the  United  States  Constitution  as  the  six- 
teenth amendment  (income  tax)  and  the  seventeenth  (direct 
election  of  senators).  The  Wilson  administration  was  more 
liberal  than  was  even  expected.  The  conservative  Payne- 
Aldrich  tariff  was  replaced  by  lower  protective  tariff,  a 
new  banking  act  was  passed  to  give  greater  elasticity  to 
our  currency  and  credit,  and  action  was  taken  to  break  the 
control  of  "  interlocking  directorates  "  over  business. 

TOPICS 

1.  CONSERVATION:    Ashley,  "Am.  Federal  State"  (rev.  ed.),  ch. 
XXIX ;  Coman,  "Industrial  History  of  the  U.  S."  (rev.  ed.),  pp.  375- 
413;    National  Conservation  Commission,  "Summary  of  Report"; 
Annals  of  the  Amer.  Academy,  33  (1909),  3-226;  Van  Hise,  "Conser- 
vation of  Natural  Resources." 

2.  CORRUPTION  AND   REFORM,   MUNICIPAL:    Bliss   (ed.),   "New 
Encyclopedia  of  Social  Reform,"  pp.  318—327;    Lamed  (ed.),  "His- 
tory of  Ready  Ref.,"  VII,   pp.   431—442 ;    Beard,   "American  City 
Gov't,"  pp.  192-217  ;  Flint,  "The  World  of  Graft,"  pp.  9-88;  Myers, 
"History  of  Tammany  Hall,"  pp.  252—350;  Steffens,  "Shame  of  the 
Cities." 

3.  INITIATIVE  AND  THE  REFERENDUM:    Munro  (ed.),  "The  Ini- 
tiative, Referendum,  and  Recall,"  pp.  126—193;   Wilcox,  "Gov't  by 
All  the  People,"  pp.  n— 166,  229-312;    Annals  Amer.  Academy,  43 
(1912),  3-31,  65—109,  203—215;    Oberholtzer,  "The  Referendum  in 
America"  (rev.  ed.),  pp.  173-217,  368-453;  Lowell,  "Public  Opinion 
and  Popular  Gov't,"  pp.  169-235,  368—398. 

4.  THE  RECALL  OF  JUDGES  AND  JUDICIAL  DECISIONS:   Roosevelt, 
inOutlook,  100  (1912),  618—626;    101,  855—857,  1004-1007";  Wilcox, 
"Gov't  by  All  the  People,"  pp.   211-228;    Cleveland,   "Organized 
Democracy,"  pp.  426-437;    Annals  of  Amer.  Academy,  43   (1912), 
239-325;  Acad.  of  Pol.  Sc.,  Proceedings,  January,  1913,  76-116. 

STUDIES 

1.  Roosevelt  and  civil  service  reform.     (Shaw,  W.  B,,  in  Review 
of  Reviews,  31  (1905),  317-324.) 

2.  Campaign   funds   and   campaign   scandals.     (Carr,   J.    F.,    in 
Outlook,  81  (1905),  549-554-) 

3.  Conservation  of  Niagara  Falls.     (Spencer,  J.  W.  W.,  in  Popular 
Science  Monthly,  73  (1908),  289-305.) 

4.  Mismanagement  of  insurance  companies  before  1906.     (Larned 
(ed.),  "History  for  Ready  Reference,"  VII,  pp.  326-329.) 


Movement  toward  Economic  Reform          549 

5.  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin.    (Roe,  G.  E.,  in  Independent,  64  (1908), 
717-725.) 

6.  New  York  police    force.      (Roe,  W.   J.,  in    Popular   Science 
Monthly,  80  (1912),  461—475.) 

7.  Publicity  of  campaign  funds.       (Jones,  "Readings  on  Parties 
and  Elections,"  pp.  302—321.) 

8.  Municipal    research  bureau.      (Annals   of  Amer.  Academy,  41 
(1912),  235-278.) 

9.  Regulation    of   political   campaigns.     (Cleveland,    "Organized 
Democracy,"  pp.  243—260.) 

10.  The  function  of  parties.     (Lowell,  "Public  Opinion  and  Popu- 
lar Gov't,"  Part  II.) 

11.  Socialist  party  in  election  of  1912.     (Hoxie,  R.  F.,  in  Jol.  Pol. 
Econ.,  20  (1912),  205—223.) 

12.  The  tariff  board  and  tariffs.     (Am.  Economic  Review,  z  (1912), 
March  Sup.,  19-41.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Place  in  your  notebook  a  complete  summary  of  the  following 
topics,  showing  the  sections  of  the  text  in  which  details  may  be  ob- 
tained:   Federalist  party,  old  Republican  party,  Whig  party,  Demo- 
cratic party,  Republican  party. 

2.  What  were  some  of  the  favors  received  by  the  great  corporations 
from  our  governments  ?     Why  did  the  trusts  and  the  railways  wish 
to  control  the  governments  ?     What  was  the  danger  of  capitalistic 
control?     By  what  means  and  to  what  extent  has  capitalistic  control 
been  averted  ? 

3.  Compare   the   policies  and   methods  of  Roosevelt,  Taft,  and 
Wilson.     To  what  extent  did  the  personalities  of  these  men  enter  into 
the  work  of  their  administrations  ?     Show  how  they  represent  three 
types  of  party  leadership. 

4.  Compare  the  foreign,  anti-trust,  and  conservation  policies  of 
Roosevelt.     Which  features  of  these  policies  were  original  with  him  ? 
Are  his  permanent  contributions  to  American  history  connected  with 
these  original  features  or  the  other  features  ? 

5.  Show  the  relation  between  the  revolt  against  capitalistic  domina- 
tion and  the  revolt  against  boss  rule. 

6.  In  what  ways  may  the  people  control  their  governments  that 
were  not  generally  in  use  twenty  years  ago  ?     Show  the  advantages 
and  disadvantages  of  each  method  of  popular  control. 

7.  Show  how  the  movement  for  popular  rule  affected  the  state  and 
national  legislation  of  the  period  from  1909  to  1912. 

8.  Compare  the  tariffs  of  1909  and  1913  with  those  of  1890  and 
1894.     Does  a  return  to  the  principles  of  the  tariff  of  1909  seem  prob- 
able in  1917  ? 


CHAPTER    XXIII 


Causes  and 
results  of 
industrial 
combination. 

Jenks,  Trust 

Problem, 

21-55- 

Taussig,   Prin- 
ciples of 
Economics,  II, 
419-442. 

Haney,  Bus. 
Organization 
and  Combina- 
tion, 128-144. 


PROGRESS  AND  PROBLEMS 
COMMERCE  AND-  INDUSTRY 

467.  Industrial  Progress  since  1880.  —  During  the  last 
third  of  a  century  the  industrial  advance  of  the  United 
States  has  been  very  rapid.  The  capital  invested  in  man- 
ufacturing and  the  value  of  manufactured  products  have 
increased  fourfold.  This  development  has  been  accom- 
panied by  changes  which  we  have  already  noted  in  part 
—  the  combination  of  companies  engaged  in  the  same  line 
of  industry,  with  a  resulting  foss  of  competition,  and  the 
combination  also  of  employees  engaged  in  similar  occu- 
pations. The  advantages  of  production  and  exchange  on 
a  large  scale  are  evident.  Improved  machinery  and  pro- 
cesses may  be  employed,  finer  products  may  be  secured 
by  devoting  the  energies  of  an  entire  plant  to  a  special  form 
of  manufacture,  and  immense  sums  are  saved  by  preventing 
the  unavoidable  wastes  of  separate  plants.  By  controlling 
most  of  the  output  in  its  line,  a  trust  need  ship  into  a  particu- 
lar territory  only  the  amount  that  can  be  sold  easily.  It 
can  lower  its  prices  in  a  district  in  which  a  rival  is  dangerous 
and  drive  its  competitor  from  business.  It  can  afford  to 
develop  new  markets,  domestic  or  foreign,  which  may  be 
unprofitable  at  first,  for  the  sake  of  the  future.  Whether 
these  advantages  from  the  industrial  standpoint  are  sufficient 
compensation  to  the  public  for  the  loss  of  competition,  which 
in  the  past  has  kept  prices  low,  depends  partly  on  the  policy 
of  the  trust,  partly  on  the  attitude  of  our  governments 
toward  the  trusts,  and  partly  on  the  willingness  or  ability 
of  the  people  to  keep  prices  low. 

The  advantages  of  combination  were  apparent  long  be- 
fore the  Spanish-American  War,  and  many  trusts  were 


1902]  Commerce  and  Industry  551 

organized  during  that  period,1  but  the  movement  for  indus-  Formation  of 
trial  or  commercial  consolidation  was  far  more  conspicuous  trusts  after 
from  1898  to  1902  than  at  any  earlier  time.2     Several  hun- 


dred trusts  were  organized,  many  of  them  powerful  enough  ' 


to  be  considered  monopolies.    The  largest  of  these  was  the  325-329. 
United    States    Steel    corporation,    with    capital    stock    of  Lamed  (ed.), 
$1,100,000,000.     Many  of  these  were  organized  on  a  specu-  Ready  Ref., 

lative  basis  and  either  collapsed  or  suffered  from  over-capi-       '  5297S35> 

.  .          VII,  116-135. 

talization  within  a  short  time.     The  railways  of  the  United 

,     .     .,  ,      ,  ....  .      Bogart,  Econ. 

States  adopted  similar  methods,  and  most  of  the  mileage  is  His(  Oj-  v  s 
controlled  now  by  a  few  corporations.     In  fact  some  of  the  400-416. 
largest  combinations  control  the  mines  or  other  sources  of  Marshall, 
raw  material  which  they  use,  manage  their  manufacturing  Wright,  Field, 
plants,  and  own  or  control  the  railways  by  which  the  materials    „    ,  '.'  ,  a  ' 
are  brought  to  their  plants  or  their  products  are  shipped  to  Economics, 
market.  290-339. 

468.  An  ti-  Trust    Legislation    in    the     States.  —  Under 
the  present  system  of  law  in  the  United  States  these  great 
companies  do  not  receive  charters  from  the  national  govern-   Control  of 
ment,  but  are  chartered  in  some  state,  and  then  do  business  railwa-ys- 
in  the  other  states  under  that  charter.    The  other  states,  how-  Johnson,  Am. 
ever;  may  limit  the  activities  of  the  corporations  within  their 
own  boundaries,  and,  in  fact,  may  prohibit  them  from  doing  349-366. 
business  in  their  state.    The  earliest  form  of  state  control,   Dixon,  F.  H., 
as  we  have  observed   already  (§  396),  was  in  connection  mPol.Sc. 
with  railways.     Most  of  the  early  granger  legislation  was  Vuar->  20 

1  The  earliest  and  still  one  of  the  most  notable  trusts  is  the  Standard  Oil        2-624. 
Company,  which,  as  early  as  1880,  controlled  the  output  of  over  ninety-five 

per  cent  of  the  refined  oil  in  the  United  States. 

2  There   have   been  in  general  four   historical  forms  of  combinations. 
(i)  The  earliest  was  the  pool,  in  which  earnings  were  pooled  and  then  distrib- 
uted  among  the   members  of  the  pool  according  to  agreement.     (2)  The 
second  was  the  trustee  form,  from  which  we  get  the  word  "  trust."     The  stock 
of  the  companies  in  the  combination  was  held  by  trustees  who  managed 
the  affairs  of  the  combination.     (3)  The  third  form  was  the  holding  company. 
One  company  was  organized  which  owned  the  majority  of  the  stock  in  the 
subsidiary  companies.     The  Standard  Oil  Co.  was  a  trust  of  this  kind  until 
191  1.     (4)  The  latest  form  of  trust  is  the  great  corporation,  the  lesser  com- 
panies being  really  absorbed  by  the  single  great  company.    The  steel  trust 
is  the  best  example  of  this  kind  of  corporation. 


552 


American  History 


[1890 


Huebner, 
G.  G.,  in 

Annals  Am. 
A  cad.,  32 
(1908),  138- 
156. 


Industrial  anti- 
trust laws. 

Sayer^  J.  D., 
in  No.  Am. 
Rev.,  169 
(1899), 
210-217. 

Clark,  Control 
of  Trusts, 
71-95- 

Outlook,  So 
(1905),  427- 
431 ;  91  (1909) 
320-322. 

Stimson, 
Popular  Law 
Making, 
173-189. 


Provisions. 
The  problem 
of  national 
control. 

MacDonald, 
Statutes, 
No.  J2o. 


repealed  after  a  few  years'  experiment,  but  in  almost  all 
of  the  states,  railway  commissions  are  maintained  to  super- 
vise rates  and  the  other  business  of  railways.  Most  of  these 
state  commissions  have  the  power  to  fix  the  maximum  rates 
that  shall  be  charged  by  the  railways,  a  few  still  depend 
upon  publicity,  and  some  are  public  service  commis- 
sions which  supervise  not  only  the  steam  railways,  but 
electric  railways,  water  and  power  plants,  and  other  public 
utilities. 

About  1890  the  organization  of  a  large  number  of  trusts 
led  to  the  enactment  of  numerous  state  anti-trust  laws; 
and  the  so-called  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act  which  was  passed 
by  Congress.  In  many  of  the  states  monopolies  were  for- 
bidden entirely;  in  other  states  the  laws  were  intended  to 
restrict  the  trusts  from  charging  excessive  rates  or  otherwise 
injuring  the  public.  More  perfect  laws  were  passed  later 
by  many  states,  that  of  Texas  being  a  good  example  of  the 
severe  anti-monopoly  law.  It  has  not  been  easy  to  enforce 
these  laws  against  the  great  corporations,  but  some  success 
has  attended  the  efforts  of  the  states  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
In  1904  Kansas  engaged  in  a  war  on  the  Standard  Oil  Com- 
pany by  building  a  refinery  of  its  own.  Two  years  later 
Missouri  forced  the  same  company  to  admit  that  the  lesser 
companies  doing  business  in  that  state  were  nothing  more 
than  parts  of  the  great  monopoly.  Texas  as  well  as  Mis- 
souri was  rather  successful  in  dealing  with  the  Standard  Oil 
monopoly  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
declared  that  monopoly  illegal.  Both  states  levied  heavy 
fines  on  the  subsidiary  companies  of  the  Standard  Oil 
Company. 

469.  The  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law  of  1890. x  —  In 
response  to  a  popular  demand,  Congress  in  1890  decided 
that  "  every  contract,  combination  in  the  form  of  trust  or 
otherwise,  or  conspiracy,  in  restraint  of  trade  or  commerce 
among  the  several  states,  or  with  foreign  nations,  is  hereby 

1  In  connection  with  this  and  succeeding  sections  the  student  should 
review  §§  394~397. 


1894]  Commerce  and  Industry  553 

declared  to  be  illegal."  This  act  was  intended  to  supple-  Dawes,  C.  G, 
ment  the  Interstate  Commerce  Act  (§  397)  which  had  been  in  No-  Am- 
passed  three  years  earlier.  We  should  notice  carefully  (Ig06)  lg^.v 
that  the  only  provision  of  the  United  States  Constitution  194. 
which  deals  with  the  power  of  the  national  government  over 
commerce  or  industry  within  the  United  States  is  contained 
in  the  words,  "  Congress  shall  have  power  ...  to  regulate 
commerce  .  .  .  among  the  several  states." l  When  the 
Constitution  was  adopted  in  1787,  even  interstate  com- 
merce was  not  particularly  important.  The  fact  that  for 
one  hundred  years  there  was  no  real  attempt  to  regulate  this 
commerce  from  Washington  is  sufficient  evidence  of  the 
recent  development  of  interstate  trade.  But  the  expansion 
of  large  corporations,  which  have  plants  in  several  states 
and  do  business  in  many  others,  presents  a  problem  of  com- 
mercial and  industrial  control  which  cannot  be  solved  by  the 
separate  state  governments.  The  interest  of  the  public  there- 
fore must  go  unprotected  or  be  secured  by  the  national  gov- 
ernment. For  this  reason  the  interpretation  placed  upon 
the  Sherman  Act  by  the  courts  is  of  the  first  importance.  If 
this  act  has  been  construed  narrowly,  the  power  of  Congress 
over  commerce  will  be  very  limited.  If  it  has  been  construed 
liberally,  the  national  government  may  not  only  control  indus- 
try under  it,  but  Congress  may  pass  supplementary  legis- 
lation extending  its  powers  still  further. 

At  first  comparatively  little   attention  was  paid   to  the  Application  of 
law  either  by  the  government  or  the  corporations.     It  was  the  Sherman 
invoked  in  1894  (§  474)  to  prevent  labor  organizations  from 

interfering  with  the  movement  of  trains  engaged  in  interstate   _lp  ey  „    ,' 

Trusts,  Pools, 

commerce.    Later  the   Supreme   Court  broke   up    several  and  Corpora- 
illegal    combinations.2    The    most    interesting    case    until  tions,  263-272. 
recent  years  was  that  of  the  Northern  Securities  Company.   Garner,  j.  w., 

This  company  was  organized  to  hold  the  stock  and  manage  in  Annals 
i       •  e  i-i  i       -VT      i  TV  Amer.  Acad., 

the  interests  of  several  railways,  the  Northern  Pacific,  the  24  (IQ04) 

125-147. 

1  United  States  Constitution,  Art.  i,  §  8,  Cl.  3- 

*  Trans-Missouri  Freight  Case   (1897)   and  Joint  Traffic  Case   (1898) 
especially. 


554 


American  History 


[1904 


Bureau,  of 

corporations 

(1903)- 

Reinsch  (ed.), 
Readings  in 
Am.  Fed.  Gout.. 
529-538. 


Curbing  of 
corporation 
powers. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
VII,  117-127. 

Annais  of  Am. 
Acad.,  32 
(1908),  3-94, 
235-258;  42 
(1912),  210- 
269. 

Wickersham, 
G.  W.,  in 
Century, 
83  (1912), 
616-622. 


Great  Northern,  and  the  Burlington  lines.  The  Supreme 
Court  prevented  the  Securities  Company  from  carrying  out 
this  plan  by  deciding  (1904)  that  its  acts  would  be  in  re- 
straint of  interstate  trade.  The  court  made  clear  its  position 
that  the  restraint  was  not  necessarily  unreasonable  in  order 
to  be  illegal. 

470.  Recent  Anti- Trust  Activity.  —  In  1903  Congress 
organized  a  new  cabinet  department  known  as  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  and  Labor,  which  was  later  (1913)  sepa- 
rated into  a  Department  of  Commerce  and  a  Department  of 
Labor.  One  of  the  bureaus  created  for  the  Department 
of  Commerce  was  that  of  Corporations,  the  head  of  which 
was  authorized  to  investigate  "  the  organization,  conduct, 
and  management  "  of  any  company  other  than  railways 
which  was  engaged  in  interstate  commerce,  reporting  direct 
to  the  President.  This  bureau  has  issued  valuable  reports 
on  combinations  like  the  steel  trust,  the  tobacco  trust,  and 
the  monopoly  of  railway  and  steamship  terminal  sites.  It 
may  be  made  a  powerful  weapon  for  the  supervision  of  great 
corporations,  particularly  if  these  corporations  are  compelled 
to  take  out  national  charters.  It  has  been  proposed  that 
this  bureau  be  superseded  by  an  interstate  trade  commission. 

Many  suits  have  been  instituted  against  the  trusts  by  the 
national  government.  In  general,  the  results  obtained  in  the 
courts  have  been  favorable  to  the  government,  although  these 
suits  have  not  interfered  particularly  with  the  business 
operations  of  the  large  corporations.  The  right  of  Congress 
to  control  the  actions  of  trusts  engaged  in  interstate  com- 
merce has  been  upheld  by  the  courts  fully.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  right  of  a  trust  to  defend  itself  by  refusing  to 
show  its  books  or  give  evidence  in  court  on  the  ground  that 
it  might  incriminate  itself  has  been  denied  corporations. 
The  courts  have  held  that  private  cars  cannot  be  used  by 
railways  to  injure  the  business  of  any  person  or  section,  and 
that  a  railway  company  cannot  engage  in  any  business  like 
that  of  mining  coal,  in  which  it  can  haul  its  own  coal  cheaper 
than  that  of  its  competitors.  Many  of  the  important  trusts 


Commerce  and  Industry  555 

have  been  compelled  to  abandon  some  of  the  most  flagrant  of 
the  practices  which  they  had  used  for  controlling  the  market. 

The  position  of  the  courts  toward  the  trusts  was  made  The  "rule  of 
clear  in  the  Standard  Oil  and  Tobacco  Trust  cases  (IQII).   reason"  re~ 

,  .  ,  garding  trusts. 

The  court  held  that  they  were  monopolies  and  were  break- 

ing the  Sherman  anti-trust  law  which  forbade  interference   ^Pol'  Sc 


with  interstate  trade,  and  they  were  ordered  to  dissolve.   Quar.,  26 
The  court  held  that  a  "  rule  of  reason  "  should  be  applied   to"), 
in  order  to  determine  whether  any  trust  restrained  interstate  5 


trade  to  such  an  extent  that  the  government  should  interfere   .  nTt^rn?^!I'    "* 

T  m  W^°"«  To- 

with  the  trust,  or  prohibit  its  business,  if  it  were  a  monopoly.   ^  2i  (IQH), 

As  it  is  impossible  to  return  to  the  competition  which  existed  1429-1438. 

before  the  trusts  were  formed,  the  attitude  of  the  state  and  No.  Am.  Rev., 

national  governments  toward  big  business  will  be  one  of  July>  I9II> 
the  most  interesting  questions  of  the  future,  as  it  has  been 
of  the  past.1 

471.  Railway  Rate  Regulation.  —  So  closely  connected  Increasing 

are  the  industrial  corporations  and  the  railways  that  any  need  of  gov" 

ernment  reg- 
action  taken  by  the  government  in  dealing  with  one  almost   Uiati0ns. 

always  involves  the  other.    This  has  been  true  in  most  of  Haines  Re_ 
the    investigations    mentioned    in    the    preceding    section,   strictive  Rail- 
Since  the  laws  dealing  with  railways  and  with  the  powers  way  Legislation 
of  government  over  railways  are  concerned  almost  exclu- 
sively with  "  common  carriers,"  we  should  note  how  the 
railways  have  been  kept  from  injuring  the  public  either 
alone  or  in  cooperation  with  the  trusts.    The  importance 
of  the  railways  in  the  development  of  industry  and  in  the 
maintenance  of  those  healthful  business  conditions  under 
which  alone  prosperity  is  possible  cannot  be  overestimated. 
Since  almost  all  of  the  trunk  lines  in  the  United  States  have 
come  into  the  control  of  a  limited  number  of  persons,  who 

1  At  this  time  Congress  has  under  consideration  several  anti-trust  meas- 
ures. One  prohibits  interlocking  directorates  (§  465).  Another  proposes 
an  interstate  trade  commission  to  look  after  industries  that  produce  goods 
for  interstate  trade.  A  third  seeks  to  define  t^rms  and  powers  of  the 
Sherman  anti-trust  law.  Others  deal  with  irregular  or  undesirable  practices 
in  interstate  trade  and  give  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  control 
of  the  issues  of  stocks  and  bonds  on  interstate  railways. 


556 


American  History 


[1906 


Provisions  of 
the  present 
law. 

Ripley  (ed.), 
Railway  Prob- 
lems, 531-556. 

Smalley,  H.  S., 
in  Annals  Am. 
Acad.,  29 
(1007), 
202-309. 
Dixon,  T.  H., 
in  Quar.  Jour. 
Econ.,  24 
(1910), 
530-633. 
Great  devel- 
opment of 
export  trade. 

Whelpley, 
J.  D.,  Trade  of 
the  World 
(last  chapter). 

Waldron,  G. 

B.,  in  Chautau- 

quan, 

31  (1000), 

499-504. 


are  more  interested  in  other  business  than  that  of  transpor- 
tation, the  need  of  governmental  control  has  increased. 

After  years  of  agitation,1  both  houses  of  Congress  agreed 
(1906)  on  a  new  Interstate  Commerce  Act  (amended 
1910),  which  replaced  that  of  1887.  The  new  commission, 
composed  of  seven  members  appointed  by  the  President 
and  Senate,  has  the  power  not  only  to  declare  rates  "  unrea- 
sonable," but  to  fix  the  maximum  rate  that  shall  be  charged 
for  the  transportation  of  freight  or  passengers  on  interstate 
lines.  It  brings  under  the  supervision  of  the  commission 
all  interstate  "  common  carriers."  2  No  railway  may  carry, 
except  for  its  own  use,  articles  of  which  it  is  the  owner ; 
nor,  if  a  railway  reduces  rates  to  meet  water  competition, 
may  it  restore  the  old  rates  when  the  water  competition 
has  been  removed. 

472.  Commerce  and  Shipping.  —  The  industrial  and  com- 
mercial development  of  the  period  following  the  war  with 
Spain  naturally  affected  our  foreign  trade  very  much.  The 
increase  in  our  exports  from  1896  to  1913  was  almost  200  per 
cent,  and  the  excess  of  exports  over  imports  for  each  of  these 
years  was  little  less  than  five  hundred  million  dollars.  This 
great  "  balance  of  trade  "  in  our  favor  was  due  principally 
to  the  great  demand,  particularly  in  Europe,  for  our  agricul- 
tural products,  such  as  cotton3  or  breadstuff s  for  our  meat 
products;  and  to  the  great  exports  of  mineral  products, 
especially  refined  petroleum,4  and  iron,  steel  or  copper 

1  In  1903  the  Elkins  anti-rebate  law  supplemented  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Act  of  1887  by  denning  the  character  of  the  punishment  that  should 
be  meted  out  to  the  railways  which  give  rebates,  and  by  making  shippers 
liable  to  fine  for  accepting  rebates.     This  act  furnished  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  a  more  effective  means  of  preventing  rebates. 

2  This  term  is  defined  to  include  railways,  private  refrigerator  cars,  Pull- 
man cars,  express  companies,  and  pipe  lines  (except  for  gas  and  water). 
In  addition  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  supervises  interstate 
telephone  and  telegraph  companies. 

3  Our  exports  of  raw  cotton  for  the  year  ending   June  30,  1913,  were 
£547,357,195  ;  of  live  stock  or  meat  products,  £139,271,542  ;  and  of  grain  and 
flour,  £184,214,756. 

4  The  figures  for  petroleum  for  1913  were  £137,237,762 ;  for  iron,  steel, 
and  copper  manufactures,  £444,870,710. 


1913]  Commerce  and  Industry  557 

manufactures.    The  United  States  has  in  fact  become  an  Digby,  W.  P., 

exporter  of  manufactured  articles  rather  than  an  exporter  in  Enstneering 

of  raw  materials.    Our  market  for  machinery  has  expanded  (igos'))  32I_ 

perhaps  as  rapidly  as  that  of  any  of  our  other  exports.     In  333,  508-518, 

many  cases  machines  have  been  sold  abroad  for  much  less  6?3-682. 

than  the  price  in  the  United  States,  in  order  to  open  the  way  Root>  F-  D->  m 
for  later  sales.     American  locomotives  have  competed  sue-        , 

cessfully  with  those  of  foreign  make  in  distant  Russia  and  1457-1460; 

Japan,  and  America  now  leads  all  other  countries  in  its  ?6  (1013)- 

exports  of  automobiles.    The  trade  with  Cuba  and  Porto  Annals  Am. 

Rico  has  grown  rapidly,  and  that  of  the  Pacific  coast  is  c    ''  37 

increasing  constantly,  but  we  still  enjoy  but  a  small  propor-  so-sg/yo^. 
tion  of  the  exports  to  South  American  countries,  the  Philip- 
pines, and  eastern  Asia. 

Although   our   favorable   position   commercially   among  Shipping  and 

the  nations  of  the  world  is  a  matter  of  pride  to  us,  the  depend-  shiP  subsidies. 

ence  of  the  United  States  upon  other  countries  to  carry  our  Review  of 

exports  and  imports  is  not  pleasing.     We  have  found  other  ev^ews' 

occupations  more  profitable  than  that  of  shipping,  and,  there-  319-328.  ' 

fore,  have  neglected  to  build  ships  for  foreign  trade.    On  Raymond,  A., 

this  account  large  sums  are  paid  annually  to  foreign  shippers,  in  Forum, 

Our  merchant  marine  has  declined  so  that  less  than  one  49  (I913^ 
tenth  of  our  foreign  trade  is  carried  in  American  vessels 
and  our  flag  is  seen  comparatively  little  in  the  ports  of  the  ' 


world.1    To  remedy  this  unfortunate  though   not  serious  Rev.,  180 
state  of  affairs,  to  provide  fleets  of  vessels  that  can  be   (I9°s), 
turned  into  transports  or  auxiliary  cruisers  at  short  notice  3     374' 
in  time  of  war,  to  build  up  again  a  large  merchant  marine, 
ship   subsidies  have   been  suggested.     Several    bills   have 
been  passed  by  one  house  of  Congress  during  recent  years, 
but  have  failed  to  receive  the  approval  of  the  other  house. 

1  The  tonnage  of  American  vessels  is  greater  than  ever  before,  about  six 
and  a  half  million  tons  ;  but  the  tonnage  of  vessels  engaged  in  foreign  trade 
is  less  than  one  million  tons.  As  our  foreign  shipping  in  1856  represented 
two  and  one  half  million  tons,  the  decline  has  caused  very  serious  criticism. 


558 


American  History 


[1865 


Panic  of  1873. 

Coman,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
286-28g. 

Burton,  Crises, 
286,  289. 

Larned  (ed.), 
Ready  Ref., 
V,  3574-3576. 


Panic  of  1893. 

Burton,  Crises, 
292-296. 

Noyes,  Am. 

Finance, 

182-196. 

Lauck,  Panic 
of  1893,  97- 

122. 


BUSINESS  AND  LABOR 

473.  Prosperity  and  Panics  since  1865.  —  Since  the 
Civil  War  there  have  been  successive  waves  of  business 
prosperity  and  depression.  The  excessive  expansion  of 
business  during  the  years  from  1865  to  1873  caused  one  of 
the  worst  panics  in  our  history  in  1873.  Speculation  had 
been  conspicuous  in  manufacturing,  in  railway  extension, 
in  purchase  of  public  lands,  and  in  commerce.  Collapse 
followed  the  manipulation  of  the  stock  market.  The  failure 
of  Jay  Cooke  of  Philadelphia  started  the  panic,  which  affected 
every  line  of  industry.  There  was  no  sale  of  property,  and 
prices  fell  everywhere.  The  gravity  of  the  situation  in- 
creased as  the  years  passed,  for  the  number  of  failures  in 
1877  and  1878  was  much  greater  than  in  1873.  In  1879 
there  was  a  return  to  normal  business  conditions,  and  times 
continued  prosperous  until  1885.  After  a  slight  depres- 
sion, business  revived  and  continued  very  active  until  1892. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  panic  which  occurred  in 
1893  was  undoubtedly  the  fear  among  business  men  that 
the  government  might  not  be  able  to  redeem  its  notes  in 
gold  (§  410). 1  To  this  cause  was  added  the  doubt  about 
possible  changes  in  the  tariff.  The  underlying  cause  was 
undoubtedly  the  abnormal  inflation  of  values  and  the  increase 
of  speculation.  The  first  serious  failures  occurred  in  May, 
1893.  Banks,  factories,  and  railways  were  affected.  In 
many  cases  business  houses  were  forced  into  bankruptcy 
simply  because  they  were  asked  to  pay  their  debts  and  could 
not  collect  from  those  who  owed  them  money,  their  assets 
often  being  much  greater  than  their  liabilities.2  Factories 

1  If  the  government  were  obliged  to  use  silver  for  this  purpose,  the  business 
of  the  country  would  then  be  transacted  on  a  silver  basis.  As  the  intrinsic 
value  of  the  silver  in  a  dollar  was  only  about  fifty  cents,  the  loss  to  merchants 
who  sold  on  time  would  be  appalling. 

*The  total  indebtedness  of  those  that  failed  during  1893  reached  the 
enormous  total  of  nearly  £350,000,000.  Receivers  were  appointed  for  rail- 
way companies  that  owned  more  than  twenty-five  thousand  miles  of  railroad. 


1894]  Business  and  Labor  559 

closed  or  reduced  their  output  so  that  many  hundreds  of 
thousands  were  added  to  the  ranks  of  the  unemployed.1 
This  condition  of  affairs  continued  with  comparatively  little 
improvement  for  two  years,  and,  as  in  the  great  panic  twenty 
years  earlier,  normal  conditions  were  not  restored  for  four 
or  five  years,  but,  about  the  time  of  the  war  with  Spain 
business  became  more  active  than  at  any  preceding  time. 

The  years  from  1897  to  1913  were  exceedingly  prosperous  The  panics  of 
except  for  a  slight  stock  panic  in  1903,  which  was  the  result   I9°3  and  I9°7 
of  too  much  "  high  finance  "  in  the  organization  of  trusts,   white.  Money 
and  the  panic  of  1907   (§  453),  which  was  far  less  disas-    .„_„- 
trous  than  those  of  1873  and  1893.     There  was  a  world- 
wide depression  in  1913. 

474.   Labor  Unions  and  Strikes  (1877-1894).  —  Periods   Strikes  of 
of  marked  industrial  development  or  depression  are  usually   l8?7- 
accompanied  by  conflicts  between  capital  and  labor.     When  Wright,  Indus- 
times  are  exceptionally  good,  the  workers  believe  they  are    '  ton' 
not  receiving  a  just  share  of  the  unusual  profits.     When 
hard  times  come,  the  employers  feel  that  they  cannot  afford 
to  pay  as  high  wages  as  formerly.     The  hard  times  of  the 
70*3  caused  a  reduction  of  wages  which  in  time  led  in  several 
cases  to  strikes.     The  greatest  of  these  began  on  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railway  in  July,  1877.     Railway    strikes 
occurred  at  the  same  time  on  the  Pennsylvania  Railway  and 
other  lines.     Pittsburg  was  the  center  of  the  rioting  and 
disorder,  and  the  mobs  in  that  city  were  dispersed  only  by 
the  use  of  Gatling  guns.     A  large  amount  of  property  was 
destroyed,  order  being  restored  finally  when  United  States 
troops  were  ordered  to  Pittsburg. 

After  1877  more  interest  was  taken  by  the  workers  in  the  Labor  union 
formation  of  labor  organizations.     Many  joined  the  Knights   movement, 
of  Labor,  the  largest  of  the  unions,  which  in  1885  had  a  half  Wright,  Indus- 
million  members.    The  American  Federation  of  Labor  was    rta    ™  u  wn' 


273-282. 


1  The  winter  of  1893-1894  was  very  trying  to  the  laboring  classes. 
Hundreds  of  thousands  had  been  thrown  out  of  employment  by  the  business 
depression,  and  the  suffering  of  their  families  during  the  winter  months  was 
very  great. 


560 


American  History 


[iSSi 


Stimson,  Labor 
in  Relation  to 
Law,  1-16. 


The  Pullman 
strike. 

Andrews,  Our 
Own  Time, 
722-730. 

Wright,  Indus- 
trial Hist., 
3I3-3I7- 

Cleveland, 
Pres.  Problems, 
79-117. 


Individual 
bargaining  or 
collective 
bargaining. 

Carlton, 
Organized 
Labor,  116- 
119. 


organized  in  1881,  and  several  other  national  labor  organiza- 
tions have  been  formed  since.  The  principal  objects  of  these 
bodies  have  been  to  raise  wages  and  reduce  the  hours  of 
labor,  through  cooperation,  by  strikes  if  necessary.  More 
than  one  half  of  the  strikes  undertaken  by  the  unions  have 
been  won  by  the  workers,  although  they  have  lost  many  of 
the  larger  strikes.  Among  the  prominent  strikes  after  1877 
were  those  occurring  in  1886  on  the  Gould  railways  in  the 
southwest,  the  one  in  Chicago  in  connection  with  which  the 
Haymarket  riot  occurred,1  one  at  Homestead  in  Pennsyl- 
vania in  1892,  strikes  in  the  mining  regions  of  the  West, 
and  those  considered  in  the  following  paragraphs. 

In  1894  there  occurred  perhaps  the  greatest  strike  in  the 
history  of  the  United  States.  A  strike  among  the  employees 
of  the  Pullman  Car  Company  spread  to  all  railways  on  which 
Pullman  cars  were  used.  For  several  weeks  few  trains  were 
operated  on  the  railways  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  Pacific. 
Rioting  occurred  in  Chicago  and  at  other  points,  the  local 
authorities  in  many  cases  being  unable  to  preserve  order  or 
protect  property.  President  Cleveland  ordered  United 
States  troops  to  Chicago  to  prevent  interference  with  the 
carrying  of  the  mails  or  with  interstate  commerce.  Against 
this  action  Governor  Altgeld  of  Illinois  protested,  as  he  main- 
tained that  the  national  government  had  no  right  to  send 
troops  unless  he  called  for  them.  He  was  unable  to  see  that 
the  troops  were  enforcing  simply  national  law.  The  strike 
collapsed  eventually  without  gaining  any  concessions  from 
the  employers. 

475.  Recent  Labor  Problems.  —  In  the  period  since 
1894  the  organization  of  labor  has  not  kept  pace  with  the 
combinations  of  capital.  The  problem  of  protecting  labor 
is  therefore  a  serious  one,  since  no  single  employee  can  make 
successful  terms  with  a  corporation  which  employs  tens  of 
thousands  of  laborers ;  and,  naturally,  the  government  can- 
not dictate  who  shall  be  employed  or  what  wages  shall  be 
paid.  Wages  have,  nevertheless,  increased  during  the  last 

1  See  Andrews,  The  United  States  in  Our  Own  Time,  pp.  529-535. 


Business  and  Labor 


56i 


two  decades,  as  in  previous  decades,  but  they  have  gone  up 
less  rapidly  than  prices  have  risen  since  1895.  This  means 
that  laborers  were  able  constantly  to  improve  their  standard 
of  living  before  1895  and  have  been  unable  to  improve  it 
since  that  time.  One  of  the  problems  of  the  future  is  so  to 
reform  unions  as  to  make  them  more  representative  and  to 


1 


fit! 


Pru. 


1800  1870  1880  1890 

WAGES  AND  PRICES  1840-1913 
IN  GOLD 


Adams  and 
Sumner,  Labor 
Problems, 
301-305. 
Taussig,  Prin- 
ciples of 
Economics, 
II,  261-284. 

Industrial 
Commission 
Report,  XIX, 
833-847. 


secure  collective  bargaining  where  labor  must  serve  combi- 
nations of  capital. 

Labor  has  sought  to  protect  itself  chiefly  by  strikes,  or  Arbitration 
by  the  threat  of  striking.     The  loss  to  the  public  where  and  concilia- 
strikes  involve  a  public  utility,  as  a  railway,  or  a  public  tlon' 
necessity,  as  coal,  is  so  great  that  some  other  way  should  Car|ton. 

be  devised.    To  have  arbitration  after  months  of  dispute, 

$  '    232—243. 

as  in  the  great  anthracite  coal  strike  of  1902,  is  unsatisfac- 
tory.   The  trade  agreement  reached  in  the  bituminous  coal 
20 


ganized  Labor, 


562 


American  History 


[1905 


Industrial 
warfare. 

Baket  R.  S., 
in  McClure, 
23  (1904), 
43-57- 

Carlton,  Or- 
ganized Labor, 
82-84. 

Marshall, 
Wright,  and 
Field,  Mate- 
rials for  Study 
of  Economics, 
700-704. 


Legislation 
during  the  last 
quarter  of  the 
nineteenth 
century. 
Wright,  Indus- 
trial Evolution, 
273-282. 
Stimson,  Labor 
in  Relation  to 
Law,  1-16. 
Adams  and 
Sumner,  Labor 
Problems, 
466-480. 


controversy  of  1905  without  a  strike  was  a  decided  improve- 
ment. Where  no  public  necessity  is  involved,  strikes  are 
less  objectionable,  but  more  peaceful  methods  are  much 
preferable,  and  many  of  our  states  as  well  as  the  national 
government  have  sought  to  substitute  conciliation  or  vol- 
untary arbitration  for  industrial  warfare. 

Since  1900  several  disputes  between  capital  and  labor 
have  really  resulted  in  warfare.  In  Colorado  mine  diffi- 
culties led  to  the  banishment  of  strikers,  to  the  use  of  troops 
on  .the  one  side  and  dynamite  on  the  other.  Dynamite 
has  also  been  used  as  a  means  of  intimidation  when  there 
was  no  strike,  as  in  a  series  of  dynamitings  of  iron  struc- 
tures culminating  in  the  destruction  of  the  plant  of  the  Los 
Angeles  Times,  an  ardent  enemy  of  the  unions.  The  I.  W 
W.  (Industrial  Workers  of  the  World),  who  distrust  the 
labor  unions,  believe  thoroughly  in  the  use  of  warfare  as  a 
means  of  securing  the  rights  of  labor  from  capital.  Never- 
theless, the  vast  majority  of  the  workers  and  a  still  larger 
percentage  of  the  general  public  prefer  more  peaceful  means 
of  settling  labor  problems. 

476.  Labor  Legislation.  —  In  a  republic  which  has  univer- 
sal manhood  suffrage,  it  is  strange  that  the  demands  of  labor 
for  legislative  protection  have  been  less  strenuous  and  have 
been  granted  more  tardily  than  in  either  semi-republican 
England  or  monarchical  Germany.  During  the  period  of 
formation  of  great  national  labor  unions  thirty  years  ago, 
the  unions  persuaded  Congress  to  exclude  not  only  the 
Chinese  *  but  all  laborers  who  were  under  contract  to  work 
in  the  United  States.  Comparatively  few  of  the  other 
demands  of  the  unions  were  granted  at  that  time.  However, 
factory  laws  were  passed  in  many  states,  and  most  of  the  in- 

1  Agitation  against  Chinese  coolie  immigration  started  soon  after  1870 
in  California,  where  a  large  number  had  come  under  the  Burlingame  treaty, 
which  encouraged  trade  and  migration  between  the  two  countries.  In  1882 
a  law  forbidding  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  was  passed  by  Congress 
and  was  supplemented  by  later  laws  and  by  treaties.  These  laws  have  been 
enforced  harshly,  so  that  there  are  fewer  Chinese  in  the  United  States  to-day 
than  there  were  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago. 


I9I3]  Political  and  Social  Changes  563 

dustrial  states  had  labor  bureaus  that  investigated  industrial 
questions,  but  had  little  power  to  act. 

Within  recent  years  changes  have  been  rapid.     Laws  for  Changes  of  the 
the  protection  of  women  and  children  have  been  passed  in  a  Iast  decade- 
majority  of  the  states.     A  large  number  of  states  have  pro-  Stimson,  Popu- 
tected  employees  better  by  requiring  more  sanitary  condi-    ™  k™ 
tions  for  workers  or  by  prohibiting  the  use  of  dangerous   247-255 
materials,  as  phosphorus,  in  the  making  of  matches,  or  of  Lamed  (ed.) 
unprotected    machinery.     In    case    of    accident,    injured  Ready  Ref., 
employees  can  now  secure  either  damages  or  compensation  VII>  395-401. 
in  a  majority  of  the  states,1  whereas,  ten  years  ago  an  injured  B'iss  (ed-)> 
workman  bore  the  entire  cost  of  accidents.     The    twentieth   Ot  social  Re- 
century  has  been  called  the  century  of  the  child.     It  has  also  form,  170-187, 
been  called  the  woman's  century.     It  is  likely  to  be  the  cen-  445-448,  461- 
tury  of  the  proletariat.     The  legislation  of  the  present  may  4 
be  conservative  compared  with  that  which  probably  will 
come. 

POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  CHANGES2 

477.  Population  and  Race  Problems.  —  At  the  present  Elements  of 
time  the  continental  United  States  has  nearly  one  hundred  the  populatioa 
million   inhabitants.     Our   dependencies   add   another   ten  Ripley,  W.  Z., 
millions  to  this  number.    This  is  an  increase  of  twenty-five  m  Aiianllc 

Mo.,  102 

fold  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.     When  Wash-   (I908), 
ington  was  inaugurated,  even  Ireland  had  more  people  than  745-759- 

1  In  some  cases  the  injured  workman  is  allowed  to  sue  his  employer  for    yannett>  **•» 
damages  and  the  employer  is  no  longer  allowed  to  escape  payment  unless  the    m     a  '  ^e°Z- 
employee  was  to  blame.     In  other  cases  the  states  provide  a  scale  of  compen-    Mag-,  22 
sation  for  death,  or  for  different  degrees  of  injury,  the  compensation  being    ^Q11''  34~4° 
paid  chiefly  by  the  employer,  but  presumably  by  the  public,  which  must  pay 
more  for  the  commodities  which  the  employers  produce. 

*  An  important  social  problem  is  that  connected  with  marriage  and  divorce. 
The  increase  of  divorce  has  been  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  social  changes 
of  the  last  quarter  century.  A  phase  of  the  marriage  question  that  has 
entered  into  our  history  is  represented  by  the  plural  marriages  of  Mormonism. 
Mormonism  was  founded  by  Joseph  Smith  nearly  a  century  ago.  Having 
been  driven  from  Illinois  and  Missouri,  the  Mormons  settled  in  Utah  in  1846. 
Although  there  was  a  national  law  against  polygamy  in  the  territories  after 
1862,  no  persons  were  punished  until  a  new  law  was  passed  in  1882.  Later 
(1887)  the  Mormon  Church  was  dissolved,  although  it  was  restored  as  soon 
as  the  leaders  agreed  that  all  Mormons  would  obey  the  law. 


564 


American  History 


The  negro 
problem. 

Washington, 
B.  T.,  in 
Independent, 
74  (1913), 
695-697- 

Commons, 
Races  and, 
Immigrants  in 
America,  22-62. 

Annals  Am. 
Acad.,  49 
(1913),  47-66. 

Foreign 
Immigration. 

Carlton,  Hist, 
and  Problems 
of  Organised 
Labor,  322— 
3S2. 

Adams  and 
Sumner,  Labor 
Problems,  68— 
75,  107-111. 


the  entire  United  States.  To-day  only  Russia  has  a  larger 
white  population.  Of  this  great  number,  only  a  little  more 
than  half  are  native-born  whites  whose  parents  were  natives 
of  the  United  States.  More  than  one  fifth  are  the  children 
of  European  immigrants,  and  more  than  one  seventh  were 
born  in  Europe.  About  one  in  ten  is  a  negro,  and  a  few  are 
Asiatics. 

This  mixture  of  races  is  no  new  thing  in  American  history. 
The  percentage  of  colonials  of  the  English  race  was  hardly 
higher  in  1750  than  that  of  native-born  Americans  of  native 
parentage  at  present,  while  there  were  proportionally  twice 
as  many  negroes  a  century  and  a  half  ago.  Yet  the  race 
problems  of  the  present  are  very  much  more  complicated 
than  those  of  the  past.  The  negro  is  no  longer  a  subject 
and  a  slave,  but  he  is  a  citizen,  with  legal  rights  and  the 
power  of  the  vote  except  in  a  few  states.1  The  economic 
problems  of  the  negro  and  the  question  of  his  education,  his 
social  status,  and  his  future  place  in  our  great  country  are 
problems  of  the  first  magnitude. 

478.  Foreign  Immigration.  —  Hardly  less  important  are 
the  problems  of  assimilating  the  great  numbers  of  immigrants 
from  southern  and  eastern  Europe  that  are  pouring  into  our 
cities.  These  people  are  of  different  races,  ideals,  and 
capacities  from  those  Teutonic  and  Celtic  races  that  founded 
and  developed  this  republic.  As  their  standard  of  living  is 
lower  than  ours,  and  as  they  are  inexperienced  in  political 
affairs,  we  may  be  compelled  either  to  restrict  further  immi- 
gration of  this  character  or  to  change  radically  our  standard 
of  living ;  we  may  be  forced  to  abandon  many  of  our  older 

1  In  the  South,  the  whites  have  struggled  with  the  problem  of  how  to 
disfranchise  the  negroes  without  violating  the  fifteenth  amendment  of  the 
United  States  Constitution.  Mississippi  was  the  first  state  to  pass  a  law 
with  this  in  view,  when  in  1890  she  prescribed  an  educational  test  for  voters 
which  disfranchised  many  more  blacks  than  whites.  South  Carolina  does 
not  deprive  those  intellectually  unfit  if  they  own  property  assessed  at  £300. 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Alabama,  and  Louisiana  have  special  qualifications 
but  exempt  those  who  voted  or  whose  ancestors  were  voters  or  soldiers  before 
1867.  The  operation  of  these  "grandfather  clauses"  is  the  practical  dis- 
franchisement  of  the  negroes  without  debarring  the  whites  from  voting. 


Political  and  Social  Changes 


political  methods  and  our  new  devices  which  give  more 
power  to  the  people.1 

Thirty  years  ago  the  majority  of  the  foreigners  who 
came  to  America  were  Germans  or  Irish,  people  with  ideas 
and  customs  which  differed  somewhat  from  our  own,  but 
capable  of  assimilation  with  the  native  stock.  Since  1890 
a  much  larger  percentage  of  Italians,  Hungarians,  and 
Russians  have  come  to  America.  Instead  of  settling,  as 
most  of  their  prede- 
cessors did  a  half  cen- 
tury ago,  on  small 
farms  (§  296),  they 
have  congregated  in 
cities,  forming  race 
clusters  which  retain 
their  old  language  and 
customs  and  often 
threaten  the  unity  of 
our  national  life.  A 
large  proportion  of 
these  people  from 
eastern  and  southern 
Europe  are  illiterate 

and  incapable  of  performing  a  high  grade  of  work.  Their 
children  are  usually  anxious  to  learn,  so  that  they  fre- 
quently adopt  American  ways  and  show  pride  in  their 
American  citizenship. 

The  immigration  laws  of  the  past  have  debarred  from 

1  A  problem  which  involves  a  much  smaller  number  of  people,  but  which 
may  be  quite  as  serious  in  the  future,  is  that  of  the  Chinese,  who  will  not  be 
abused  in  the  future  as  they  have  been  in  the  past  (§  476,  note  i),  and  that  of 
the  Japanese  (§  447).  As  these  people  belong  to  a  radically  different  race 
from  that  of  Americans,  and  have  standards  of  living  very  much  lower  than 
ours,  their  admission  to  the  United  States  in  large  numbers  will  cause  social 
and  economic  crises  of  great  magnitude.  Absolute  prohibition  of  immigra- 
tion of  Chinese  and  Japanese  laborers  may  seem  unfair  and  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  American  institutions ;  but  it  certainly  is  the  simplest  solution  of  a 
great  problem,  and  perhaps  the  only  solution  that  it  is  wise  for  America  to 
attempt. 


1,300.000 

1.21X1,000 

1,100,000 

1,000,000 

900,000 

800,000 

700,000 

000,000 

600,000 

400,000 

300,000 

200,000 

100,000 
50,000 


Extent  and 
character  of 
recent 
immigration. 

Hall,  Immi- 
gration, 36-66. 

Commons, 
Races  and 
Immigrants, 
63-106. 

Fairchild, 

Immigration, 
123-143. 


1SC4    lifJO 


IS*          1893          1900 
IMMIGRATION 
(1864-1914) 


1910 


566 


American  History 


LOWER  NEW  YORK 


Immigration 
laws. 
Marshall, 
Wright,  and 
Field,  Mate- 
rials for  Study 
of  Economics, 
152-156- 
Fairchild, 
•Immigration, 
106-122. 
Extent  of 
urban 
development. 

Beard,  Am. 
City  Gov't, 
3-6- 


the  United  States  Chinamen,  paupers,  insane  people,  people 
with  certain  contagious  diseases,  and  persons  under  contract 
to  labor.  In  order  to  restrict  the  immigration  from  southern 
and  eastern  Europe  a  literacy  test  has  been  considered  care- 
fully in  Congress.  Many  people  believe  that  a  literacy  test 
is  a  poor  test,  and  that  we  should  have  either  a  better  physi- 
cal test,  since  we  need  laborers,  or  a  character  test. 

479.  Growth  of 
Cities.  —  One  of  the 
most  significant 
changes  of  our  history 
has  been  the  growth  of 
our  cities.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Civil 
War  only  one  sixth 
of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  dwelt  in 

citieS       tllC     larfJCSt     cJtV 

being  New  York,  which 

boasted       805,657       in- 


Ill 


1790  1800  1310  1820  1830  1840  1850  1800  1870  1880  1890  19001910 

TOTAL  AND  URBAN  POPULATION 
(1790  TO  1910) 

Total  population I'rban  population  —. 

(Cities  include  places  of  more  than  2,500) 


1913] 


Political  and  Social  Changes 


567 


SKY-UN  K,  1914 


habitants.     Only  eight  other  cities  contained  100,000  people  Marshall, 
each.     At  the  present  time  nearly  50  per  cent  of  our  popula-  Wright,  and 
tion  is  urban.    Greater  New  York,  with  more  than  5,000,000,   f^fa 


is  second  only  to  London  in  numbers,  and  forty-nine  other  of  Economics, 
cities  had  reached  the   100,000  mark  in  1910.     Chicago,   X34-I 
which   in   1860  was  a  straggling  western  town  of  barely 


Under  2  to  eg.  mile 
S  •  6      "       ••         Ly.-'l 

o-is  "    "     cn3 

45-90    •'        "        C^ 
OoerW"        •'        fZS&t 


568 


American  History 


[19*3 


Commons, 
Races  and 
Immigrants, 
100-168. 


Changes  in 
standards  of 
living. 

The  Nineteenth 

Century, 

417-430. 

Munro,  Gov't 
of  Am.  Cities, 
29-52. 


Beard,  Am. 
City  Gov't, 
6^30. 


100,000,  is  now  the  great  commercial  center  of  the 
interior,  with  more  than  2,500,000.  The  concentration 
of  population  is  more  marked 
in  the  northeastern  states  than 
elsewhere,  nearly  two  thirds  of 
those  in  that  section  living  in 
cities  of  more  than  8000  inhabit- 
ants. Even  the  Pacific  coast 
has  developed  fairly  large  cities, 
seven  having  attained  100,000  in 
1914. 

The  movement  from  country  to 
city  is  due  principally  to  the  social 
and  business  advantages  which  cities 

offer.  It  indicates  the  growing  tendency  of  the  nation 
to  obtain  wealth,  and  to  use  that  wealth  extravagantly 
in  the  satisfaction  of  social  desires.  The  simple  stand- 
ards of  a  half  century  ago  no  longer  satisfy.  Every  one 
lives  on  a  grander  scale.  The  luxuries  of  yesterday  be- 
come the  necessaries  of  to-day.  With  the  cheapening 
of  articles  manufactured  by  improved  machinery,  material 


THOMAS  A.  EDISON 


MAIN  BUILDING,  CENTENNIAL  EXPOSITION,  1876 

comforts  are  brought  within  the  reach  of  all.  Telephones 
are  found  in  a  large  proportion  of  city  homes  and  in 
many  well-settled  rural  districts.  Electric  lights  reach  the 
majority  of  the  people  in  the  United  States.  Electric  rail- 
ways penetrate  in  every  direction  the  territory  adjacent  to 
our  cities  and  towns.  Truly  the  last  century  has  been  an 


Political  and  Social  Changes 


569 


era  of  material  advancement  unequaled  before  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world.1 

480.  City    Problems.  —  This    rapid    development    has  The  slum 

not  been  unaccompanied  by  dangers.    The  segregation  of  problem, 

people  gives  opportunities  for  crime  unknown  in  rural  dis-  Riis,  Battle 

tricts.    The  problem  of  preserving  order,  is  one  of  the  most  wttltSlum> 

serious    confronting    our    city    governments.    The    large 

,  ,       .  .        ./  ,.  ...  Riis,  7>» 

proportion  of  foreigners  in  cities  is  often  a  menace  to  civil  years'  war 


1-29. 


'ov't, 
287-310. 


COURT  OF  HONOR,  CHICAGO  (1893) 

progress,  and  one  of  the  chief  problems  in  securing  good  Beard,  Am, 
government.  The  growth  of  the  slum  is  the  greatest  of  the 
specific  problems  of  the  city,  and  represents  the  worst  form 
of  congestion.  Legislation  in  favor  of  good  tenements,  the 
demand  for  more  air-shafts  and  light-shafts,  the  limiting  of 
the  percentage  of  the  land  area  that  shall  be  covered  with 
buildings,  provisions  for  fire  escapes,  for  clean  streets,  for 
parks  and  playgrounds  near  congested  districts,  the  pro- 
hibition of  sweatshop  work,  the  opening  of  trade  schools ; 

'The  holding  of  the  "Centennial  exposition"  at  Philadelphia  in  1876 
was  an  important  means  of  uniting  the  people  and  breaking  down  the 
barriers  of  provincialism.  Later  expositions  have  had  a  broadening  effect 
on  our  social  and  industrial  life. 


American  History 

these  and  many  others  are  but  surface  measures  that  at 

best  can  afford  slight  relief,  for  they  do  not  cure  the  real 

disease. 

Protests  There  has  been  a  strong  movement  during  the  last  two 

against  misrule  decades   to   remove   the   worst   evils   of   city  government. 

Many  of  our  larger  cities  have  been  controlled  by  bosses  or 
Ford.  H.  J.,  m  rings  which  have  not  governed  them  in  the  public  interest. 
19  (1904),  These  politicians  have  usually  been  able  to  maintain  their 
673-684.  control  because  of  the  large  number  of  positions  which  they 


GRAND  BASIN,  ST.  Louis  (1904) 

Munro,  Gov't  may  fill  with  their  appointees  and  the  immense  sums  of 
of  Am.  Cities,  public  money  that  they  handle,  because  also  men  of  busi- 
ness have  not  been  interested  sufficiently  to  insist  upon 
reform.  At  times  the  public  has  rebelled,  and,  for  a  time 
it  may  have  abolished  the  worst  features  of  ring  rule,  but 
organization  is  necessary  in  the  successful  administration 
of  any  government,  and  the  forces  of  reform  usually  fail  to 
remain  united.  In  general,  however,  our  cities  are  governed 
better  than  formerly.  As  an  illustration  of  the  old  state  of 
affairs  we  may  note  the  prevalence  of  corruption  in  and  black- 
mail by  the  police  department  of  New  York  unearthed  dur- 
ing the  Lexow  investigation  (1894),  and  the  victories  of  Cir- 


1913] 


Political  and  Social  Changes 


571 


cuit  Attorney  Folk  in  St.  Louis  (1903)  and  of  Mayor  Weaver 
of  Philadelphia. 

The  most  recent  movement  for  reform  has  been  the 
change  from  the  mayor-council  type  to  the  commission 
form  of  government,  which  was  used  first  in  Galveston, 
Texas,  after  the  great  disaster  of  1900.  The  commission 
consists  of  from  three  to  nine  members  who  are  elected  from 
the  city  at  large  and  are  heads  of  different  administrative 
departments  as  well  as  commissioners.  The  commission 
form  of  government  has  been  adopted  by  most  of  our  smaller 
cities  and  by  many  of  medium  size.  In  1914  more  than 


Commission 
form  of  gov- 
ernment. 

Beard,  Am, 
City  Gov't, 
92-97. 

Munro,  Gov't 
of  Am.  Cities, 
294-320. 


Copyright  Panama  Pacific  Intern.  Exp. 

GENERAL  VIEW,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  1915 

20  per  cent  of  our  urban  population  lived  under  the  com- 
mission form.  It  seemed  to  be  quite  successful  at  that 
time. 

481.  Legal  Rights  of  Women. —The  first  half  of  the 
nineteenth  century  was  notable  for  the  rapid  increase  in  the 
number  of  political  and  legal  rights  of  men  (§  292).  The 
last  half  century  marks  almost  as  complete  a  change  in  the 
legal  status  of  women.  In  1850  women  did  not  vote  for  can- 
didates for  public  office  anywhere.  In  many  states  married 
women  did  not  have  the  right  to  hold  property.  Both  law 
and  custom  prevented  them  from  engaging  in  any  of  the  pro- 
fessions except  that  oi  teaching.  About  the  middle  of  the 
century  a  few  earnest  women  sought  to  arouse  interest 


Women's 
rights  a  half 
century  ago. 

Bliss  (ed.), 
New  Encyc.  oj 
Social  Reform, 
1290-1291, 
1301-1303. 

Hecker,  Hist, 
of  Women's 
Rights, 
IS7-I74- 


572 


American  History 


Increase  in 
number  of 
political  and 
civil  rights. 

Abbot,  L.,  in 
World's  Work, 
8  (1004), 
5033-5042. 

The  Nineteenth 

Century, 

170-204. 

Harper,  J., 
in  Rev.  of 
Revs.,  46 
(igi2),  700- 
704. 

Cleveland, 
Organised 
Democracy, 
151-168. 


Results  of  the 
changes. 

Giddings, 
Democracy  and 
Empire, 
165-176. 

Nearing, 
Woman  and 
Social  Prog- 
ress, 217-239, 
256-264. 


in  the  legal  disabilities  of  women,  especially  of  those  who 
were  married.  Because  many  of  them  believed  that  woman's 
rights  were  to  be  obtained  only  through  woman's  suffrage, 
they  devoted  most  of  their  attention  to  securing  the  ballot 
for  women.  This  attempt  was  not  particularly  successful, 
but  the  desire  to  improve  the  legal  position  of  women  has 
produced  remarkable  results. 

In  1913  women  voted,  on  the  same  terms  as  men,  in  nine 
states,  Wyoming,  Colorado,  Utah,  Idaho,  Washington, 
California,  Kansas,  Oregon  and  Arizona.1  In  several  states 
women  who  own  property  may  vote  on  all  questions  directly 
involving  taxation.  In  about  one  half  of  the  states  in  the 
Union  all  women  over  twenty-one  years  of  age  are  allowed 
to  vote  at  school  elections.  Married  women  are  now 
allowed  to  own  separate  property,  and  in  most  of  the  states 
have  complete  control  of  its  disposal.  In  many  states  all 
that  is  earned  and  saved  after  marriage  becomes  the  joint 
property  of  husband  and  wife,  who  are  supposed  to  have 
contributed  equally  in  bearing  the  family  burdens.  Many 
civil  rights  which  were  denied  to  women  formerly  now  enable 
them  to  protect  themselves.  Unfortunate  as  many  of  the 
results  of  our  lenient  divorce  laws  have  been,  these  laws 
have  been  an  important  factor  in  freeing  women  from  the 
unequal  and  unjust  burdens  which  marriage  formerly 
placed  upon  many  of  them. 

The  so-called  emancipation  of  women  has  been  aided 
by  the  new  occupations  opened  to  them.  They  have 
entered  all  the  professions.  Several  colleges  are  devoted 
exclusively  to  women,  and  most  of  the  others  admit  men  and 
women  on  the  same  terms.  Certain  occupations  are  filled 
almost  exclusively  by  women,  and  in  several  others  they 
have  compelled  men  to  work  for  lower  wages,  this  being  one 
of  the  serious  disadvantages  of  a  movement  which  has 
made  women  "  independent."  As  ordinary  wage  earners, 
moreover,  women,  and  children  as  well,  are  protected  by  the 
laws  which  limit  the  number  of  hours  per  week  that  they 
1  In  Illinois  women  vote  for  presidential  electors  and  for  local  officers. 


1913]  Political  and  Social  Changes  573 

may  be  employed,  and  in  some  cases  the  laws  have  provided  Barnes,  E.,  in 

for  a  minimum  wage  (§  459).  f^Tf  if  °" 

482.  The  Distribution  of  Wealth.  —  It  has  seemed  neces-  II6_I24  26o- 

sary  to  protect  labor  because  our  wealth   has  increased  265. 

rapidly,  and  it  has  not  been  distributed  as  evenly  as  in  plutocracy. 

former  years.    On   account  of  the  organization  of  great  Bliss  (ed.)j 

corporations  which  the  laws  have  created  and  protected,  New  Encyc.  of 

and  sometimes   aided   as  well,   great  fortunes  have  been  Socml  Ref°rm> 
amassed  by  a  number  of  people.     It  is  estimated  that  i  per 

cent  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  hold  more  than  one  fe    a^  De_ 

one  half  of  the  wealth.  mocracy,  28-57. 

At  the  same  time  poverty  has  increased,  largely  on  account  Poverty. 

of  the  congestion  of  population  in  our  large  cities,  where  Wages. 

the  people  frequently  cannot  get  employment.     Unemploy-  Bliss  (ed.), 

ment  is  much  more  common  to-day  than  it  was  two  genera-  New  Encyc-  "' 

.  ,  Social  Reform, 

tions  ago.    The  fact  is  not  generally  understood,  however,   933-o4I| 
that  the  ordinary  wage  earner  has  nearly  doubled  his  wages   1266-1271. 
in  the  last  seventy-five  years.     This  is  not  only  true  of  the  Divine,  Misery 
money  wage,  that  is,  the  wage  in  dollars  and  cents  ;    it  is  and  Its  Causes> 
true  also  of  the  purchasing  power  of  the  wage,  for  general  Hunter 
prices  have  not  increased  materially  during  the  last  three  Poverty,  1-65. 
quarters  of  a  century.1    The  high  wages  in  the  United  States 
have  been  due  to  our  boundless  natural  resources,  to  improve- 
ments in  our  machines  and  in  the  organization  of  our  busi- 
nesses, to  the  efficiency  of  the  American  laborer  and  to  the 
organization  of  labor. 

The  wages  would  be  still  higher  and  our  great  wealth  would  Conservation 
be  more  evenly  distributed  had  we  not  parted  with  our  al^d  l^e  dis~ 
valuable  timber  and  coal  lands,  our  iron  deposits  and  supplies 


of  oil,  fine  water  power  sites,  valuable  water  rights  and  termi- 
nal  facilities,  for  little  or  nothing.     By  keeping  for  the  public  iege  and 
the  immense  resources  which  still  belong  to  the  people,  by 
adopting  corporation,  inheritance,  and  income  taxes  that  will   28~44< 
make  those  wealthy  citizens  contribute  more  nearly  accord- 

1  Prices  of  food  and  some  other  necessaries  have  increased,  however,  and 
the  laborer  is  not  twice  as  well  off  as  he  was  in  1840,  although  his  standard  of 
living  has  improved. 


574 


American  History 


[1913 


Advantages  of 
our  land  policy 
in  the  past. 

Bullock, 
Readings  in 
Public  Finance, 
64-72. 


Disadvantages 
in  general. 

Humphrey, 
L.  K.,  in 

Atlantic  Mo., 
102  (1908), 
1-9. 


Human  life. 

Van  Hise, 

Conservation, 
364-372. 


ing  to  their  ability  instead  of  leaving  the  burden  of  taxation 
on  the  poorer  members  of  society,  and  by  placing  upon 
society  the  burden  of  industrial  accidents,  much  has  already 
been  accomplished  toward  a  better  distribution  of  wealth. 

483.  The  Past  and  the  Future.  —  Nothing  has  affected 
more  vitally  the  political  development  of  the  United  States,  as 
well  as  the  economic  progress  and  the  social  life  of  the  peo- 
ple, than  the  disposal  of  our  agricultural  lands.  During 
the  closing  years  of  the  Revolution  the  public  lands  in  the 
West  produced  the  chief  bond  of  union  among  the  states. 
In  the  West  the  possibility  of  acquiring  title  to  public  lands 
was  a  very  important  factor  in  the  rapid  development  of 
the  section  east  of  the  Mississippi  between  1815  and  1860, 
and  west  of  the  Mississippi  after  the  War  for  the  Union.  Our 
public  land  policy  helped  to  keep  us  a  nation  of  small  farmers. 
It  aided  in  the  development  of  a  real  democracy,  not  simply 
political,  but  economic  and  social.  It  helped  us  to  absorb  as 
true  American  citizens  multitudes  of  foreigners  who  have 
come  to  us. 

Just  as  the  establishment  of  small  farms,  three  quarters 
of  a  century  ago,  created  a  West  in  which  political  equality 
was  the  rule  and  great  distinctions  the  exception,  so  in  later 
years  the  liberal  grants  of  agricultural,  mineral,  and  forest 
lands  helped  to  develop  a  class  which,  through  the  misappli- 
cation or  maladministration  of  these  land  laws,  grew  rich  and 
powerful  at  public  expense.  In  parting  with  its  greatest 
natural  asset,  its  rich  agricultural  lands,  the  United  States 
has  made  a  great  blunder,  so  far  as  the  lands  did  not  become 
the  permanent  homes  of  a  numerous  and  thrifty  class  of 
small  farmers. 

A  more  important  subject,  little,  as  yet,  under  the  super- 
vision of  our  governments,  is  the  conservation  of  human 
life.  When  we  notice  the  appalling  losses  due  to  our  haste 
in  the  search  for  wealth,  to  our  carelessness  or  indifference, 
we  must  recognize  the  need  of  remedial  action  to  ward  off 
accidents,  disease,  and  death.  We  must  expect  in  the  future 
a  much  greater  amount  of  governmental  supervision  pos- 


i?83]  The  Nation  and  its  Government  575 

sibly  of  direct  interference,  for  the  conservation  of  life  and  Marshall, 

health.     What  shall  it  profit  our  nation,  if  it  shall  con-   wrfght.  and 

.,-          ,        ..  ...       Field,  Mate- 

Serve  its  natural   resources   and   sacrifice   the   lives  of  its  rials  ror  Stud 

people  ?  of  Economics, 

121-134. 
THE  NATION  AND  ITS  GOVERNMENT  —  A  COMPARISON 

484.  Changes  of  a  Century  and  a  Third.  —  As  we  look  The  American 
back  over  the  years  since  the  United  States  first  declared  Pe°Ple  of  J776. 
themselves  independent  of  Great  Britain,  we  cannot  fail  to 
be  impressed  with  the  great  changes  that  have  taken  place. 
It  is  not  simply  the  fact  that  the  America  of  that  day  con- 
sisted of  only  thirteen  states  with  but  two  millions  and  a 
half  inhabitants.  The  people  then  lived  really  in  a  different 
world  from  that  which  we  know.  Before  the  days  of  steam 
and  electricity  and  machinery,  life  was  simple  and  narrow. 
Their  political  ideas  and  ideals  impress  us  as  being  con- 
servative and  provincial.  One  standard  of  life,  its  purpose 
and  its  methods,  prevailed  in  the  North ;  others,  elsewhere. 
Their  political  standards  were  alike  only  in  their  intense 
hatred  for  monarchy,  their  equal  distrust  of  real  democracy. 

Difficult  as  it  is  to  measure  and  compare  views  and  Territorial  and 
abstract  qualities,  we  must  content  ourselves  with  the  con-  industrial  ex- 
trast  presented  by  institutions  and  forces  that  can  be  studied  pan^101 
easily.  We  can  see  how  the  territory  of  the  United  States, 
which  in  1776  covered  only  the  Atlantic  slope,  with  vague 
claims  to  the  interior,  expanded  in  1783  to  the  Mississippi 
then  extended  to  the  Rockies,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  finally 
the  Pacific,  stretching  across  the  finest  part  of  the  continent 
and  washed  by  the  waters  of  the  two  great  oceans  of  the 
globe.  We  can  note  the  acquisition  of  outposts  in  different 
parts  of  the  world  that  bind  us  closer  to  the  rest  of  the  human 
family.  The  two  millions  and  a  half  have  grown  to  nearly 
one  hundred  millions,  excluding  those  living  in  our  insular 
possessions.  Our  total  wealth,  measured  then  by  the 
hundred  millions,  is  now  estimated  at  much  more  than  one 
hundred  billions.  Our  foreign  commerce  has  expanded 


American  History 


C'9'3 


Three  great 
political  con- 
tributions to 
the  world. 


Changes  in 

American 

government. 


fifty-fold.  Then  we  had  no  manufactures  except  the  humble 
shops  that  employed  but  few  hands.  Now  single  corpora- 
tions employ  almost  as  many  men  as  there  were  in  any 
state  in  those  days.  We  can  cross  the  continent  in  less 
time  than  our  ancestors  could  go  from  New  York  to 
Boston  and  with  less  discomfort  than  they  could  go  from 
town  to  town.  But  we  need  not  multiply  illustrations. 
Certainly  it  must  be  clear  to  every  one  that  the  material 
progress  since  1776  has  revolutionized  the  world  of  that 
day. 

485.  Important  Characteristics  of  American  Political 
Development.  —  Yet  it  is  not  in  material  development 
but  in  the  political  field  that  we  must  look  for  those  char- 
acteristics which  distinguish  the  United  States  from  other 
nations.  We  have  developed  certain  political  ideas  and 
influenced  the  world  by  persuading  other  nations  to  adopt 
the  principles  which  we  have  proved  satisfactory  in  practice. 
Of  these,  three  deserve  especial  attention  :  (i)  The  United 
States  has  proved  not  simply  that  a  republic  of  a  really  dem- 
ocratic nature  may  be  developed,  but  that  it  may  be  devel- 
oped on  a  large  scale.  The  republics  of  history  were  small 
and  aristocratic.  (2)  The  United  States  has  furnished  the 
first  example  of  a  nation  governed  in  accordance  with  a 
written  constitution,  an  example  which  most  of  the  other 
nations  have  followed.  (3)  The  United  States  was  the 
first  nation  to  prove  that  a  federal  system  of  government  can  be 
used  to  advantage,  combining  complete  autonomy  of  the 
states  in  matters  of  local  interest  with  the  supremacy  of  the 
national  government  in  public  questions  of  national  im- 
portance.1 

The  political  success  of  the  American  nation  has  been  due 
in  a  great  degree  to  the  combination  of  these  three  princi- 
ples: democracy,  the  written  constitution,  and  a  federal 
system.  But  the  development  of  the  nation,  as  we  have 
noticed  in  detail  elsewhere,  was  a  process  completed  only 

1  On  the  nature  of  federalism  in  America,  see  the  author's  American 
Government,  or  for  a  fuller  account,  his  American  Federal  State,  Chapter  X. 


r9r3]  The  Nation  and  Its  Government  577 

after  a  long,  bitter  struggle.  Although  there  have  been  but 
seventeen  amendments  to  the  written  Constitution,  that 
great  document  has  been  modified  constantly  through  a 
liberal  construction  of  its  provisions,  through  the  enactment 
of  laws  on  new  subjects,  and  the  adoption  of  new  methods. 
These  important  court  decisions,  statutes,  and  customs  that 
have  supplemented  the  written  Constitution  are  called  the 
unwritten  constitution.1 

Popular  government  in  the  United  States  under  a  written  Political 
constitution  involves  a  system  of  representation,  as  practi-  Parties  and  our 

n  •  •  government. 

cally  all  people  in  the  United  States  are  citizens  and  most 

,  A       , ,  ,  .    Wilson,  Cons  f  I 

men  and  women  are    voters.     As   the   people   cannot  act  Gmfl  in  v  s 

directly  in  the  conduct  of  many  public  affairs,  they  must   204-213. 
depend  on  political  parties.    These  parties  not  only  are 
the  means  through  which  the  American  people  govern  them- 
selves, but  the  political  party  has  done  an  inestimable  serv- 
ice in  uniting  the  people.    The  parties  are  largely  respon- 
sible for   the  harmonious  working,   not  only  of  different 
branches  of  any  one  government,  but  of  our  two  great  sets 
of  government,  state  and  national. 
486.  The  People,  the  Nation,  and  the  Government.  —  Class  rule  in 

In  1780  the  United  States  was  governed  by  classes.     People  elshteenth 

. J  century. 

could  not  vote  unless  they  owned  a  certain  amount  of  prop- 
erty and  had  been  for  a  long  time  residents  of  the  state  and 
district.  Officials  were  by  law  usually  required  to  own  a 
much  greater  amount  of  property,  and  by  custom  they  were 
ordinarily  drawn  from  certain  families.  Except  in  the  New 
England  townships  the  local  government  was  by  no  means 
popular,  for  elsewhere  the  town,  parish,  and  county  officers 
were  either  appointed  by  the  state  governments  or  chosen 
by  a  few  persons. 

To-day  manhood  suffrage  is  practically  universal  and  The  democracy 
woman  suffrage  is  gaining  ground.     Religious  qualifications  of  to'day- 
were   abolished  long  ago,   when    State  and   Church   were 
separated,  but  the  nation  has  become  more  rather  than  less 

1  On  the  unwritten  constitutions  and  the  changes  in  government  which  it 
Supports,  see  Ashley,  American  Government,  §§  206-211. 
9  P 


578  American  History  [1913 

religious.  The  few  restrictions  of  time,  residence,  and 
citizenship  for  electors  are  essentials  of  good  government. 
Officeholding  is  open  to  any  one  who  has  the  personal  quali- 
ties needed  for  winning  popular  favor.  All  of  the  chief 
positions  in  national,  state,  and  local  governments  are  filled 
by  popular  election,  and  changes  in  fundamental  law  must 
meet  with  the  approval  of  voters.  The  people  may  propose 
laws  in  a  great  many  states  and  may  insist  that  the  proposed 
laws  be  ratified  by  them.  The  people  cooperate  in  govern- 
ment largely  through  parties,  but  the  control  of  those  parties 
belongs  to  them ;  for  no  one  that  ceeks  to  become  a  party 
dictator  or  "  boss  "  can  maintain  his  position  in  the  long 
run  without  popular  support.  We  have  now  as  truly  a 
government  "  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people  " 
as  ever  existed,  with  most  of  the  benefits  and  most  of  the 
faults  inherent  in  democratic  rule. 

The  nation  Although  our  governments  respond  rather  slowly  to  the 

and  its  social      popular  will,  a  situation  not  without  many  advantages  in 

problems.  .       . 

a  democracy,  in  the  long  run  our  laws  and  our  constitutions 
register  the  sober  second  thought  of  the  nation.  The  adop- 
tion of  new  political  devices  to  make  more  real  the  rule  of  the 
people  and  the  enactment  of  laws  for  social  betterment  are 
but  signs  of  the  times.  The  twentieth  century  is  certain  to 
bring  us  epoch-making  social  changes.  If  we  consider  the 
new  position  of  woman,  or  the  better  provision  for  those  that 
labor  with  their  hands,  or  the  control  by  the  public  through 
its  government  of  great  resources  and  businesses,  we  see 
that  the  nation  is  trying  to  adjust  itself  to  the  newer  need 
of  a  society  which  cannot  exist  under  eighteenth-century 
conditions,  and  will  not  follow  the  models  of  the  nineteenth. 
Since  nationality  and  democracy  were  the  great  products  of 
the  century  that  is  just  past,  in  America  and  in  Europe, 
we  can  no  longer  look  forward  to  them  as  goals ;  but  we  must 
look  forward  to  a  new  national  democracy  that  demands 
social  progress  and  seeks  to  work  out  better  ideas  of  social 
welfare. 


19*4]  The  Nation  and  Its  Government  579 

TOPICS 

1.  INDUSTRIAL  ARBITRATION:    Bliss  (ed.),  "New  Encyclopedia  of 
Social  Reform,"  pp.  58-64;  National  Industrial  Commission,  "Final 
Report,"  XIX,  pp.  833—862;   Carlton,  "History   and   Problems  of 
Organized  Labor,"  228—262. 

2.  CHILD  LABOR:  Adams  and  Sumner,  "Labor  Problems,"  pp.  29— 
37,  58—67;    Bliss,  "New. Encyclopedia  of  Social  Reform,"  pp.  170- 
181 ;  Lovejoy,  O.  R.,  in  Annals  of  Amer.  Academy,  38  (1912),  sup. 
31—38;    Carlton,  "History  and  Problems  of  Organized  Labor,"  pp. 
380-398;    Mangold,  "Child  Problems,"  159-217;    Nearing,  "Child 
Labor." 

3.  EMPLOYERS'  LIABILITY:    Carlton,  "History  and  Problems  of 
Organized  Labor,"  pp.  292—310;   Seager,  "Social  Insurance,"  pp.  24— 
83  ;   Eastman,  "Work  Accidents  and  the  Law,"  pp.  169-220;   Annals 
of  Amer.   Academy,    38    (1911),     144—229;     Campbell,    "Industrial 
Liability,"  Rubinow,  "Social  Insurance,"  pp.  28—45,  86—107. 

4.  COMMISSION  FORM  OF  CITY  GOVERNMENT  :  Brufere,  "New  City 
Government,"  pp.  16—99;    Bradford,  "Commission  Gov't  in  Amer. 
Cities,"  pp.  127—146,  181—213,  29I—3°6;    Hamilton,  "Dethronement 
of  the  City  Boss,"  pp.  9-25,  169-181 ;   Annals  of  Amer.  Academy,  38 
(1911),  pp.  671-943.) 

5.  PROTECTION  OF  THE  PUBLIC  HEALTH:    Brae"  re,   "New  City 
Government,"   pp.   401-413;     Beard,    "Amer.   City   Government," 
pp.  261—286;    McGrath,  W.  M.,  in  Survey,  27  (1912),  1501—1514; 
Annals  of  Amer.  Academy,  37  (1911),  3-12,  123—126,  192—220,  250- 
260;  Allen, ''Civics  and  Health." 

STUDIES 

1.  Growth  of  manufactures  in  the  U.  S.     (Rogers,  "Development  of 
the  North"  (  North  America,  XVIII),  pp.  235-250.) 

2.  Development  of  the  South  since  the  Civil  War.     (Bruce,  "Rise 
of  the  New  South"  (North  America,  XXVII),  pp.  455—472.) 

3.  The  Mann-Elkins  Railway  Act  of  1910.     (Ripley.     "  Railroads : 
Rates  and  Regulation,"  557—580.) 

4.  Control  of  railways  by  a  state  (Texas).     (Haney,  L.  H.,  in  Jour. 
Pol.  Economy,  19  (1911),  437~455-) 

5.  The  relation  of  state  to  interstate  railway  regulation.     (Literary 
Digest,  46  (1913),  1361-1363.) 

6.  The  anti-trust  policies  of  the  Taft  administration.     (Wicker- 
sham,  G.  W.,  in  Century,  83  (1912),  616-622.) 

7.  Our  "Bumper"  crops. 

8.  Commercial  invasion  of  Europe.     (Vanderlip,  F.,  in  Scribner's 
Magazine,  31  (1902).) 

9.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor.     (Carlton,  "History  and 
Problems  of  Organized  Labor,"  74—82.) 


580  American  History 

10.  The  need  of  a  minimum  wage.  ("O.  Henry,"  in  McClure, 
35  (1910),  688-690.) 

It.  The  problem  of  the  African.  (Shaler,  "  The  Neighbor,"  pp. 
126-191.) 

12.  The   new  problem   of   immigration.     (Fairchild,    "Immigra- 
tion," 369-380.) 

13.  Five  American  contributions  to  civilization.     (Eliot,  "Amer- 
ican Contributions  to  Civilization,"  pp.  1-38.) 

14.  Some  reasons  why  the  American  republic  may  endure.    (Eliot, 
"American  Contributions  to  Civilization,"  pp.  30-70.) 

15.  Geographic  distribution  of  immigration.     (Semple,  "  American 
History  and  its  Geographic  Influences,"  pp.  310-336.) 

16.  The  American  intellect.     (Wendell,  Barrett,  in  "Cambridge 
Modern  History,"  pp.  723—751.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Place  in  your  notebook  a  complete  summary  of  the  following 
topics,  showing  the  sections  of  the  text  in  which  details  may  be  ob- 
tained:  territorial  growth,  railway  development  and  control,  foreign 
relations  in  general,  social  changes  after  the  (i)  Revolutionary  War, 
(2)  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  (3)  during  the  last 
half  century. 

2.  What   are  the   chief  advantages  of  economic   consolidation  ? 
What  are  the  disadvantages  of  the  policy  ?     Why  do  not  trusts  raise 
prices  indefinitely  if  they  have  no  competition  ? 

3.  Should  there  be  more  restraint  of  corporations  than  at  present  ? 
What  are  the  chief  difficulties  in  railway  regulation  ?     How  does  our 
federal   system   of   government   complicate   the   railway   problem? 
What  are  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  government  ownership 
of  railways  ? 

4.  What  has  been  gained  through  organization  of  labor  ?     Should 
there  be  compulsory  arbitration  of  some,  or  all,  labor  disputes  ?     How 
does  labor  legislation  affect  industry  ?  the  workers  ?  society  ? 

5.  Compare  the  immigration  of  to-day  with  that  of  former  years, 
noting  races  represented,  places  where  immigrants  settle,  immigra- 
tion problems  to  be  solved.     If  present  non-Teutonic  immigration 
continues,  how  long   before   the  United   States   will   cease  to  be  an , 
"Anglo-Saxon"  nation? 

6.  What  are  the  advantages  of  universal  suffrage  ?     the  disad- 
vantages ?     Is  the  franchise  of  to-day  likely  to  become  more  or  less 
restricted?    Was  the  fifteenth  amendment  a  mistake?     Give  argu- 
ments for  and  against  woman  suffrage. 

7.  What  are  the  chief  problems  for  the  nation  to  solve?     What 
solutions  have  been  suggested  for  each  ? 


APPENDIX 


(Adopted  by  the  Continental  Congress,  July  tfh,  1776.) 


|n  C®D:cl$<gSS,  grtlg  4,  1776.  &fe«  ananimons  bttlaration  of  % 
t^irttnt  nniteo  Statin  of  ^merits.  .  ' 

WHEN  in  the  Course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary 
for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  con- 
nected them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the  powers  of 
the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  Laws  of 
Nature  and  of  Nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the 
opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes 
which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  un- 
alienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life,  Liberty  and  the  pur- 
suit of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  Governments  are 
instituted  among  Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed,  —  That  whenever  any  Form  of  Government 
becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  Right  of  the  People 
to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  Government,  laying 
its  foundation  on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in 
such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  Safety 
and  Happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  Governments 
long  established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient 
causes  ;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shewn,  that  mankind 
are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to 
right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are 
accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations, 
pursuing  invariably  the  same  Object  evinces  a  design  to  reduce 
them  under  absolute  Despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty, 
to  throw  off  such  Government,  and  to  provide  new  Guards  for 
their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of 
these  Colonies  ;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains 
them  to  alter  their  former  Systems  of  Government.  The  history 
of  the  present  King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated 
injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establish- 

i 


ii  The  Declaration  of  Independence 

ment  of  an  absolute  Tyranny  over  these  States.  To  prove  this, 
let  Facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refused  his  Assent  to  Laws,  the  most  wholesome  and 
necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  Laws  of  immediate 
and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till 
his  Assent  should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  has 
utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  Laws  for  the  accommodation  of 
large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the 
right  of  Representation  in  the  Legislature,  a  right  inestimable  to 
them  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual, 
uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their  public 
Records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance 
with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly,  for  oppos- 
ing with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause 
others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  Legislative  powers,  incapable 
of  Annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  People  at  large  for  their 
exercise ;  the  State  remaining  in  the  mean  time  exposed  to  all 
the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States ; 
for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  Laws  for  Naturalization  of  Foreign- 
ers ;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither, 
and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  Appropriations  of  Lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  Administration  of  Justice,  by  refusing 
his  Assent  to  Laws  for  establishing  Judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  Judges  dependent  on  his  Will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  sala- 
ries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  New  Offices,  and  sent  hither 
swarms  of  Officers  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  sub- 
stance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  Standing  Armies 
without  the  Consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  Military  independent  of  and 
superior  to  the  Civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction 
foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws; 
giving  his  Assent  to  their  Acts  of  pretended  Legislation : 


The  Declaration  of  Independence  iii 

For  quartering  large  bodies  ot  armed  troops  among  us: 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  Trial,  from  punishment,  for 
any  Murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  Inhabitants  of 
these  States : 

For  cutting  oft  our  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 

For  imposing  Taxes  on  us  without  our  Consent : 

For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  Trial  by 
Jury: 

For  transporting  us  beyond  Seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
oftences : 

For  abolishing  the  free  System  ot  English  Laws  in  a  neigh- 
bouring Province,  establishing  therein  an  Arbitrary  government, 
and  enlarging  its  Boundaries  so  as  to -render  it  at  once  an  exam- 
ple and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into 
these  Colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  Charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable 
Laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  Forms  of  our  Govern- 
ments : 

For  suspending  our  own  Legislatures,  and  declaring  themselves 
invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  Government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his 
Protection  and  waging  War  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  Coasts,  burnt  our 
towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  Armies  of  foreign  Merce- 
naries to  compleat  the  works  of  death,  desolation  and  tyranny, 
already  begun  with  circumstances  of  Cruelty  &  perfidy  scarcely 
parallel  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the 
Head  of  a  civilized  nation 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow  Citizens  taken  Captive  on  the 
high  Seas  to  bear  Arms  against  their  Country,  to  become  the 
executioners  of  their  friends  and  Brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves 
by  their  Hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  among  us,  and  has 
endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers,  the 
merciless  Indian  Savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare,  is  an 
undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  Oppressions  We  have  Petitioned  for 
Redress  in  the  most  humble  terms  :  Our  repeated  Petitions  have 
been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  Prince  whose  char- 
acter is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  Tyrant,  is 
unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 


itf.  The  Declaration  of  Independence 

Nor  have  We  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  Brittish 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time  of  attempts 
by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over 
us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances  of  our  emi- 
gration and  settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native 
justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties 
of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which 
would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and  correspondence. 
They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  con- 
sanguinity. We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity,  which 
denounces  our  Separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of 
mankind,  Enemies  in  War,  in  Peace  Friends. 

®h,  tbtrtfort,  the  REPRESENTATIVES  of  the  Bnittb  Statts  of 
Smrrint,  in  GENERAL  CONGRESS,  Assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions, 
do,  in  the  Name,  and  by  Authority  of  the  good  People  of  these 
Colonies  solemnly  PUBLISH  and  DECLARE,  That  these  United 
Colonies  are,  and  of  Right  ought  to  be  frit  anb  |nbtptnbtnt 
j&tatM ;  that  they  are  Absolved  from  all  Allegiance  to  the  British 
Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  the 
State  of  Great  Britain,  is  and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved ;  and 
that  as  FREE  AND  INDEPENDENT  STATES,  they  have  full  Power 
to  levy  War,  conclude  Peace,  contract  Alliances,  establish  Com- 
merce, and  to  do  all  other  Acts  and  Things  which  INDEPENDENT 
STATES  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  Declara- 
tion, with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  divine  Providence, 
we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  Lives,  our  Fortunes,  and 
our  sacred  Honor. 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 

1  {New  Hampshire.]  [Rhode  Island."] 

JOSIAH  BARTLETT,  STEPHEN  HOPKINS, 

WILLIAM  WHIPPLE,  WILLIAM  ELLERY. 
MATTHEW  THORNTON. 

{Massachusetts  Bay.]  [Connecticut.] 

SAMUEL  ADAMS,  ROGER  SHERMAN, 

JOHN  ADAMS,  SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON, 

ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE,  WILLIAM  WILLIAMS, 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  OLIVER  WOLCOTT 

1  This  arrangement  of  the  names  is  made  for  convenience.  The  States 
are  not  mentioned  in  the  original. 


The  Declaration  of  Independence 


[New  York.] 
WILLIAM  FLOYD, 
PHILIP  LIVINGSTON, 
FRANCIS  LEWIS, 
LEWIS  MORRIS. 

[New  Jersey."] 
RICHARD  STOCKTON, 
JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 
FRANCIS  HOPKINSON, 
JOHN  HART, 
ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

[Pennsylvania."] 
ROBERT  MORRIS, 
BENJAMIN  RUSH, 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
JOHN  MORTON, 
GEORGE  CLYMER, 
JAMES  SMITH, 
GEORGE  TAYLOR, 
JAMES  WILSON, 
GEORGE  Ross. 

[Delaware.] 

CESAR  RODNEY, 
GEORGE  READ, 
THOMAS  M'KEAN. 

[Maryland."] 
SAMUEL  CHASE, 
WILLIAM  PACA, 


THOMAS  STONE, 
CHARLES  CARROLL  of 
Carrollton. 

[Virginia.'] 

GEORGE  WYTHE, 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 
BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 
THOMAS  NELSON,  JR., 
FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE, 
CARTER  BRAXTON. 

[North  Carolina."] 

WILLIAM  HOOPER, 
JOSEPH  HEWES, 
JOHN  PENN. 

[South  Carolina."] 

EDWARD  RUTLEDGE, 
THOMAS  HEYWARD,  JR, 
THOMAS  LYNCH,  JR., 
ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 

[Georgia."] 

BUTTON  GWINNETT, 
LYMAN  HALL, 
GEO.  WALTON. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


WE  THE  PEOPLE  of  the  United  States,  in  Order  to  form  a  more  PREAM- 
perfect  Union,  establish  Justice,  insure  domestic  Tranquility,  pro-  BLE-     Ob- 
vide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  Welfare,  and  ¥?c  s°.. 
secure  the  Blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  Posterity,  tion. 
do  ordain  and  establish  this  CONSTITUTION  for  the  United  States 
of  America. 

ARTICLE.  I. 

Section  1.  All  legislative  Powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested   CONGRESS. 
in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives. 


houses. 


Section  2.  [1]  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed 
of  Members  chosen  every  second  Year  by  the  People  of  the  several 
States,  and  the  Electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  Qualifications 
requisite  for  Electors  of  the  most  numerous  Branch  of  the  State 
Legislature. 

[2]  No  Person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  at- 
tained to  the  age  of  twenty-five  Years,  and  been  seven  Years  a 
Citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be 
an  Inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

[3]  [Representatives  and  direct  Taxes  shall  be  apportioned 
among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this 
Union,  according  to  their  respective  Numbers,  which  shall  be 
determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  Number  of  free  Persons, 
including  those  bound  to  Service  for  a  Term  of  Years,  and  exclud- 
ing Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  other  Persons.]  The 
actual  Enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  Years  after 
the  first  Meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and 
within  every  subsequent  Term  of  ten  Years,  in  such  Manner  as 
they  shall  by  Law  direct.  The  Number  of  Representatives  shall 


House  of 
Represen- 
tatives. 
Term  and 
election. 

Qualifica- 
tions— 
age,  citi- 
zenship, 
residence. 
Method  of 
apportion- 
ing repre- 
sentatives. 
(Part  in 
brackets 
super- 
seded by 
Sec.  2  of 
Amend- 
ment 
XIV.) 
Census 


Vlll 


Constitution  of  the  United  States 


Tempo- 
rary 
appor- 
tionment, 


not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  Thousand,  but  each  State  shall 
have  at  least  one  Representative.;  and  until  such  enumeration 
shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to 
chuse  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode-Island  and  Providence 
Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five,  New  York  six,  New  Jersey  four, 
Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten, 
North  Carolina  five,  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 
Vacancies.  [4]  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  Representation  from  any 
State,  the  Executive  Authority  thereof  shall  issue  Writs  of  Elec- 
tion to  fill  such  Vacancies. 

[5]  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  chuse  their  Speaker  and 
other  Officers ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  Power  of  Impeachment. 


Officers. 


Senate. 
Election 
and  term. 

Division  of 
Senators 
into  three 
classes. 


Vacancies. 


Qualifica- 
tions — 
age,  citi- 
zenship, 
residence. 
Vice-presi- 
dent. 


Officers. 


Trial  of 
impeach- 
ments. 


Section  3.  [1]  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  com- 
posed of  two  Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature 
thereof,  for  six  Years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  Vote. 

[2]  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  Consequence 
of  the  first  Election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into 
three  Classes.  The  Seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  Class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  Expiration  of  the  second  Year,  of  the  second  Class 
at  the  Expiration  of  the  fourth  Year,  and  of  the  third  Class  at  the 
Expiration  of  the  sixth  Year,  so  that  one-third  may  be  chosen 
every  second  Year;  and  if  Vacancies  happen  by  Resignation,  or 
otherwise,  during  the  Recess  of  the  Legislature  of  uny  State,  the 
Executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  Appointments  until  the 
next  Meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  Va- 
cancies. 

[3]  No  Person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  Age  of  thirty  Years,  and  been  nine  Years  a  Citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  Inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

[4]  The  Vice  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President 
of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  Vote,  unless  they  be  equally 
divided. 

[5]  The  Senate  shall  chuse  their  other  Officers,  and  also  a  Presi- 
dent pro  tempore,  in  the  Absence  of  the  Vice  President,  or  when 
he  shall  exercise  the  Office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

[6]  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  Power  to  try  all  Impeach- 
ments. When  sitting  for  that  Purpose,  they  shall  be  on  Oath  or 
Affirmation.  When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried, 


Constitution  of  the  United  States  ix 

the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside  :  And  no  Person  shall  be  convicted 
without  the  Concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the  Members  present. 

[7]  Judgment  in  Cases  of  Impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  Judgment 
than  to  removal  from  Office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy    n 


any  Office  of  honor,  Trust  or  Profit  under  the  United  States  :  but  ment. 
the  Party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to 
Indictment,  Trial,  Judgment  and  Punishment,  according  to  Law. 

Section  4.  [1]  The  Times,  Places  and  Manner  of  holding  Elec-  Both 

tions  for  Senators  and  Representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  H?use8- 

State  by  the  Legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  p]aces'and 

time  by  Law  make  or  alter  such  Regulations,  except  as  to  the  method  of 

Places  of  chusing  Senators.  electing 

[2]  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  Year,  and  T. 

such  Meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  meeting. 
shall  by  Law  appoint  a  different  Day. 

Section  5.  [1]  Each  House  shall  be  the  Judge  of  the  Elections,   Member- 
Returns  and  Qualifications  of  its  own  Members,  and  a  Majority  of  ?  \p  reSu" 
each  shall  constitute  a  Quorum  to  do  Business  ;  but  a  smaller  Num-  Quorum. 
ber  may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel 
the  attendance  of  absent  Members,  in  such  Manner,  and  under 
such  Penalties  as  each  House  may  provide. 

[2]  Each  House  may  determine  the  Rules  of  its  Proceedings,  Rules  of 
punish  its  Members  for  disorderly  Behaviour,  and,  with  the  Con-  eacl1 
currence  of  two  thirds,  expel  a  Member. 

[3]  Each  House  shall  keep  a  Journal  of  its  Proceedings,  and  Journals. 
from  time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  Parts  as  may 
in  their  Judgment  require  Secrecy  ;  and  the  Yeas  and  Nays  of  the 
Members  of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  Desire  of 
one  fifth  of  those  Present,  be  entered  on  the  Journal. 

[4]  Neither  House,  during  the  Session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  Special 
the  Consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to   adjourn- 
any  other  Place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  6.  [1]  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  Members. 

Compensation  for  their  Services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  Compen- 

out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.     They  shall  in  all  Cases,  sation  and 

except  Treason,  Felony,  and  Breach  of  the  Peace,  be  privileged  Q"^^^ 

from  Arrest  during  their  Attendance  at  the  Session  of  their  respec-  ber8. 
tive  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same  ;  and  for 


Constitution  of  the  United  States 


Disabili- 
ties of 
members. 


Bills  and 
resolu- 
tions. 
Revenue 
bills. 
Veto  of 
President 
on  bills. 


any  Speech  or  Debate  in  either  House,  they  shall  not  be  questioned 
in  any  other  Place. 

[2]  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  Time  for 
•which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  Office  under  the 
Authority  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or 
the  Emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  encreased  during  such 
time ;  and  no  Person  holding  any  Office  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  a  Member  of  either  House  during  his  Continuance  in  Office. 

Section  7.  [1]  All  Bills  for  raising  Revenue  shall  originate  in 
the  House  of  Representatives;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or 
concur  with  Amendments  as  on  other  Bills. 

[2]  Every  Bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  Law,  be  presented 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  If  he  approve  he  shall  sign 
it,  but  if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  Objections  to  that  House 
in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  Objections  at 
large  on  their  Journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such 
Reconsideration  two  thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass  the 
Bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  Objections,  to  the  other 
House,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved 
by  two  thirds  of  that  House,  it  shall  become  a  Law.  But  in  all 
such  Cases  the  Votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be  determined  by  Yeas 
and  Nays,  and  the  Names  of  the  Persons  voting  for  and  against 
the  Bill  shall  be  entered  on  the  Journal  of  each  House  respectively. 
If  any  Bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten  Days 
(Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the 
Same  shall  be  a  Law,  in  like  Manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless 
the  Congress  by  their  Adjournment  prevent  its  Return,  in  which 
Case  it  shall  not  be  a  Law. 

[3]  Every  Order,  Resolution,  or  Vote  to  which  the  Concurrence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary 
(except  on  a  question  of  Adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  before  the  Same  shall  take 

• 

Effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him, 
shall  be  repassed  by  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, according  to  the  Rules  and  Limitations  prescribed  in 
the  Case  of  a  Bill. 

Powers  of       Section  8.     The   Congress  shall  have  Power  [1]    To  lay  and 
Congress,    collect  Taxes,  Duties,  Imposts  and  Excises,  to  pay  the  Debts  and 


Veto  on 
resolu- 
tions. 


Constitution  of  tJie  United  States 


XI 


provide  for  the  common  Defence  and  general  Welfare  of  the 
United  States ;  but  all  duties,  Imposts  and  Excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States; 

[2]    To  borrow  Money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States; 

[3]  To  regulate  Commerce  with  foreign  Nations,  and  among 
the  several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  Tribes; 

[4]  To  establish  an  uniform  Rule  of  Naturalization,  and 
uniform  Laws  on  the  subject  of  Bankruptcies  throughout  the 
United  States; 

[5]  To  coin  Money,  regulate  the  Value  thereof,  and  of  foreign 
Coin,  and  fix  the  Standard  of  Weights  and  Measures ; 

[6]  To  provide  for  the  Punishment  of  counterfeiting  the 
Securities  and  current  Coin  of  the  United  States; 

[7]    To  establish  Post  Offices  and  post  Roads; 

[8]  To  promote  the  Progress  of  Science  and  useful  Arts  by 
securing  for  limited  Times  to  Authors  and  Inventors  the  exclusive 
Right  to  their  respective  Writings  and  Discoveries ; 

[9]    To  constitute  Tribunals  inferior  to  the  supreme  Court; 

[10]  To  define  and  punish  Piracies  and  Felonies  committed  on 
the  high  Seas,  and  Offences  against  the  Law  of  Nations ; 

[11]  To  declare  War,  grant  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal, 
and  make  Rules  concerning  Captures  on  Land  and  Water; 

[12]  To  raise  and  support  Armies,  but  no  Appropriation  of 
Money  to  that  Use  shall  be  for  a  longer  Term  than  two  Years; 

[13]    To  provide  and  maintain  a  Navy; 

[14]  To  make  Rules  for  the  Government  and  Regulation  of 
the  land  and  naval  Forces; 

[15]  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  Militia  to  execute  the 
Laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  Insurrections  and  repel  Invasions ; 

[16]  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining,  the 
Militia,  and  for  governing  such  Part  of  them  as  may  be  employed 
in  the  Service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respec- 
tively, the  Appointment  of  the  Officers,  and  the  Authority  of 
training  the  Militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by 
Congress. 

[17]  To  exercise  exclusive  Legislation  in  all  Cases  whatsoever, 
over  such  District  (not  exceeding  ten  Miles  square)  as  may,  by 
Cession  of  particular  States,  and  the  Acceptance  of  Congress  become 
the  Seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise 
like  Authority  over  all  Places  purchased  by  the  Consent  of  the 


Taxation. 

Borrow- 
ing. 

Regulat- 
ing 

commerce 
Natural- 
ization 
and  bank- 
ruptcy. 
Coins, 
weights, 
and 

measures. 
Counter- 
feiting. 
Post 
offices. 
Patents 
and  copy- 
rights. 
Inferior 
courts. 
Piracies. 
War. 
Army. 

Navy. 
Land  and 
naval 
forces. 
Militia,  in 
service. 
Militia, 
organiza- 
tion. 


Seat  of 
govern- 
ment, and 
stations. 


Xll 


Constitution  of  the  United  States 


Supple- 
mentary 
legisla- 
tion. 


Limita- 
tions on 
powers  of 
Congress. 

Slave 
trade. 

Habeas 
corpus. 
Bills  of 
attainder 
and  ex 
post  facto 
laws. 
Direct  tax. 


Tax  on 

exports. 

Uniform 
commer- 
cial regu- 
lations. 

Finance. 


Titles  of 
nobility 
and 
presents. 


Limita- 
tions on 
powers  of 
States. 


Legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the  Same  shall  be,  for  the  Erec- 
tion of  Forts,  Magazines,  Arsenals,  dock-Yards,  and  other  needful 
Buildings ;  —  And 

[18]  To  make  all  Laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  Execution  the  foregoing  Powers,  and  all  other  Pow- 
ers vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  Department  or  Officer  thereof. 

Section  9.  [1]  The  Migration  or  Importation  of  such  Persons 
as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit, 
shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  Year  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  Tax  or  duty  may  be 
imposed  on  such  Importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each 
Person. 

[2]  The  Privilege  of  the  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus  shall  not  be 
suspended,  unless  when  in  Cases  of  Rebellion  or  Invasion  the 
public  Safety  may  require  it. 

[3]  No  Bill  of  Attainder  or  ex  post  facto  Law  shall  be 
passed. 

[4]  No  Capitation,  or  other  direct,  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in 
Proportion  to  the  Census  or  Enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to 
be  taken. 

[5]  No  Tax  or  Duty  shall  be  laid  on  Articles  exported  from  any 
State. 

[6]  No  Preference  shall  be  given  by  any  Regulation  of  Com- 
merce or  Revenue  to  the  Ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another : 
nor  shall  Vessels  bound  to,  or  from,  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter, 
clear,  or  pay  Duties  in  another. 

[7]  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury,  but  in  Conse- 
quence of  Appropriations  made  by  Law ;  and  a  regular  Statement 
and  Account  of  the  Receipts  and  Expenditures  of  all  public  Money 
shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

[8]  No  title  of  Nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States : 
And  no  Person  holding  any  Office  of  Profit  or  Trust  under  them, 
shall,  without  the  Consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present, 
Emolument,  Office,  or  Title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  King, 
Prince,  or  foreign  State. 

Section  10.  [!"]  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  Treaty,  Alliance, 
or  Confederation;  grant  Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal;  coin 


Constitution  of  the   United  States  xiii 

Money;  emit  Bills  of  Credit,  make  any  Thing  but  gold  and  silver   Specific 
Coin  a  Tender  in  Payment  of  Debts ;  pass  any  Bill  of  Attainder,   Prohil)i- 
ex  post  facto  Law,  or  Law  impairing  the  obligation  of  Contracts, 
or  grant  any  Title  of  Nobility. 

[2]  No  State  shall,  without  the  Consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  Limita- 
Imposts  or  Duties  on  Imports  or  Exports,  except  what  may  be   *ions  on 
absolutely  necessary  for  executing  it's  inspection  Laws:  and  the  imPos   * 
net  Produce  of   all   Duties  and   Imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on 
Imports  or  Exports,  shall  be  for  the  Use  of  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States;  and  all  such  Laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  Revision 
and  Controul  of  the  Congress. 

[3]  No  State  shall,  without  the  Consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  Prohibi- 
Duty  of  tonnage,  keep  Troops,  or  Ships  of  War  in  time  of  Peace,   tions  re- 
enter  into  any  Agreement  or  Compact  with  another  State,  or  with  mpy*ble 
a  foreign  Power,  or  engage  in  War,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in   sent  Of 
such  imminent  Danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay.  Congress. 

ARTICLE.  II. 

Section  1.    [1]  The  executive  Power  shall  be  vested  in  a  Presi-   PRESI- 
dent  of  the  United  States  of  America.     He  shall  hold  his  Office  DENT- 
during  the  Term  of  four  Years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice  Presi-   presiden- 
dent,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected,  as  follows :  tial  elec- 

[2]  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  Manner  as  the  Legislature  tors  and 
thereof  may  direct,  a  Number  of  Electors,  equal  to  the  whole  Num-  "?et  °.    ' 
ber  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be    President, 
entitled  in  the  Congress:   but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or 
Person  holding  an  Office  of  Trust  or  Profit  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  appointed  an  Elector.     [The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  (Part  in 
respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two  Persons,  of  whom  one   brackets 
at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  them-  se(je(j  ^y 
selves.     And  they  shall  make  a  List  of  all  the  Persons  voted  for,   XII 
and  of  the  Number  of  Votes  for  each;  which  List  they  shall  sign   amend- 
and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  Seat  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.     The 
President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  Presence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  Certificates,  and  the  Votes 
shall  then  be  counted.     The  Person  having  the  greatest  Number  of 
Votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  Number  be  a  Majority  of  the 
whole  Number  of  Electors  appointed ;  and  if  there  be  more  than 


XIV 


Constitution  of  the   United  States 


Dates  of 
elections. 


Qualifica- 
tions, citi- 
zenship, 
age,  and 
residence. 


Presiden- 
tial suc- 
cession. 


Compensa- 
tion. 


Oath  of 
office. 


one  who  have  such  Majority,  and  have  an  equal  Number  of  Votes, 
then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  immediately  chuse  by 
Ballot  one  of  them  for  President;  and  if  no  Person  have  a  Major- 
ity, then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  List  the  said  House  shall  in 
like  Manner  chuse  the  President.  But  in  chusing  the  President, 
the  Votes  shall  be  taken  by  Slates,  the  Representation  from  each 
State  having  one  Vote ;  A  quorum  for  this  Purpose  shall  consist 
of  a  Member  or  Members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a 
Majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  Choice.  In  every 
Case,  after  the  Choice  of  the  President,  the  Person  having  the 
greatest  Number  of  Votes  of  the  Electors  shall  be  the  Vice  Presi- 
dent. But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  Votes, 
the  Senate  shall  chuse  from  them  by  Ballot  the  Vice  President.] 

[3]  The  Congress  may  determine  the  Time  of  chusing  the  Elec- 
tors, and  the  Day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  Votes;  which  Day 
shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

[4]  No  Person  except  a  natural  born  Citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  at  the  time  of  the  Adoption  of  this  Constitution, 
shall  be  eligible  to  the  Office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  Per- 
son be  eligible  to  that  Office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the 
Age  of  thirty  five  Years,  and  been  fourteen  Years  a  Resident 
within  the  United  States. 

[5]  In  Case  of  the  Removal  of  the  President  from  Office,  or 
of  his  Death,  Resignation,  or  Inability  to  discharge  the  Powers 
and  Duties  of  the  said  Office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice 
President,  and  the  Congress  may  by  Law  provide  for  the  Case  of 
Removal,  Death,  Resignation,  or  Inability,  both  of  the  President 
and  Vice  President,  declaring  what  Officer  shall  then  act  as  Presi- 
dent, and  such  Officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  Disability 
be  removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

[6]  The  President  shall,  at  stated  Times,  receive  for  his  Ser- 
vices, a  Compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  encreased  nor  dimin- 
ished during  the  Period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and 
he  shall  not  receive  within  that  Period  any  other  Emolument  from 
the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

[7]  Before  he  enter  on  the  Execution  of  his  Office,  he  shall  take 
the  following  Oath  or  Affirmation:  —  "I  do  solemnly  swear  (or 
affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  Office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  will  to  the  best  of  my  Ability,  preserve,  protect 
and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,," 


Constitution  of  the  United  States  xv 

Section  2.    [1]    The  President  shall  be  Commander  in  Chief  of    Powers  of 
the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  Militia  of  the 
several  States,  when  called  into  the  actual  Service  of  the  United 
States ;  he  may  require  the  Opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  Military, 
Officer  in  each  of  the  executive  Departments,  upon  any  Subject  s«Per- 
relating  to  the  Duties  of  their  respective  Offices,  and  he  shall  have  ju(jicjai. 
Power  to  grant  Reprieves  and  Pardons  for  Offences  against  the 
United  States,  except  in  Cases  of  Impeachment. 

[2]    He  shall  have  Power,  by  and  with  the  Advice  and  Consent  In  treaties 
of  the  Senate,  to  make  Treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Sena-  an(*  \n 
tors  present  concur ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  ment3. 
Advice  and  Consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  Ambassadors, 
other  public  Ministers  and  Consuls,  Judges  of  the  supreme  Court, 
and  all  other  Officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  Appointments 
are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  estab- 
lished by  Law:  but  the  Congress  may  by  Law  vest  the  Appointment 
of  such  inferior  Officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  President 
alone,  in  the  Courts  of  Law,  or  in  the  Heads  of  Departments. 

[3]    The  President  shall  have  Power  to  fill  up  all  Vacancies  that  Tempo- 
may  happen  during  the  Recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  Com-   rary 

•     •  va  t.    1/11          •         i.  xv_  -n    j  _*  At  •  ?  o.       •  appomt- 

missions  which  shall  expire  at  the  End  of  their  next  Session.  ments. 

Section  3.     He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  Legisla- 
Information  of  the  State  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  * 
Consideration  such  Measures   as   he   shall  judge  necessary  and 
expedient;   he  may,  on   extraordinary  Occasions,  convene  both 
Houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  Case  of  Disagreement  between 
them,  with  Respect  to  the  Time  of  Adjournment,  he  may  adjourn 
them  to  such  Time  as  he  shall  think  proper;   he  shall  receive 
Ambassadors  and  other  public  Ministers ;  he  shall  take  Care  that 
the  Laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  Commission  all  the 
Officers  of  the  United  States. 

Section  4.    The  President,  Vice  President  and  all  civil  Officers  Liability 
of  the  United  States,  shall  be  removed  from  Office  on  Impeach- 
ment  for,  and   Conviction  of,  Treason,  Bribery,  or  other  high 
Crimes  and  Misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE.  III. 

Section  1.     The  judicial  Power  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  ART. 
vested  in  one  supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  Courts  as  the  Courts. 


XVI 


Constitution  of  the  United  States 


Judges : 
term  and 
compen- 
sation. 


Jurisdic- 
tion. 


Original 
and 

appellate 
jurisdic- 
tion of 
Supreme 
Court. 

Jury  trial. 
Place  of 
trial. 


Treason : 
definition, 


punish- 
ment. 


NATION 

AND 

STATBS. 


Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The 
Judges,  both  of  the  supreme  and  inferior  Courts,  shall  hold  their 
Offices  during  good  Behaviour,  and  shall,  at  stated  Times,  receive 
for  their  Services,  a  Compensation,  which  shall  not  be  diminished 
during  their  Continuance  in  Office. 

Section  2.  [1]  The  judicial  Power  shall  extend  to  all  Cases,  in 
Law  and  Equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  Laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  Treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under 
their  Authority;  —  to  all  cases  affecting  Ambassadors,  other  pub- 
lic Ministers  and  Consuls;  — to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime 
Jurisdiction ;  —  to  Controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 
be  a  party ;  —  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States ;  —  be- 
tween a  State  and  Citizens  of  another  State; — between  Citizens 
of  different  States  —  between  Citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming 
Lands  under  Grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or 
the  Citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  States,  Citizens  or  subjects. 

[2]  In  all  Cases  affecting  Ambassadors,  other  public  Ministers 
and  Consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  Party,  the 
supreme  Court  shall  have  original  Jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other 
Cases  before  mentioned,  the  supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate 
Jurisdiction,  both  as  to  Law  and  Fact,  with  such  Exceptions,  and 
under  such  Regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

[3]  The  Trial  of  all  Crimes,  except  in  Cases  of  Impeachment, 
shall  be  by  Jury ;  and  such  Trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where 
the  said  Crimes  shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  com- 
mitted within  any  State,  the  Trial  shall  be  at  such  Place  or 
Places  as  the  Congress  may  by  Law  have  directed. 

Section  3.  [1]  Treason  against  the  United  States,  shall  con- 
sist only  in  levying  War  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their 
Enemies,  giving  them  Aid  and  Comfort.  No  Person  shall  be 
convicted  of  Treason  unless  on  the  Testimony  of  two  Witnesses 
to  the  same  overt  Act,  or  on  Confession  in  open  Court. 

[2]  The  Congress  shall  have  Power  to  declare  the  Punishment  of 
Treason, but  no  Attainder  of  Treason  shall  work  Corruption  of  Blood, 
or  Forfeiture  except  during  the  Life  of  the  Person  attainted. 

ARTICLE.  IV. 

Section  1.  Full  Faith  and  Credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State 
to  the  public  Acts,  Recoros,  and  judicial  Proceedings  of  every 


Constitution  of  the  United  States  xvii 

Other  State.     And  the  Congress  may  by  general  Laws  prescribe   Interstate 
the  Manner  in  which  such  Acts,  Records  and  Proceedings  shall  be   comity. 
proved,  and  the  Effect  thereof. 

Section  2.     [1]  The  Citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to   Interstate 
all  Privileges  and  Immunities  of  Citizens  in  the  several  States.          citizen- 
[2]   A  Person  charged  in  any  State  with  Treason,  Felony  or 


other  Crime,  who  shall  flee  from  Justice,  and  be  found  in  another   tion  of 
State,  shall  on  Demand  of  the  executive  Authority  of  the  State   criminals. 
from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State 
having  Jurisdiction  of  the  Crime. 

[3]  No  Person  held  to  Service  or  Labour  in  one  State,  under   Fugitive 
the  Laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  Consequence  of   slaves- 
any  Law  or  Regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  Service  or 
Labour,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  Claim  of  the  Party  to  whom 
such  Service  or  Labour  may  be  due. 

Section  3.     [1]  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress    Admission 
into  this  Union  ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected   °f  new 
within  the  Jurisdiction  of  any  other   State  ;  nor  any  State  be       a  as' 
formed  by  the  Junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  Parts  of  States, 
without  the  Consent  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned  as 
well  as  of  the  Congress. 

[2]   The  Congress  shall  have  Power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all   Govern- 
needful  Rules  and  Regulations  respecting  the  Territory  or  other   ment  of 
Property  belonging  to  the  United  States  ;  and  nothing  in  this  Con-   national 
stitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  Prejudice  any  Claims  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Section  4.    The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  protection 
this  Union  a  Republican  Form  of  Government,  and  shall  protect  of  States. 
each  of  them  against  Invasion  ;  and  on  Application  of  the  Legis- 
lature, or  of  the  Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  con- 
vened) against  domestic  Violence. 

ARTICLE.  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it  AMENIV 
necessary,  shall  propose  Amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on   CONSTITU- 
the  Application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several   TION. 
States,  shall  call  a  Convention  for  proposing  Amendments,  which, 
in  either  Case,  shall  be  valid  tc  all  Intents  and  Purposes  as  Part  of 


XV111 


Constitution  of  the   United  States 


this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three  fourths 
of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof, 
as  the  one  or  the  other  Mode  of  Ratification  may  be  proposed  by 
the  Congress;  Provided  that  no  Amendment  which  may  be  made 
prior  to  the  Year  One  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in 
any  Manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  Clauses  in  the  Ninth  Sec- 
tion of  the  first  Article;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  Consent, 
shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  Suffrage  in  the  Senate. 


MISCEL- 
LANEOUS. 

Preexist- 
ing nation- 
al debt. 
Suprem- 
acy of 
Constitu- 
tion. 
treaties, 
and  na- 
tional law. 

Oaths  of 
national 
and  state 
officials. 


ARTICLE.  VL 

[1]  All  Debts  contracted  and  Engagements  entered  into,  before 
the  Adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the 
United  States  under  this  Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

[2]  This  Constitution,  and  the  Laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  Pursuance  thereof ;  and  all  Treaties  made,  or 
which  shall  be  made,  under  the  Authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  Law  of  the  Land ;  and  the  Judges  in  every 
State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any  Thing  in  the  Constitution  or 
Laws  of  any  State  to  the  Contrary  notwithstanding. 

[3]  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and 
the  Members  of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executi  fe 
and  judicial  Officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  sevf  :al 
States,  shall  be  bound  by  Oath  or  Affirmation,  to  support  this  '<  on- 
stitution ;  but  no  religious  Test  shall  ever  be  required  as  ?  C  tali- 
fication  to  any  Office  or  public  Trust  under  the  United  Staue,1 


TIOH. 


ABTICLE.  VII. 

The  Ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States,  shall  be  suffi- 
cient  for  the  Establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States 
so  ratifying  the  Same. 

Done  in  Convention  by  the  Unanimous  Consent  of  the  States 
present  the  Seventeenth  Day  of  September  in  the  Year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  Eighty  seven  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  Twelfth 
IN  WITNESS  whereof  We  have  hereunto  subscribed  our  Names, 

G°  WASHINGTON  - 
Presidt.  and  Deputy  from  Virginia 
£and  thirty  eight  members  from  all  the  States  except  Rhode  Island.] 


Constitution  of  the  United  States  xix 


ARTICLES  IN  ADDITION  TO,  AND  AMENDMENT  OF, 
THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF 
AMERICA,  PROPOSED  BY  CONGRESS,  AND  RATIFIED 
BY  THE  LEGISLATURES  OF  THE  SEVERAL  STATES 
PURSUANT  TO  THE  FIFTH  ARTICLE  OF  THE  ORIGI- 
NAL CONSTITUTION. 

[ARTICLE  I1]  Prohibi. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  reli-   *1011S  on 
gion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the    respecting 
freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the1  press  ;   or  the  right  of  the  people    religion, 

peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  speech, 

c      •  and 

of  grievances.  the  press. 
[ARTICLE  II '] 

A  well  regulated  Militia,  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a   Right  to 
free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  Arms,  shall  not   bear  arms, 
be  infringed. 

[ARTICLE  III1] 

No  Soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace  be  quartered  in  any  house,   Quarter- 
without  the  consent  of  the  Owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a   ing  of 
manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law.  soldiers. 

[ARTICLE  IV1] 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,   Right  of 
papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,   search, 
shall  not  be  violated,  and   no  Warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon 
probable  cause,  supported  by  Oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly 
describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to 
be  seized. 

[ARTICLE  V1] 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise   Protection 
infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  of  accused 

in  criminal 

1  First  ten  amendments  proposed  by  Congress,  Sept.  25,  1789.     Pro-   caseg. 
claimed  to  be  in  force  Dec.  15,  1791. 


XX 


Constitution  of  the  United  States 


Rights  of 

accused 

regarding 

trial. 


Jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
Militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  War  or  public  danger; 
nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice 
put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any 
Criminal  Case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law;  nor  shall 
private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  without  just  compensa- 
tion. 

[ARTICLE  VI1] 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to 
a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and 
district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  dis- 
trict shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be 
informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation;  to  be  con- 
fronted with  the  witnesses  against  him;  to  have  compulsory 
process  for  obtaining  Witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the 
Assistance  of  Counsel  for  his  defence. 


Jury  trial 
in  law- 
suits. 


Bail  and 
punish- 
ment. 


Unenu- 

m era ted 
rights. 


Undelega- 
ted  pow- 
ers. 


[ARTICLE  VII1] 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall 
exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved, 
and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any 
Court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
common  law. 

[ARTICLE  VIII1] 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed, 
nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

[ARTICLE  IX1] 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain  rights,  shall 
not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the 
people. 

[ARTICLE  X1] 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

1  First  ten  amendments  proposed  by  Congress,  Sept.  25,  1789.  Pro- 
claimed to  be  in  force  Dec.  15, 1791. 


Constitution  of  the  United  States  xxi 


ARTICLE  XI1 

The  Judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  Exemp- 

to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  tion  of 

against  one  of  the  United  States  by  Citizens  of  another  State,  or  a  es 
by  Citizens  or  Subjects  of  any  Foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XII 

The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  states,  and  vote  by  New 
ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  method  of 

shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  state  with  themselves;  they  electinS 

President 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and 

in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  they   ( 
shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  Of  Art.  jj 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of  Sec.  I, 
votes  for  each,  which  lists  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  cl-  2>) 
sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed   (Proposed 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate ;  —  The  President  of  the  Senate  ^  12' 
shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  ciargd  in 
all  the  certificates  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted ;  —  The  force  Sept 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President,  shall  be  ^>»  1804.) 
the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  Electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then 
from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three 
on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.    But  in 
choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  states,  the  repre- 
sentation from  each  state  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for  this 
purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of 
the  states,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  states  shall  be  necessary  to  a 
choice.     And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a 
President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them, 
before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other 
constitutional  disability  of  the  President.     The  person  having  the 
greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-President,  shall  be  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  Electors 
appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two 

1  Proposed  September  5, 1794.    Declared  in  force  January  8,  1798. 


xxii  Constitution  of  the  United  States 

highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the 
whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  -whole  number 
shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally 
ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  XIII 

Abolition  Section  1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as 

of  slavery.  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly 

I  ropose  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  sub- 

1866.  *De-  ject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

force  Dec        Section  2.   Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by 
18,  1865.)     appropriate  legislation. 

ARTICLE  XIV 

Section  1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States, 
States  —  an(l  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United 
protection  States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make 
of.  (Pro-  or  enforce  any  iaw  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immuni- 
16  l866Uie  **es  °^  c^izens  of  the  United  States;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive 
Declared  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law  ; 
in  force  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protec- 
tion  of  the  laws. 


New  basis        Section  2.   Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 

of  repre-      States  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole 

sentation     number  of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed. 

But  when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choice  of  elec- 

(Supersed-  tors  for  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  Repre- 

ing  part  of  sentatives  in  Congress,  the  Executive  and  Judicial  officers  of  a 

Art.  I,  sec.   gtate,  or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any 

of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one  years  of 

age,  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged, 

except  for  participation  in  rebellion,  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of 

representation  therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which 

the  number  of  such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number 

of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such  State. 

Section  3.   No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in 
Congress,  or  elector  of  President  and  Vice  President,  or  hold  any 


Constitution  of  the   United  States  xxiii 

office,  civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States,  or  under  any    Disabili- 

State,  who.  having  previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Con-    ^s  of  offi< 

rials  en- 
gress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any   orage(j  in 

State  legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,   rebellion, 
to  support  the   Constitution  of  the  United   States,   shall  have 
engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid 
or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.     But  Congress  may  by  two- 
thirds  vote  of  each  House,  remove  such  disability. 

Section  4.   The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,   Validity  of 
authorized  by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pen-   war  debt> 
sions  and  bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  re- 
bellion, shall  not  be  questioned.     But  neither  the  United  States 
nor  any  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred 
in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  or 
any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave ;  but  all  such 
debts,  obligations  and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

Section  5.   The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by  appro- 
priate legislation,  the  provisions  of  this  article. 

ARTICLE  XV1 

Section  1.   The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote   Voting 

shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  rignts  °* 

,  J     .  ,.,.          ,  ..     ,J    citizens  of 

State  on  account  of  race,  color  or  previous  condition  of  servitude.   tne  y_  g_ 

Section  2.   The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article 
by  appropriate  legislation. 

ARTICLE  XVI 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes  on  in-  Income 
comes,   from    whatever   source    derived,   without    apportionment  *ax- 
among  the  several  states,  and  without  regard  to  any  census  or 
enumeration. 

ARTICLE  XVII 
\ 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Sena-  Direct 
tors  from  each  State,  elected  by  the  people  thereof,  for  six  years ;  eiect 
and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote.     The  electors  in  each  State 

1  Proposed  February  27,  1869.    Declared  in  force  March  30,  1870. 


xxiv  Constitution  of  the  United  States 

shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most 
numerous  branch  of  the  State  legislatures. 

Method  of       When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  of  any  State  in 

election.      ^ne  Senate,  the  executive  authority  of  each  State  shall  issue  writs 

Temporary  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies :  Provided  that  the  legislature  of 

appoint-      any  State  may  empower  the  executive  thereof  to  make  temporary 

appointments  until  the  people  fill  the  vacancies  by  election  as  the 

legislature  may  direct. 

This  amendment  shall  not  be  so  construed  as  to  affect  the  elec- 
tion or  term  of  any  Senator  chosen  before  it  becomes  valid  as  part 
of  the  Constitution. 


Table  of  Presidents 


xxv 


TABLE  I.    PRESIDENTS 


NAME 

STATE 

PARTY 

YEAR  IN 
OFFICE 

VICE  PRESIDENT 

i  George  Washington 

Va. 

(Fed.) 

1780-1797 

John  Adams 

2  John  Adams 

Mass. 

Fed. 

1797-1801 

Thomas  Jefferson 

3  Thomas  Jefferson 

Va. 

Rep. 

1801-1809 

Aaron  Burr 

George  Clinton 

4  James  Madison 

Va. 

Rep. 

1809-1817 

George  Clinton 

Elbridge  Gerry 

5  James  Monroe 

Va. 

Rep. 

1817-1825 

Daniel  D.  Tompkins 

6  John  Q.  Adams 

Mass. 

Rep. 

1825-1829 

John  C.  Calhoun 

7  Andrew  Jackson 

Tenn. 

Dem. 

1829-1837 

John  C.  Calhoun 

Martin  Van  Buren 

8  Martin  Van  Buren 

N.Y. 

Dem. 

1837-1841 

Richard  M.  Johnson 

9  Wm.  H.  Harrison 

Ohio 

Whig 

1841-1841 

John  Tyler 

10  John  Tyler  l 

Va. 

(Whig) 

1841-1845 

ii  James  K.  Polk 

Tenn. 

Dem. 

1845-1849 

George  M.  Dallas 

12  Zachary  Taylor 

La. 

Whig 

1849-1850 

Millard  Fillmore 

13  Millard  Fillmore  x 

N.Y. 

Whig 

1850-1853 

14  Franklin  Pierce 

N.H. 

Dem. 

1853-1857 

William  R.  King 

15  James  Buchanan 

Pa. 

Dem. 

1857-1861 

J.  C.  Breckenridge 

1  6  Abraham  Lincoln 

111. 

Rep. 

1861-1865 

Hannibal  Hamlin 

Andrew  Johnson 

17  Andrew  Johnson  1 

Tenn. 

(Rep.) 

1865-1869 

1  8  Ulysses  S.  Grant 

111. 

Rep. 

1860-1877 

Schuyler  Colfax 

Henry  Wilson 

19  Rutherford  B.  Hayes 

Ohio 

Rep. 

1877-1881 

Wm.  A.  Wheeler 

20  James  A.  Garfield 

Ohio 

Rep. 

1881-1881 

Chester  A.  Arthur 

21  Chester  A.  Arthur  1 

N.Y. 

Rep. 

1881-1885 

22  Grover  Cleveland 

N.Y. 

Dem. 

1885-1889 

Thomas  A.  Hendricks 

23  Benjamin  Harrison 

Ind. 

Rep. 

1889-1893 

Levi  P.  Morton 

24  Grover  Cleveland 

N.Y. 

Dem. 

1893-1897 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson 

25  William  McKiiiley 

Ohio 

Rep. 

1897-1901 

Garrett  A.  Hobart 

Theodore  Roosevelt 

26  Theodore  Roosevelt 

N.Y. 

Rep. 

1901-1909 

Chas.  W.  Fairbanks 

27  William  H.  Taft 

Ohio 

Rep. 

1909-1913 

James  S.  Sherman 

28  Woodrow  Wilson 

N.J. 

Dem. 

1913- 

Thomas  R.  Marshall' 

TABLE  II.    PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS 


YEAR 

SUCCESSFUL 
CANDIDATE 

CHIEF 
OPPONENT 

POPULAR  VOTE 

ELECTORAL 
VOTE 

1789 

Washington 

Unanimous 

1792 

Washington 

Unanimous 

1796 

Adams 

Jefferson 

71  to  68 

1800 

Jefferson 

Adams 

73  to  65* 

1804 

Jefferson 

C.  C.  Pinckney 

162  to  14 

1808 

Madison 

C.  C.  Pinckney 

122  to  47 

1812 

Madison 

De  W.  Clinton 

128  to  89 

1816 

Monroe 

King 

183  to  34 

1820 

Monroe 

231  to  i 

1824 

Adams 

Jackson 

105,321  to  155,872 

84  of  261" 

1828 

Jackson 

Adams 

647,231  to  509,097 

178  to  83 

1832 

Jackson 

Clay 

687,502  to  530,189 

219  to  49 

1  Raised  from  the  vice  presidency.      2  Elected  by  House  of  Representatives. 


XXVI 


Table  of  Congress  since  1865 


PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS.  —  Continued 


YEAR 

SUCCESSFUL 
CANDIDATE 

CHIEF 
OPPONENT 

POPULAR  VOTE 

ELECTORAL 
VOTE 

i8}6 

Van  Buren 

Harrison 

761,54910     736,656! 

170  to  73 

1840 

Harrison 

Van  Buren 

1,275,017  to  1,128,702 

234  to  60 

1844 

Polk 

Clay 

1,337,243  to  1,299,068 

170  to  105 

1848 

Taylor 

Cass 

1,360,101  to  1,220,544 

163  to  127 

1852 

Pierce 

Scott 

1,601,474  to  1,380,576 

254  to  42 

1856 

Buchanan 

Fremont 

1,838,169  to  i,  341,  264  2 

174  to  114 

1860 

Lincoln 

Douglas 

1,866,352  tO  1,375,157  3 

180  to  123  4 

1864 

Lincoln 

McClellan 

2,216,067  to  1,808,725 

212  tO  21 

1868 

Grant 

Seymour 

3,015,071  to  2,709,615 

214  to  80 

1872 

Grant 

Greeley 

3,597,070  to  2,834,079 

286  to  63  4 

1876 

Hayes 

Tilden 

4,033,95°  to  4,284,885 

185  to  184 

1880 

Garfield 

Hancock 

4,449,053  to  4,442,035 

214  to  155 

1884 

Cleveland 

Elaine 

4,911,017  to  4,848,334 

219  to  182 

1888 

Har/ison 

Cleveland 

5,440,216  to  5,538,233 

233  to  168 

1892 

Cleveland 

Harrison 

5,556,918  to  5,  176,108  5 

277  to  145 

1896 

McKinley 

Bryan 

7,104,779  to  6,502,925 

271  to  176 

1900 

McKinley 

Bryan 

7,207,923  to  6,358,133 

292  to  155 

1904 

Roosevelt 

Parker 

7,623,486  to  5,077,971 

336  to  140 

1908 

Taft 

Bryan 

7,678,908  to  6,409,104 

321  to  162 

1912 

Wilson 

Roosevelt 

6,293,019  to  4,119,507 

435  to  88 

TABLE   III.     CONGRESS   SINCE   1865 


NUMBER 

OF 

CONGRESS 

YEARS 

SENATE 

HOUSE 

SPEAKER 

Rep. 

Dem. 

Rep. 

Dem. 

39 

1865-1867 

4i 

ii 

145 

40 

Schuyler  Colfax 

40 

1867-1869 

42 

ii 

143 

49 

Schuyler  Colfax 

4i 

1869-1871 

58 

ii 

I5i 

78 

James  G.  Blaine 

42 

1871-1873 

57 

17 

138 

103 

James  G.  Blaine 

43 

1873-1875 

47 

20 

194 

92 

James  G.  Blaine 

44 

1875-1877 

43 

29 

107 

1  68 

Michael  C.  Kerr 

Samuel  J.  Randall 

45 

1877-1879 

36 

39 

142 

151 

Samuel  J.  Randall 

46 

1870-1881 

32 

44 

129 

148 

Samuel  J.  Randall 

47 

1881-1883 

37 

38 

146 

138 

John  W.  Keifer 

48 

1883-1885 

40 

36 

124 

198 

John  G.  Carlisle 

49 

1885-1887 

42 

34 

1  20 

204 

John  G.  Carlisle 

50 

1887-1889 

39 

37 

153 

168 

John  G.  Carlisle 

51 

1889-1891 

39 

37 

1  66 

159 

Thomas  B.  Reed 

52 

1891-1893 

47 

39 

88 

236 

Charles  F.  Crisp 

53 

1893-1895 

38 

44 

126 

220 

Charles  F.  Crisp 

54 

1895-1897 

42 

39 

246 

104 

Thomas  B.  Reed 

55 

1897-1899 

46 

34 

206 

134 

Thomas  B.  Reed 

56 

1899—1901 

53 

26 

185 

163 

David  B.  Henderson 

57 

1901-1903 

56 

29 

198 

153 

David  B.  Henderson 

58 

1903-1905 

58 

32 

206 

174 

Joseph  G.  Cannon 

59 

1905-1907 

58 

32 

250 

136 

Joseph  G.  Cannon 

60 

1907-1909 

61 

29 

222 

164 

Joseph  G.  Cannon 

61 

1909-1911 

60 

32 

219 

172 

Joseph  G.  Cannon 

62 

1911-1913 

Si 

41 

l62 

228 

Champ  Clark 

63 

1913-1915 

45 

Si 

127* 

290 

Champ  Clark 

1  Entire  Whig  opposition,  4  candidates. 
3  Breckenridge,  845,763,  Bell,  589-581. 
*  Weaver,  1,041,028. 


2  Fillmore,  874,538. 
4  Total  opposition  vote. 
8  1 8  Progressives. 


Table  of  Chief  Justices  xxvii 

TABLE  IV.     CHIEF  JUSTICES  OF  THE   SUPREME   COURT 


NAME 

STATE 

APPOINTED  BY 

YEARS 

IN  OFFICE 

i  John  Jay 
2  John  Rutledge 

New  York 
South  Carolina 

Washington 
Washington 

1780-1795 
I795-I79S 

3  Oliver  Ellsworth 

Connecticut 

Washington 

1796-1800 

4  John  Marshall 

Virginia 

Adams 

1801-1835 

5  Roger  B.  Taney 

Maryland 

Jackson 

1836-1864 

6  Salmon  P.  Chase 

Ohio 

Lincoln 

1864-1873 

7  Morrison  R.  Waite 

Ohio 

Grant 

1874-1888 

8  Melville  W.  Fuller 

Illinois 

Cleveland 

1888-1910 

9  Edward  D.  White 

Louisiana 

Taft 

1910- 

TABLE  V.    THE   STATES 

H 
H 

RANK  IN  1910 

BECAME 

LAND 

'> 

fl 

c 

0! 

MEMBER 

AREA, 

POPULATION 

ij 

.2 

*l-i 

^ 

E 
3 

a 

« 

STATE 

O 

.2 

J3 

OF 

SQUARE 

1910 

g 

_tS 

3 

1 

~5 

rt 

UNION 

MILES 

O 

5- 

3 

•53 

o 
3 

• 

o 

a 

ao 

T3J 

•^ 

3 

W 

Pi 

a 

% 

< 

W 

Alabama 

1819 

51,279 

2,138,093 

12 

18 

30 

17 

48 

27 

Arizona 

1912 

H3,354 

204,354 

3 

45 

42 

47 

30 

46 

Arkansas 

1836 

52,525 

1,574,449 

9 

25 

35 

32 

43 

.51 

California 

1850 

155,652 

2,377,549 

13 

12 

ii 

25 

4 

6 

Colorado 

1876 

103,658 

799,024 

6 

32 

3i 

29 

9 

21 

Connecticut 

1788 

4,820 

1,114,756 

7 

31 

12 

40 

5 

19 

Delaware 

1787 

1,965 

202,322 

3 

46 

41 

44 

35 

47 

Florida 

1845 

54,86i 

752,619 

6 

33 

37 

38 

34 

4i 

Georgia 

1788 

58,725 

2,609,121 

M 

10 

24 

5 

44 

22 

Idaho 

1890 

83,354 

325,594 

4 

44 

43 

34 

19 

43 

Illinois 

1818 

56,043 

5,638,591 

29 

3 

3 

i 

8 

3 

Indiana 

1816 

36,045 

2,700,876 

IS 

9 

9 

8 

10 

12 

Iowa 

1846 

55,586 

2,224,771 

13 

IS 

18 

2 

21 

7 

Kansas 

1861 

8i,774 

1,690,949 

10 

22 

14 

6 

24 

15 

Kentucky 

1792 

40,181 

2,289,905 

ii 

14 

20 

21 

42 

17 

Louisiana 

1812 

45,409 

1,656,388 

10 

24 

19 

27 

39 

26 

Maine 

1820 

29,895 

742,371 

6 

34 

27 

35 

22 

33 

Maryland 

1788 

9,94i 

1,295,346 

8 

27 

15 

3i 

36 

18 

Massachusetts 

1788 

8,039 

3,366,416 

18 

6 

4 

37 

2 

5 

Michigan 

1837 

57,48o 

2,810,173 

15 

8 

7 

M 

17 

10 

Minnesota 

1858 

80,858 

2,075,708 

12 

19 

13 

10 

20 

9 

Mississippi 

1817 

46,362 

I,797,H4 

10 

21 

34 

IS 

45 

36 

Missouri 

1821 

68,727 

3,293,335 

18 

7 

10 

7 

32 

8 

Montana 

1889 

146,201 

376,053 

4 

40 

36 

36 

16 

34 

Nebraska 

1867 

76,808 

1,192,214 

8 

29 

25 

9 

25 

16 

Nevada 

1864 

109,821 

81,875 

3 

48 

46 

46 

27 

48 

New  Hampshire 

1788 

9,03i 

430,572 

4 

39 

28 

41 

13 

39 

New  Jersey 

1787 

7,514 

2,537,i67 

14 

II 

6 

32 

7 

ii 

New  Mexico 

1912 

122,503 

327,301 

3 

43 

47 

45 

40 

44 

New  York 

1788 

47,654 

9,113,614 

45 

I 

i 

12 

3 

I 

North  Carolina 

1789 

48,740 

2,206,287 

12 

16 

23 

20 

46 

29 

North  Dakota 

1889 

70,183 

577,056 

5 

37 

44 

II 

18 

35 

Ohio 

1803 

40,740 

4,767,121 

24 

4 

5 

4 

6 

4 

XXV111 


Table  of  the  Territories 


THE  STATES.  —  Continued 


s 

RANK  IN  1910 

BECAME 

LAND 

1 

a 

60 

3 

„ 

STATE 

MEMBER 

AREA, 

POPULATION 

H 

1 

0 

s 

3 

§ 

-a 

OF 

SQUARE 

1910 

2 

3 

1 

"3 

0) 

~. 

UNION 

MILES 

5 

1 

3 

'C 

3 
"O 

it 

w 

P- 

a 

< 

m 

Oklahoma 

1007 

69,414 

i,657,i55 

IO 

23 

40 

19 

31 

24 

O  -egon 

1859 

95,607 

672,765 

5 

35 

33 

30 

15 

28 

Pennsylvania 

1787 

44,832 

7,665,711 

38 

2 

2 

13 

23 

2 

Rhode  Island 

1  700 

1,067 

542,610 

5 

38 

16 

48 

ii 

sa 

South  Carolina 

i  ',88 

30,495 

1,515,400 

9 

26 

32 

16 

47 

South  Dakota 

1889 

76,868 

583,888 

5 

36 

45 

22 

26 

37 

Tennessee 

1796 

41,687 

2,184,789 

12 

17 

26 

24 

37 

23 

Texas 

1845 

262,398 

3,896,542 

20 

5 

17 

3 

38 

'4 

Utah 

1896 

82,184 

373,351 

4 

39 

41 

14 

40 

Vermont 

1791 

9,124 

355,956 

4 

42 

38 

39 

12 

*3 

Virginia 

1788 

40,262 

2,061,612 

12 

20 

22 

26 

41 

20 

Washington 

i88g 

66,836 

1,141,990 

7 

30 

21 

28 

I 

2S 

West  Virginia 

1863 

24,022 

1,221,119 

8 

28 

29 

33 

33 

90 

Wisconsin 

1848 

55,256 

2,333,86o 

13 

13 

8 

18 

28 

13 

Wyoming 

1890 

97,594 

145,965 

3 

47 

48 

43 

29 

45 

2,973,830 

91,641,197 

531 

1  Report  of  Russell  Sage  Foundation. 
*  Census  report  for  1904. 

TABLE  VI.    THE  TERRITORIES 


TERRITORY 

AREA, 
SQUARE  MILES 

POPULATION 

1910 

1900 

Alaska 
Hawaii 
Porto  Rico 
Philippine  Islands 

590,884 
6,449 
3,435 
115,026 

64,356 
191,909 
1,118,012 

63,590 
154,001 

953,243 
7,635,426  i 

1903. 


TABLE  VII.    THE  SECTIONS    (1790-1860) 


DATE 

POPULATION 

SENATE 

HOUSE  l 

Free  States 

Slave  States 

Free 

Slave 

Free 

Slave 

1790 
1800 
1916 
1820 
1830 
1840 
1850 
1860 

1,968,455 
2,684,616 
3,758,910 
5,152,372 
7,006,399 
9,733,922 
13,599,488 
19,128,418 

1,961,372 
2,621,316 
3,480,902 
4,485,819 
5,848,312 
7,334,433 
9,663,997 
12,315,372 

14 
16 
18 
24 
24 
26 
32 
36 

12 

16 
16 
24 
24 
26 
30 
30 

55 
76 
103 
123 
141 

135 
144 

155 

46 
65 
78 
oo 
99 
88 
90 
9i 

1  The  representation  in  the  House  is  that  based  on  the  census  of  the  year 
mentioned,  including  only  states  in  the  Union  in  that  year. 


INDEX 


ABOLITIONISTS,   the,   335-336,    342, 

367  ;  see  also  Slavery. 
Acadia,  87,  go,  94,  g8. 
Acts  of  trade,  see  Navigation  acts. 
Adams,  C.  F.,  391,  420. 
Adams,  John:  before  1797,  135,  146, 

158,  183,  185,  223. 
biography  of,  243. 
portrait  of,  242. 
president,  242-247. 
Adams,  John  Q. :    before  1824,  261, 

275,  288,  200. 
portrait  of,  296. 

president,  295,  296,  297,  298,  305. 
Adams,  Samuel,  146,  147. 
Admission   of   new  states,  220,  334, 

map  opposite  page  538. 
Agriculture:    in  colonial  times,  no- 

iii.    . 

after  Civil  War,  458-460. 
chart  of,  458. 

exports  of  products  of,  460,  556. 
Aguinaldo,  507. 
Aix-la-Chapelle,    treaty    of    (1748), 

94,  95- 
Alabama,    285,   375,   418,   419,   439, 

541- 
Alabama,  the,  420. 

Claims,  420. 
Alaska,  509. 

boundary,  484. 
Albany  Congress,  97. 
Alexander  of  Russia,  275. 
Alexander  VI,  Pope,  26. 
Alger,  Russell  A.,  507. 
Algonquin  Indians,   12,  44,   55,   78, 

269. 

Alien  acts  (1798),  244. 
Allegheny    River,    French    forts  on, 

95- 
Alliance,    French    (1778),    174-175, 

244. 

Farmers',  462—463. 
Holy,  289-290. 
Altgeld,  Governor,  560. 
Amendments,  see  Constitution. 
America,  naming  of,  29  (maps). 


American  Association,  150. 
American  Federation  of  Labor,  559. 
American  party,  358. 
Ames,  Fisher,  236. 

Amnesty,  after  Civil  War,  433,  435. 
Anderson,  Major  Robert,  381—382. 
Andre,  Major  John,  180. 
Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  79,  80,  81. 
Anglo-Saxons,   in  colonies,   see   Col- 
onies, English,  people  of. 
Annapolis  Conference  (1786),  200. 
Annexations   of    territory,    183-186, 
253-256,    288-289,     331-332, 
341-344,  502,  509. 
Antietam,  battle  of,  410-411,  413. 
Anti-Federalists,  203. 
Anti-Masonic  party,  300. 
Anti-rebate  laws,  556  «. 
Anti-trust  laws,  of  the  states,  551 ; 

of  the  U.S.,  529,  552-554,  555  n. 
Appalachian  mountains,  7,  9. 
Appointments  to  public  office,  301— 

302,  467-469. 
Appomattox,  425. 
Apportionment    of    representatives, 

202. 
Arbitration,  industrial,  561. 

national,  488-490,  535. 

treaties,  515. 
Aristotle,  views  of,  21. 
Arkansas,  334,  384,  417,  435,  439. 
Armada,  Spanish,  33,  34,  36. 
Armstrong,  John,  262. 
Army:  after  1801,  250. 

American  dread  of,  138,  192. 

in  1763,  137. 

in  Civil  War,   382-383,   387-389, 
429. 

in    Revolutionary   War,    162-164, 
175,  192-193- 

in  War  of  1812,  270,  277. 

since  1898,  498,  503,  504. 
Arnold,  Benedict,  155,  163,  172. 

treason  of,  170-180. 
Arthur,  Chester  A. 

portrait  of,  465. 

president,  465,  476. 


XXX 


Index 


Articles  of  Confederation,  see  Con- 
federation. 

Ashburton  treaty  (1842),  313-314. 

Asia,  trade  with,   19-20,   225,   514, 
557- 

Assemblies:    beginnings  of,  43,  49, 

52,  60. 
development  of,  92-93,  144. 

Assistance,  writs  of,  134-135,  145. 

Assumption  of  state  debts,  234-235. 

Atlanta,  capture  of,  421—422. 

Atlantic  slope,  7,  8,  9,  161 ;   see  also 
England,  colonies  of. 

Austerlitz,  battle  of,  260. 

Australian  ballot,  460-470. 

Austria,  289. 

Ayllon,  Lucas  de,  31. 

BACON'S  rebellion,  74. 
Bahama  Islands,  26,  389. 
Balboa,  Vasco  de,  30. 
Ballinger,  510,  529,  535. 
Ballot,  reform  of,  469-470,  533. 
Baltimore,  city  of,  219,  274,  382,  538. 
Baltimore,  Lords,  59,  60-61,  82-83. 
Bank:    first  U.S.,  236-237,  279-280. 

second  U.S.,  279-280,  307-310. 
Banks,  colonial,  114. 

present  national,  391,  485. 

Western  state,  280,  309,  328. 
Baptists,  see  Churches. 
Barbary  war,  276-277. 
Bear  Flag  Republic  (1846),  346. 
Beauregard,  Gen.  P.  G.  T-,  385. 
Beef,  embalmed,  503. 
Belknap,  W.  W.,  445. 
Bell,  John,  372-373- 
Bemis  Heights,  battles  of,  172-173. 
Bennington,  battle  of,  171. 
Bering  Sea  controversy,  484. 
Berkeley,  Sir  John,  69. 
Berkeley,  Sir  William,  73-75. 
Berlin  Decree  (1806),  264. 
Bermuda  Islands,  389. 
Bill  of  rights  (1689),  81. 

national,  208. 

state,  160.  • 

Black  Hawk  War  (1832),  303. 
Black  Hills,  gold  in,  457. 
Blaine,  James  G. :   character  of,  466. 

political  leader,  464-466. 

portrait  of,  466. 
Blair,  Montgomery,  384. 
Bland-Allison     Silver    Act     (1878), 
457,  479- 


Blockade:    in  Civil  War,  383,  389- 

390. 

in  War  of  1812,  272,  282. 
Blockade  runners,  389,  420. 
Blount,  James  H.,  486. 
Blue  laws  of  Connecticut,  57. 
Board  of  Trade,  84,  128,  130. 
"Body  of  Liberties,"  53. 
Bonds,  sale  of:    in  Civil  War,  391- 

392. 

in  war  with  Spain,  502. 
Bonne  Homme  Richard,  the,  177. 
Bonus  Bill,  282. 
Border   states,    354,    377-378,    383- 

384,  412. 

Boss,  political,  301,  570. 
Boston:   city,  81,  108,  135,  140,  146, 

148,  149,  219. 

in  Revolution,  154-155,  156. 
map  of,  154. 
massacre,  146. 
port  bill,  148. 
tea  party,  148. 
Boston  News  Letter,  120. 
Boundaries   of   U.S.,    185,    255-256, 

289,  343-344,  347,  5O2,  509- 
Bounties:     paid   by   England,    132, 

i34,  138. 

paid  on  sugar  (1890),  476. 
Boxer  movement  in   China   (1900), 

515,  5i9. 

Braddock's  defeat,  98. 
Bradford,  Governor  William,  49. 
Bragg,  General  Braxton,  411,  418- 

419. 

Brandy  wine,  battle  of,  170-171. 
Brazil,  Portuguese  in,  27. 
Breckenridge,  John  C.,  372-373. 
Brewster,  William,  48. 
Bristow,  B.  H.,  445. 
Brooklyn  Heights,  battle  of,  167. 
Brooks,  Preston,  360. 
Brown,  General  Jacob,  273. 
Brown,  John,  360. 
Bryan,  William  J.,  481-482,  507,  516, 

538. 

Buchanan,    President    James,    358, 
360,  366,  372,  374-375,   377, 
382,  395- 
Buell,  General  D.  C.,  404,  411. 
Buena  Vista,  battle  of,  345. 
Buffalo,  Pan-American  exposition  at, 

526,  569. 

Bull  Run,  battles  of,  384-385,  396, 
410, 


'Index 


xxxi 


Bulwer     (Clayton)     treaty     (1850), 

510-511. 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  154-155. 
Burgoyne's  expedition    (1777),    169, 

171-173- 

Burlingame  treaty  (1869),  562  n. 
Burnside,  General  A.  E.,  411. 
Burr,  Aaron,  246,  256-257. 
Business,   see   Commerce,    Industry, 

Panics,  Prosperity,  Tariff. 

CABINET,  the  president's,  213. 

Cable,  submarine,  323. 

Cabots,  the,  28. 

Cabral,  27. 

Cabrillo,  31. 

Calhoun,  John  C. :   279,  288. 

and  extension  of  slavery,  341,  351. 

and  nullification,  305,  306. 

portrait  of,  351. 
California:   admission  of,  340-352. 

conquest  of,  325,  334,  346-347. 
Calverts,  the,  50-61,  82-83. 
Camden,  battle  of,  179. 
Campos,  General,  495. 
Canada:      attempted     conquest    of 
(1812),  271,  272. 

conquest     and     government     of, 
99-101,  137,  149,  155-156. 

disputes  with,  483,  484,  485  n. 

reciprocity  with,  535. 

settlement  of,  87-88,  93. 
Canals:   Erie,  318,  321. 

other  state,  318—319,  321. 

proposed    national,    see    Isthmian 

Canal. 

Canary  Islands,  25. 
Canning,  George,  290. 
Cape  Verde  Islands,  26,  27. 
Capital  of  the  U.S.,    234—235 ;    see 

also  Washington. 

Caravel  of  Columbus  (picture),  26. 
Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  156. 
Carolina,  75—76 ;  see  North  Carolina, 

and  South  Carolina. 
Caroline,  Ft.,  34-35. 
Carpet  baggers,  441-442. 
Cars,  private,  and  the  public,  554, 

556  n.  2. 

Cartier,  explorations  of,  32. 
Cass,  Lewis,  348. 
Catholics,  see  Churches. 
Caucus,  use  of,  295,  300. 
Cavite,  499. 
Cemetery  Ridge,  Gettysburg,  416. 


Census,  202  ;  see  Population. 

Centennial  exposition,  548. 

Central  America,   28,  30,  355,  487, 

510-514. 

Cervera,  Admiral,  500-501. 
Champlain :   Samuel  de,  87—88. 

portrait  of,  87. 
Champlain,  Lake,  94,  155,  156,  161, 

169,  171,  273. 

Chancellorsville,  battle  of,  414. 
Channing,  Edward,  354. 
Charles  I,  and  the  Puritans,  46,  50- 

5i. 

Charles  II,  63,  74,  77,  79. 
Charles  V,  of  Spain,  33. 
Charleston,   76,   108,   148,   156,   178, 

371,  375,  381,  389,  424- 
Charlestown,  Mass.,  154—155. 
Charter  colonies:    control  of,   128— 
129. 

map  of,  opp.  82. 

Charter  of  Privileges,  Pa.  (1701),  71. 
Charters:   of  1606,  40,  44. 

revocation  of,  44,  78-79,  128-129. 

sea-to-sea,  42,  50,  56,  75. 
Chase,    Salmon   P.,    206,    356,   373, 
3&i,  440. 

impeachment  of,  251—252. 
Chatham,    Lord    (Wm.    Pitt),    98, 

99,  142. 

Chattanooga,      campaigns     around, 
418—419. 

map  of,  418. 

Checks  and  balances  in  U.S.  gov- 
ernment, 205-207. 
Cherokee  Indians,  302. 
Cherry  Valley  massacre,  178. 
Chesapeake,  the,  259,  269. 
Chicago:    exposition  at  (1893),  569. 

strike  in  (1894),  560. 

see  also,  372,  481,  536,  538,  567. 
Chickamauga,  battle  of,  419. 
Children's  Bureau,  537. 
China :  Boxer  movement  in,  515,  519. 

loan,    and    "dollar    diplomacy," 
542  and  n.  2. 

integrity  of,  519. 

republic  of,  520. 

trade  with,  19,  225. 

treaties  with,  519  n. 
Chinese  exclusion,  562  n. 
Churches:     Anglican,    77,    80,    115, 
116. 

before  Civil  War,  367. 

Catholic,  60,  81,  116,  223,  224. 


XXX11 


Index 


Churches:  early  national,  223,  225. 
other  colonial,  53,  116. 
Puritan,    46,    50-51,    53-54,    80, 

114-116,  224. 
Cibola,  seven  cities  of,  31. 
Cincinnati,  220. 
Cincinnati,  Society  of,  193. 
Cities:  colonial,  108. 
diagram  of,  566. 
government     of,     331,     442-443, 

569- 

growth  of,  219,  331,  566. 
Citizenship,  190,  240,  361,  448. 
Civil  Rights  acts,  (1866)  437,  (1875) 

450  n. 
Civil  Service  reform,  444,  467-469, 

527. 

Civil  War:  causes  of,  378-380. 
changes  during,  447-451. 
conditions  affecting,  386^-395. 
cost  and  results  of,  425,  428—429, 

447-451. 

prosecution  of,  399-429. 
summary   of   campaigns  of,   427- 

428. 

Clarendon,  Earl  of,  63,  75. 
Clark,  expedition  of  Lewis  and,  255. 
Clark,  George  R.,  178. 
Clay,    Henry:     as   political   leader, 
275,  279,  288,  296,  297,  305, 
307,  308,  342,  351. 
character  of,  270. 

compromises  of,  287,  307,  350-351- 
portrait  of,  351. 

Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  (1850),  510. 
Clermont,  the,  317. 
Cleveland,  President  Grover:    first 
term  of,   465-467,   468,   470- 
471,  475,  486. 
'  portrait  of,  467. 
second  term  of,  478,  479,  480-482, 

486,  489-490,  495-496,  560. 
Climate,  3,  4  (map). 
Clinton,  De  Witt,  318. 
Clinton,   Sir  Henry,   156,   173,   177, 

$78,  182. 

Coaches,  121,  228-229. 
Coal:  labor  controversies,  561. 

production  of,  458. 
Cod  fisheries,  see  Fisheries. 
Coinage,  see  Silver. 

free,  227-228,  457,  481. 
Cold  Harbor,  battle  of,  422. 
Coligny,  Gasper  de,  34. 
Colleges,  119-120,  572. 


Colombia,  negotiations  with  (1003), 

511,  527. 

Colonial  policy,  American,  507-508. 
Colonies:  American,  508-509. 
Dutch,  65-68. 
English,    government    of,    92-93, 

124. 

industry  in,  110-114. 
other  conditions  in,  115-122. 
people  of,  104-110. 
relations  of,   to  Great  Britain, 

70,  83,  127-152. 
settlement    of,    36,    41,    48-50, 

56-57,  59,  64-65,  70,  91. 
French,  32,  34,  86-89,  93,  100. 
Spanish,  31,  35,  289. 
Colonists  and  Indians,  see  Indians. 
Colorado,  562,  572. 
Columbia,  District  of,  see  District. 
Columbia  river,  343,  344. 
Columbia,  S.C.,  424. 
Columbian  exposition  (1893),  569. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  21,  24-28. 

portrait  of,  25. 
Columbus,  Ky.,  401. 
Commerce,  Dep't  of,  554. 
Commerce:    colonial,  110-112,  131- 

135- 

diagrams  of,  258,  458. 
early  national,  202,  232,  325. 
interstate,  199,  317-322,  463-464, 

552-553. 
interstate  commerce  act,  463-464, 

528,  553,  556. 

later  national,  450,  457-458,  556. 
neutral,  240,  257-266. 
under  Confederation,  197  -198,  225. 
see  also  Panics,  Railways. 
Commission  government,  571. 
Commission,  552. 

Committees  of  Correspondence,  147. 
Committee  on  Rules,  532. 
Common  carriers,  see  Railways. 
Commons,  house  of,  143-144. 
Communism  in  colonies,  41,  49. 
Compact  theory  of  the  Constitution, 

205,  245,  303,  374. 
Compromises :       in      Constitutional 

Convention,  201-203. 
Missouri  (1820),  286-288. 
over  nullification  (1833),  306-307. 
over     slavery,     (1850)     35°-353, 

(1861)  375,  377- 
Com  stock  Lode,  457. 
Concord,  battle  of,  154. 


XXX111 


Conestoga  wagons,  121,  122. 
Confederacy,    Southern :     character 
of,   376,   383,   386,   387,   3go, 
393-394- 

failure  of,  425,  447-448. 
formation  of,  375-376. 
leaders  of,  after  1865,  433,  439. 
restriction    of    territory    of,    map 

opp.  427. 
Confederation  :  Articles  of,  158,  189- 

192. 

character  of,  190-192. 
critical  conditions  under,  192-199. 
formation  of,  159,  189. 
Confederation,  New  England,  57-59. 
Congregationalists,     see     Churches, 

Puritan. 

Congress:    Albany  (1754),  97-98. 
during    Confederation,    183,    189- 
190,   191,  192,   195,   196,   198, 
200,  204. 

First  Continental  (1774),  149. 
Second   Continental    (1775),    157- 

160,  163,  165,  176. 
Stamp  Act  (1765),  141. 
Congress,  under  Constitution:    Ap- 
pendix. 

and  colonies,  512. 
and  reconstruction,  434-441,  445- 

447,  450. 

creation  and  organization  of,  201- 
202,   206,   210-212,  appendix, 
table  III. 
increase  of  powers  of,    227,   279- 

281,  447,  450,  506,  553,  554. 
powers  of,  over  slavery,  287,  336, 

356,  361,  371-372,  412,  450. 
Conkling,  Roscoe,  464-465. 
Connecticut:    colony  of,   16,  55-56, 

58,  64,  73,  77,  80,  83. 
state  of,  160,  193,  195,  199. 
Connecticut  Compromise,  201-202. 
Conservation:    Policy,  529;  and  the 
Distribution  of   wealth,  573 ; 
of  Human  Life,  574. 
Constitution  of  the  United  States: 
first   twelve   amendments   of, 
208,  247. 

formation  of,  200-203. 
implied  powers  of,  237,  281,  449- 

45°. 

later  amendments  of,  (i3th)  436, 
448;  (i4th)  438,  448-449; 
(iSth)  439,  448;  (i6th)  541; 
(i7th)  541. 


method  of  amendment  of,  207-208. 

ratification  of,  203-204. 

sources  of,  208-209. 

theories  concerning,  204-206,  303, 
304,  314-315.  447- 

see  also  Unwritten  constitution. 
Constitution,  the,  272. 
Constitution,     written,      160,      189, 

204-209,  448,  576. 
Constitutional  Union  party   (1860), 

371- 
Constitutions  of  the  states,  160,  328, 

534  n.  2. 

Continental  congresses,  see  Congress. 
"  Continental  line,"  163. 
Continental  money,  165-166. 
Contraband  of  war,  240,  257,  412. 
Convention:    nominating,  300,  342, 
371-372. 

of  1787,  201-203. 

state,  1 60. 

Convicts  in  colonial  times,  106. 
Conway  cabal,  176. 
Cooke,  Jay,  558. 
Corinth,  Miss.,  401,  404. 
Corn,  see  Maize. 
Cornwallis,    General    C.,    169,    179, 

180-182. 

Coronado,  F.  V.  de,  31. 
Corporations :  bureau  of,  554. 

control  of,  551-555, 

development  of,  550-551,  and  n.  2. 

tax,  544. 

Correspondence,  see  Committees. 
Corruption,  530-531,  57°- 
Cortez,  Hernando,  32. 
Cosmographie  Introductio,  29. 
Cotton,     importance     of,     339-340, 

386,  390,  556  n.  3. 
Cotton  gin,  222,  339. 
Councils  of  the  colonies,  123. 
County  government,  122—123. 
Courts,  colonial,  123. 

national,  see  Supreme  Court. 

state,  251. 

Cowpens,  battle  of,  181. 
Crater,  at  Petersburg,  423. 
Crawford,  W.  H.,  288,  296. 
Credit  Mobilier,  444—445. 
Creek  Indians,  274,  302. 
Criminals,  117. 
Crittenden  compromise,  377. 
Cuba:    American  protectorate  over, 
516-517. 

insurrections  in,  494-496. 


XXXIV 


Index 


Cuba  :  other  relations  with,  26. 
proposed  annexation  of,  354-355. 
recent   relations   with,    502,    505, 

516-517- 
war  in,  4Q8-5O2. 

Cumberland  Road,  282-283,  318. 
Currency:    before  Civil  War,   113- 

114,  227-228,  280. 
since   Civil   War,    392-393,    455- 

456,  479,  483- 
Currency  Act  (1913),  546- 
Customs,     collection     of,     132-135, 
145 ;  see  also  Tariff. 

DAGUERREOTYPE,  323. 
Dartmouth  College  case,  281. 
Davis  (explorer),  35. 
Davis,  Jefferson :  as  president  of  Con- 
federacy, 376,  387,  394,  422. 

biography  of,  376-377. 

portrait  of,  376. 
Day,  William  R.,  483. 
Debt :  imprisonment  for,  329. 

national,    232,    233-235,   391-392, 

454- 

Debtors'  laws,  329. 
Declaration  of  Independence,    157- 

160. 
Declaration   of   Rights,    (1661)    77, 

(1765)  141,  (1774)  H9-I50. 
Declaratory  Act  (1766),  142. 
Delaware,  67,  72,  204,  384. 
Demarcation,  line  of,  27. 
Democracy:    in  colonial  times,  52- 

53,  56,  92,  122-123,  129. 
in  early  national  period,  284,  292, 

299,  326-329. 

in  recent  times,  563-565,  577. 
Democratic  party,  see  Parties. 
Deposit  of  public  moneys,  309. 
De  Soto,  F.,  32. 
Detroit,  94. 
Dewey,  Admiral  George,  499-500. 

portrait  of,  500. 
Diaz,  518. 

Dickinson,  John,  189. 
Dingley  Tariff  (1897),  4?8. 
Dinwiddie,  Governor,  95. 
Diplomacy:     after    1820,    289-291, 

341,  347,  354-355,  483-491. 
before    1820,    184-185,    240-243, 

252-255,  263,  275. 

Direct  primary,   532-533,   constitu- 
tional amendment,  541. 
Direct  taxes,  202,  236. 


Discovery  of  America,  24-30,  37. 
District  of  Columbia,  234-235,  273- 

274,  336,  350-353,  412. 
Disunion,  see  Secession. 
Doctors,  colonial,  114. 
"Dollar  diplomacy,"  520  n. 
Dollars,  see  Silver  and  Currency. 
Dominion  of  New  England,  79. 
Donelson,  Fort,  402—403. 
Dongan,  Governor,  69. 
Dorchester  Heights,  156. 
Dorchester  venture,  49. 
Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  355-356,  360, 
368-369,  372-373,  426. 

portrait  of,  356. 
Drafts,  388,  394,  395. 
Drake,  Sir  Francis,  34,  35,  36. 
Dred  Scott  decision,  360-361,   363, 

366-367,  369,  371,  395. 
Duane,  W.  J.,  309. 
Duquesne,  Ft.,  95,  97,  98. 
Dutch:    commercial  rivalry  of,  with 
England,  34,  63-64,  67. 

in  Connecticut,  55. 

in  Delaware,  67. 

in  New  York,  65-68. 
Dutch  West  India  companies,  65. 

EARLY,  General  Jubal,  423. 

East,  trade  with,  19. 

East  India  Company,  34,  148. 

Edison,  Thomas  A.,  portrait  of,  568. 

Education:    after  1800,  329-330. 
in  colonial  times,  118-120. 

Educational  land  grants,  330. 

El  Caney,  battle  of,  501. 

Elections:     qualifications    for,    123, 
327—328;     see   also    Suffrage, 
reform  of,  469-470. 

Elections,  presidential,  appendix, 
(1789)  209,  (1796)  242,  (1800- 
1801)  246-247  (map),  (1824- 
1825)  295-297  (map),  (1828) 
298-300,  (1832)  308,  (1836) 
311,  (1840)  311-313,  (1844) 
342  (map),  (1848)  348,  (1852) 
353,  (1856)  358,  (1860)  371- 
373  (map),  (1864)  426,  (1868) 
443,  (1872)  444,  (1876)  445- 
447  (map),  (1880)  464-465, 
(1884)  465-467,  (1888)  475, 
(1892)  476,  (1896)  481-482 
(map),  (1900)  507,  (1904)  527, 
(1908)  530,  (1912)  538,  and 
map,  539- 


Index 


xxxv 


Electoral  "college,"  207,  209. 
Electoral   Commission    (1876),   445- 

446. 

Electoral  Count  Act  (1886),  471. 
Electricity,  use  of,  322,  568. 
Elizabeth,  Queen,  33,  47. 
Elkins  Anti-Rebate  law,  556  n. 
Emancipation:   after  1829,  335,  411, 

4I3- 

before  1829,  221. 
completion  of,  433. 
proclamation  of  (1863),  413. 
Embargoes :    2  60-2  6  2 . 
results  of,  262-263. 
Emigrant  aid  companies,  359. 
Emigration,  see  Immigration. 
England:    after  1760,  135-137,  *43~ 

144,  150-151,  183,  240,  391. 
colonies   of,    9,    36,    40-159;     see 

Colonies, 
conditions    in,    before    1760,    19, 

33,  63-64,  80-81,  127. 
•    contests  of,  with  France,  86,  88, 

89-90,  94-101. 

dispute  of,  with  colonies,  135-151. 
first  war  of,  with  U.S.,  154-186. 
government    of    colonies    of,    92, 

122-123. 

minor  controversies  of,  with  U.S., 
before  War  of  1812,  198,  226, 
232,  239-242,  257-265. 
second  war    of,    with   U.S.,    269- 

275- 

since  1860,  343~344>  390-391,  420, 

455,    483-484,    488-490,    510. 

treaties   of,    with    U.S.,    183-186, 

240-242,  275. 

Enlistments,  163,  387,  388. 
Enumerated    articles,    colonial,    64, 

132,  i33-_ 

Eratosthenes,  views  of,  21. 
Ericsson,  John,  317. 
Erie  Canal,  318,  321. 
Erie,  Lake,  battle  of,  271. 
Erskine  treaty,  263. 
Essex,  the,  272. 
Europe,      see      names      of    different 

countries. 

Eutaw  springs,  battle  of,  182. 
Excise  taxes,  235,  250,  393,  455,  502. 
Executive  departments,  212-214. 
Expansion,    575-578;    see  also  Ter- 
ritorial growth. 

Exploration,     in     America,     30-36, 
37,  87-89,  255. 


Expositions,  569  n. ;  see  also  Pictures, 

568,  569,  570,  571. 
Expunging  resolution  (1835),  309. 

FACTORY  system  after  1810,  323. 
Farmers'  Alliance,  462-463. 
Farms,  number  of,  see  Agriculture. 
Farragut,   Admiral   David   G.,   405, 

419. 

Federalist,  the,  204. 
Federalists,      204,      237-238;       see 

Parties. 
Federal  system  of  government,  205- 

206,  447-450,  576. 
Ferdinand  I  of  Spain,  25. 
Ferguson,  Major,  180. 
Field,  Cyrus  W.,  323. 
Filibustering  in  Congress,  476. 
Filibusters,  in  Cuba,  etc.,  354-355. 
Fillmore,     President    Millard,    348, 

352,  358. 
Finance:    in  Civil  War,   383,   391- 

394,  428-429. 
in  Spanish  war,  502. 
in  times  of  peace,   212,    233-237, 

454-457,  478-483- 
in  war  of  1812,  280. 
Revolutionary,  164-166. 
under    Confederation,    191,    198- 

199,  236. 
see    also    Debts,    Paper    money 

Tariff,  Taxation. 
Fiscal  bank  bill,  313. 
Fiscal  corporation,  313. 
Fish,  Hamilton,  443. 
Fisher,  Ft.,  419-420. 
Fisheries,    northeastern,  6,    49,    90, 

in,  183,  184,  185,  483-484. 
Fiske,  John,  quoted,  99. 
Five  Forks,  425. 

Five  Nations,  see  Iroquois  Indians. 
Flag,  first  American,  159. 
Florida:    exploration  in,  30,  31,  32. 
state  of,  303,  334,  439,  445. 
territorial  changes   of,    100,    196- 

197,  253,  255,  288-289,  332- 
Folk,  and  corruption,  571. 
Foote,  Admiral  A.  H.,  404. 
Force  Acts,  (1808)  261,  (1833)  307, 

(1870)  441. 

Foreign  affairs,  see  Diplomacy. 
Forts,  French,  in  West,  88,  94. 
Forty-niners,  349. 
Fox,  Charles,  183. 
Fox,  George,  69. 


XXXVI 


Index 


France:     ally    during    Revolution, 

173-175,  182,  183,  185. 
Civil  War  and  since,  390,  391,  488. 
colonization  by,  87-89,  93. 
during  early  national  period,  225, 

238-239,    243-244,     253-254, 

260,  265,  289. 
European,  18,  33,  86,  93,  96,  173, 

238. 

explorations  by,  10,  16,  87-89. 
wars  of,  with  England,  86,  89-90, 

94-101,  136. 
Franklin,  Benjamin:  after  1775,  158, 

173-175,  183-185,  201,  229. 
before    Revolutionary    War,    98, 

139,  142- 

biography  of,  173-174. 

portrait  of,  1 74. 
Franklin,  "state"  of,  196. 
Fredericksburg,  battle  of,  41 1 . 
Frederick  the  Great,  169. 
Free  coinage,  see  Silver,  475. 
Freedmen's  Bureau,  436-437,  439. 
Freeport  debate,  369. 
Free  silver  movement,  480. 
Free  Soil  party,  see  Parties. 
Free  trade,  305-306,  324-325. 
Frdmont,  John  C.,  346,  359,  412. 
French  and  Indian  wars,  89-90,  94- 

100. 

Friars'  lands,  control  of,  509. . 
Friends,  see  Quakers. 
Frobisher,  Martin,  35. 
Frontenac,  Count  of,  90. 
Frontier,  219-220,  326-327. 
Fugitive  Slave  Act  (1850),  350,  352- 

354- 

Fulton's  steamboat,  317. 
Fur  trade,  6,  88,  94. 

GAGE,  General,  154-155. 

"Gag  resolutions,"  336. 

Gallatin,  Albert:    250,  275,  283,  318. 

portrait  of,  250. 
Galveston,  commission  government, 

571- 

Gama,  Vasco  da,  20. 
Garfield,  President  James  A.,  464- 

465- 

portrait  of,  464. 
Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  335. 

portrait  of,  335. 
Gaspee  affair  (1773),  147. 
Gates,   General  Horatio,   172,   176, 

179. 


Genet,  Edward,  239. 
Geneva  award,  420  n.    < 
Genoa,  commerce  of,  19. 
Geography,  influence  of,  2-11,  161, 
309,  405-407. 

maps  showing,  i,  4,  5,  n. 
George  III,  100,  136-137,  150,  159, 
162. 

portrait  of,  136. 

Georgia,  91,  178,  194-195,  302-303, 
375- 

Civil  War  and  Reconstruction  in, 

421-422,  424,  439. 
Germans,  immigration  of,  333. 
Germantown,  battle  of,  171. 
Germany,  19,  457. 
Gerry,  Elbridge,  243. 
Gettysburg,  battle  of,  415-416  (map). 
Ghent,  treaty  of  (1814),  274-275. 
Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  36. 
Gin,  cotton,  339. 
Goethals,  Col.  G.  W.,  513,  514. 
Gold,  mining  of,  325,  457,  510,  542 

n    2. 

Gold  Democrats  (1896),  481. 
Gold  reserve,  479. 
Gorges's  lands,  57,  78-79. 
Gorman- Wilson  tariff  act  (1894),  477- 
Gourgues,  de,  35. 

Government :     development    of    na- 
tional,   since    1787,    447-450, 
484-486;    see   also   Congress, 
President,  and  Courts, 
during  the  Revolution,  160-161. 
local,  122-123,  328. 
national,  in  1787,  206-207. 
of  the  colonies,  92—93,  123. 
present  colonial,  508. 
state,  since  1787,  328,  533,  534  n., 

563. 

territorial,  195-196,  348,  354,  356. 

under  the  Confederation,  190-191. 

Governors:     colonial,    92-93,     122, 

129,  144. 

French  colonial,  93. 
state,  160,  328. 
"Graft,"  see  Corruption. 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  429. 
"Grandfather"    clauses    for    voters, 

564/1. 

Granger  railway  laws,  462-463,  551. 
Grant,  President  Ulysses  S. :    biog- 
raphy of,  402. 

campaigns  of,   401-404,   416-419, 
422-425,  431. 


Index 


xxxvn 


Grant,  President  Ulysses  S. :  politi- 
cal career  of,  443-445,  464, 
467. 

portrait  of,  402. 
Grasse,  de,  Admiral,  182. 
Great  Britain,  see  England. 
Great  Lakes,  8. 

Greeley,  Horace,  330,  412,  444. 
Greenback  party,  see  Parties. 
Greenbacks :      constitutionality    of, 

455-456. 

issuance  of,  392~393,  455,  483. 
see  also  Paper  money. 
Greene,    General    Nathanael,    163, 

181-182. 
portrait  of,  181. 
Green  Mountain  Boys,  155. 
Grenville,    George,    137,    138,    139, 

142. 

Gresham,  Walter  Q.,  479. 
Guilford  Court  House,  battle  of,  181. 

HABEAS  CORPUS,  writ  of,  83,  394, 

395,  426. 

Hague  Peace  Conference,  516. 
Halifax  award,  484  n. 
Halleck,  General  Henry,  404,  410. 
Hamilton,     Alexander :      biography 

of,  213. 
general,   200,   201,   204,   237,   241, 

242,  256. 
portrait  of,  213. 
secretary    of    the    treasury,    213, 

226,  233-237,  265. 
Hamilton,  Andrew,  120. 
Hamilton,  General  (British),  178. 
Hancock,  General  Winfield  S.,  464. 
Hanna,  Mark,  527. 
Harper's  Ferry,  406. 
Harper's  Weekly,  443. 
Harrison,  President  Benjamin,  475, 

485,  486. 
Harrison,  President  William  Henry, 

17,  269,  271,  311-313. 
Hartford  Convention,  277-278. 
Harvard  College,  119. 

view  of,  119. 
Havana,  100,  496,  522. 
Hawaiian  Islands,  486,  508. 
Hawkins,  Sir  John,  35. 
Hay,  John,  482,  505,  520,  528. 
Hayes,    President    Rutherford    B., 

445-447- 

Haymarket  riot,  Chicago,  560. 
Haynes,  Senator  Robert,  303-304. 


Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  (1901),  511, 

5M- 

Helper's  Impending  Crisis,  368. 
Hendricks,  Thomas,  470. 
Henry,  Ft.,  402. 
Henry,  Patrick,  131,  140. 

portrait  of,  140. 
Henry,  Prince,  of  Portugal,  20. 
Henry  IV  of  France,  86. 
Henry  letters,  269. 
Hessians,    in     Revolutionary     War, 

158,  162,  168,  171. 
High  £ost  of  living,  545. 
Hobkirk's  Hill,  battle  of,  181. 
Holding  company,  551  n.  2. 
Holland :   colonies  of,  6,  65-68. 

general,  48,  177,  183,  225. 
Holy  Alliance,  280-290. 
Homestead  Act  of  1862,  450-460. 
Hong  Kong,  499. 

Hood,  General  John,  422,  423-424. 
Hooker,  General  Joseph,  414. 
House  of  Representatives,  202,  206, 

285—286,  296. 
Houses,  colonial,  108-110. 
Houston,  General  Sam,  341. 
Howe,  Admiral,  167,  175. 
Howe,    General   William,    155,    156, 

167,  168,  169,  170,  171. 
Howe's  sewing  machine,  323. 
Hudson  Bay  Co.,  65,  343,  344. 
Hudson  Bay  territory,  90. 
Hudson,  Henry,  65,  87. 
Hudson,  Port,  418. 
Hudson    river,    65,    161,    167-168, 

169,  179. 
Huerta,  518. 

Huguenots  in  America,  76,  105. 
Hull,  General,  271. 
Hunter,  General,  412. 
Huron-Iroquois  Indians,  87. 
Hutchinson,  Governor  Thomas,  140, 

146. 
Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Anne,  54. 

IDAHO,  540,  543. 
Illinois,  284,  368,  475. 
Imago  Mundi,  21. 
Immigration:  diagram  of,  565. 

during    colonial    times,    52,    92, 
104-105. 

early  nineteenth  century,  333. 

recent,  521,  564—566. 
Impeachment  of  President  Johnson, 
430-441. 


XXXV111 


Index 


Impeachments,  251-252,  533  n. 
Impending  Crisis,  368. 
Imperialism,  497-408,  507. 
Implied  powers  of  Congress,  237,  255, 
263,  281,  449,  450,  508,  553. 
Impressment   of    seamen,    240,  259, 

270. 

Inaugurations,  (1789)  210,  (1801) 
247-248,  (1861)  380,  (1893) 
(cut)  479. 

Income  taxes,  393,  455,  477,  541,  545. 
Indented  servants,  106. 
Independence:   achieved,  184-185. 
Declaration  of,  157-160. 
results  of,  221-225. 
second  war  of,  269-275. 
Independent  treasury,  309,  311. 
India,  contest  for,  96,  100. 
Indian  territory,  303.- 
Indiana,  282,  284. 
Indians:     and   Whites,    14-17,    36, 

302-303. 
important    conflicts    with,    16-17, 

77-78,  100,  220,  269,  274. 
location  of  tribes  of  (map),  12. 
minor  wars  with,  16-17,  55,  87, 

303- 

numbers  and  character  of,  11-14. 
removal  of,  17,  303. 
see  also  under  names  of  tribes. 
Indies,  trade  with,  19. 
Indigo,  in. 

Industrial  Workers  of  the  World,  562. 
Industries:   colonial,  112-113. 

early  national,  226-227,  262,  278, 

304,  323-325,  378. 
recent,     45°-45i,     453-454,     457, 

460,  550,  558-563,  572. 
Inheritance,  laws  of,  124,  224,  329. 
Inheritance  taxes,  502. 
Initiative,  533. 
Insular  cases,  507. 
Insurgent  movement,  531. 
Intendants,  French,  93. 
Intercolonial  wars,  89-90,  94-100. 
Interlocking  directorates,  546,  555  n. 
Internal     improvements,      282-283, 

328. 

Internal  revenue,  see  Excise  taxes. 
Interstate  commerce:    199,  317-322. 
Acts   regulating,  (1887)    463-464, 
556;      (1890)     556;      (1906) 
528,  555-556. 
Commission,  528,  556  n. 
Intolerable  Acts  (1774),  148-149. 


Inventions,  322-323,  568. 

Iowa,  334. 

Irish,  immigration  of,  333. 

Iron,  manufacture  of,  133,  323,  45: 

SSL  556  n.  4. 
Iroquois  Indians,  12,  15,  67,  69,  8 

oo,  97,  193. 
Irrepressible    conflict    speech,    Sev 

ard's,  370. 
Irrigation,  national  law  (1902),  52 
Isabella,  Queen,  25. 
Island  No.  10,  capture  of,  403. 
Isthmian  canal,  510-514,  527. 

diagrams  of,  513. 

tolls,  514. 

view  of,  512. 
Italy,  dispute  with  (1891),  521  n.  2 

JACKSON,    President    Andrew,    mil 
tary  career  of,  17,  274,  28 
288. 
political  career  of,  296,  297,  29? 

302,  306-310,  314. 
portrait  of,  299. 
views  of,  297. 
Jackson,    General    T.    J.    ("Ston 

wall"),  408-410. 
Jackson,     Governor,     of     Missoui 

quoted,  383. 
James  I,  40,  43,  47. 
James  II  (Duke  of  York),  68,  6< 

70,  79,  81. 

Jamestown,  41-42,  74. 
Japan,      relations     with,      520-52 

565  «• 

Jay,  John,  183,  184,  197,  204,  214. 
portrait  of,  241. 
treaty  by,  240-242. 
Jefferson,    Thomas :     biography    c 

248-249. 
general,  147,  158,   159,  195,   21 

222,   224,   227,   237. 

party  leader,  237-238,  242,  245. 

portrait  of,  249. 

president,  246-249,  253,  254,  25 

259,  261,  263. 
Jena,  battle  of,  260. 
Jesuits,  88,  93. 
Jews,  223. 

Johnson,  President  Andrew:  ai 
Congress,  431,  432,  433,  43, 
441. 

character  of,  432. 
impeachment  of,  439-441. 
portrait  of,  432. 


Index 


xxxix 


)^/inston,  General  A.  S.,  403. 
JJinston,    General  Joseph  E.,   385, 

408,    417-418,    421-422,    424, 

425- 

portrait  of,  385. 
Joliet,  Louis,  88. 
Jones,  Commodore  Paul,  177. 
Judges,  123,  130,  144,  207. 
Judiciary,     national,     see     Supreme 

Court. 
Judiciary  act  of  1789,  214;   of  1801, 

247,  250. 

KALB,  Baron  de,  1 79. 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act   (1854),   356- 

358,  363- 
Kansas :   struggle  for,  359-360. 

trusts  in,  552. 
Kaskaskia,  Ft.,  178. 
Kearsarge,  the,  420. 
Kenesaw  mountain,  battle  of,  421. 
Kentucky:   in  Civil  War,  384,  411. 

resolutions  of  (1798-1799),  246. 

settlement  of,  178,  220-221. 
Kidd,  Captain,  112. 
King,  English:   and  colonies,  53. 

and  parliament,  50-51,  81. 

and  Puritans,  43-44,  47,  50-51. 
King  George's  War,  94. 
King  William's  War,  89-00. 
King's  friends,  137. 
Kings  Mountain,  battle  of,  181. 
Kitchen  cabinet,  Jackson's,  302. 
Kitchen,  colonial,  109. 
Klondike,  see  Alaska. 
Knights  of  Labor,  559. 
"Know-nothing"    party,    358;     see 

Parties,  political. 
Kosciusko,  163. 
"Ku  KIux  Klan,"  441. 

LABOR:   Department  of,  537,  554. 

Disputes  of,  with  capital,  559-563. 

in  colonial  times,  113. 

legislation  regarding,  562-563. 
Labor    party,    platform    of    (1872), 

444- 

Labor  unions,  559-560. 
LaFayette,  Marquis  de,  163,  182. 

portrait  of,  182. 
LaFollette,  R.,  531. 
Lake  Erie,  battle  of,  271. 
Land  cessions  of  the  states,  194-195. 

map  of,  opp.  185. 
Land  laws  of  colonies,  1 24. 


Lands,    public,    124,    282,    309-310, 
3i5,   320,   325-326,   529,   53S 
and  n.  2,  573. 
Lane,  Ralph,  36. 
La  Salle,  R.  C.,  Sieur  de,  88-89. 
Laud,  Archbishop,  51. 
Law:   colonial,  123-124. 

early  state,  222,  223,  224,  327-329. 

recent    state,    532-534,    54i,    SSi, 

563- 

Lawrence,  Kan.,  360. 
Law's  Mississippi  Bubble,  89. 
Lawyers,  colonial,  114. 
Leadville,  Col.,  458. 
Lecompton  constitution  (1857),  360. 
Lee,  General  Charles,  177. 
Lee,   General  Robert  E.,  biography 
of,  409  «. 

campaigns  of,  385,  409-411,  414— 
416,  422-425. 

portrait  of,  409. 
Lee,  R.  H.,  158,  203. 
Legal  Tender  Cases,  455-456. 
Legislature:    colonial,  92,  123,  141. 

state,  160,  328. 
Leisler's  rebellion  (1689),  82. 
Leon,  Ponce  de,  30. 
Leopard,,  the,  259. 
Lewis  and  Clark  expedition  (1805) 

343- 

Lexington,  battle  of,  154. 
Lexow  investigation,  570. 
Libby  prison,  view  of,  425. 
Liberal  Republicans  (1872),  444. 
Liberator,  the,  335. 
Liberty:   civil,  53,  83,  120. 

political,  see  Suffrage. 

religious,  see  Religious  freedom. 
Liberty  party,  see  Parties. 
Liberty,  seizure  of  the,  146. 
Liliuokalani,  Queen  of  Hawaii,  486. 
Lincoln,     General     Benjamin,     178, 

199. 

Lincoln,  President  Abraham:    biog- 
raphy of,  368-369. 

death  of,  426-427. 

debates  of,  with  Douglas,  369. 

emancipation  by,  411-413. 

portrait  of,  frontispiece,  381 . 

president,  373,  380-381,  382,  383, 
395,  396,  408,  4"-4i3,  426- 
427. 

views  of,   on  union  and  slavery, . 

369-370,  380,  412-413. 
Little  Belt  affair,  269. 


xl 


Index 


Livingston,  Edward,  307. 
Livingston,  R.  R.,  158,  253-254. 
Loans,  government,  see  Finance. 
Local    government,    see   Cities   and 

Government. 
Locke's    Fundamental    Constitutions, 

75- 
London  Company  (1606),  40,  41,  43- 

44- 

Long  Island,  battle  of,  167-168. 
Lookout  Mountain,  battle  of,  418, 

4ig. 

"Loose  construction"  of  the  Con- 
stitution, see  Implied  powers. 
"Lords  of  Trade,"  84,  128. 
Louisburg,  94,  98. 
Louisiana:    changes  in  (1763-1802), 

100,  232,  253,  274. 
French  colony  of,  89. 
purchase    of,    253-256,    286-288, 

332,  361. 
state  of,  375,  435,  439,  442,  445, 

564*. 

Louis  XIV  of  France,  89,  90. 
Louis  XV  of  France,  94. 
Louis  XVI  of  France,  238. 
Lovejoy,  Elijah,  335. 
Lowell,  J.  R.,  quoted,  427. 
Loyalists,  revolutionary,    164,      178, 

179,  180,  184,  185,  197-198. 
Lundy's  Lane,  battle  of,  273. 
Lyon,  Capt.  N.,  384. 
Lyon,  Matthew,  245. 

MAcDoNOUGH.     Captain     Thomas, 

273- 
Machine,  political,  300,  532-533,  57° ; 

see  also  Spoils  system. 
Macon  Bill,  No.  2,  264. 
Madero,  518. 

Madison,    President    James,    before 
1809,  200,  201,  204,  212,  224, 
234,  236,  249. 
president,     263,     264,     270,     274, 

288. 

Magellan,  Fernando,  30. 
Mails,  122,  229,  330. 
Maine :  boundary  dispute  of  (map) . 
colony  of,  57,  58,  78-79. 
state  of,  286,  313-314. 
Maine,  destruction  of  the,  522. 
Maize,  Indian,  5-6,  15,  no. 
Manassas  Junction,  Va.,  385. 
Manila,  499,  500,  502. 
Mann,  Horace,  330. 


Manufactures :   chart  of,  458. 

colonial,  112-113,  133- 

early  national,  262,  324. 

protection  of,    279,   304-305 ;    see 
also  Tariff,  after  1860. 

recent,  451,  453,  458,  556-557- 

taxes  on,  393. 

March  to  sea,  Sherman's,  424. 
Maria  Theresa,  96. 
Marion,  General  Francis,  179. 
Marquette,  Father,  88. 
Marshall,    John,     C.J.,     243,     247, 
251,  281,  302. 

portrait  of,  251. 

work  of,  251. 

Mary,  Queen,  see  William  III. 
Maryland:    in  Civil  War,  384,  411, 
433- 

settlement   of,    59-61,    72,    82-83, 

189,  200,  209,  224. 
Mason,  John,  57. 
Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  72. 
Massachusetts:    colony   of,    56,    57, 
59,  76-82. 

in  revolutionary  period,  141,  146, 
148-149,  150,  151,  154-156. 

settlement  of,  50-54. 

state  of,  160,  193,  195,  199,  204, 

219. 
Massachusetts     Government     Act, 

148. 

Massacre,  Boston,  146. 
Matches,  friction,  323. 
Maximilian,  Emperor  of  Mexico, 

488,  518. 
Mayflower,  48. 
Mayflower  compact,  48. 
McClellan,      General     George     B., 
385,  408-411,  426. 

portrait  of,  410. 

McCullock  vs.  Maryland,  281,  308. 
McDowell,  General  Irvin,  385,  408. 
McHenry,  Ft.,  274. 
McKinley,   President   William,   469, 
481-483,  507-509- 

character  of,  526. 

portrait  of,  483. 
McKinley  Tariff  (1890),  476. 
McMaster,  John  B.,  quoted,  219  n. 
Meade,  General  G.  G.,  414,  415. 
Memphis,  Tenn.,  capture  of,  404. 
Menendez,  Pedro,  34-35. 
Merchant  adventurers,  48. 
Merchant  marine,  see  Shipping. 
Merrimac,  the  (1898),  500. 


Index 


xli 


Merrimac  and  Monitor  (1862),  407. 
Merritt,  General  Wesley  A.,  500. 
Mexican  War,  344-347. 
Mexico,  341,  343,  344-347,  487,  5i8. 

542. 

Michigan,  271,  320,  334,  458. 
Midnight  judges,  247. 
Milan  Decree  (1806),  260,  264. 
Miles,  General  N.  A.,  501. 
Military  Reconstruction  Acts,  438— 

439- 
Militia,  use  of,  138,  151,  154,  235, 

382. 

Mills  Tariff  Bill,  475. 
Mining,  457-458;  see  also  Gold,  etc. 
Ministers,  colonial,  114. 
Ministries,  English  (1660-1782),  137, 

142,  145,  183. 
Minnesota,  360.  . 

Minute  men,  154. 
Missionary  Ridge,  battle  of,  418. 
Missions  among  Indians,  32,  88. 
Mississippi  basin :    contest  over,  in 

colonial  times,  94—95,  100. 
during  early  national  period,  178, 

184,  232,  252-257,  274. 
French  in,  10,  88—89. 
geography  of,  4,  5,  7-8,  32. 
in   Civil   War,    399-405,    416-419 

(maps) . 

Mississippi  Bubble,  89. 
Mississippi     River,     navigation     of, 

184,  185,  196. 
Mississippi    (state),    284,    375,    404, 

416-418,  439- 
Missouri,     284-286,    334,    383-384, 

433,  529- 
Missouri  Compromise  line,  287,  348, 

355-357,  362,  377- 
Missouri       compromises,       286-288 

(map). 

Mobile,  battle  of,  419. 
Molasses  Act  (1733),  133- 
Money,  see  Currency,  Paper  money, 

and  Silver. 

"Money  trust,"  see  Trust. 
Monitor  and  Merrimac,  407. 
Monmouth,  battle  of,  177. 
Monopolies,  see  Trusts. 
Monroe,  President  James,  253,  254, 

280-291. 
portrait  of,  290. 
Monroe    Doctrine:     original,     277, 

280-291. 
present,  488-491,  509. 


Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  98,  99. 

Monterey,  Cal.,  346. 

Montgomery,  Ala.,  376. 

Montgomery,  General  Richard,  155. 

Montreal,  33. 

Monts,  de,  87. 

Morgan,  General  Daniel,  163,  173, 

181. 

Mormons,  563  n. 
Morrill  tariff  (1860),  391,  393. 
Morris,  Gouverneur,  201,  203. 
Morris,  Robert,  201,  227. 

portrait  of,  191. 
Morse,  S.  F.  B.,  322  (portrait). 
"Mugwumps,"  466. 
Murfreesboro,  battle  of,  411. 
Muskhogean  Indians,  13. 

NAPOLEON  I,  244,  253-254,  264,  266, 

273,  289. 

Napoleon  III,  488. 
Narragansett  Indians,  78. 
Narvaez,  P.  de,  31. 
Nashville,  battle  of,  423—424. 
Nast,  Thomas,  443  (cartoon). 
Nation,  American:   2,  205,  576-578. 
after  Civil  War,  447-451. 
relation    of,    to    states,    205-206, 

578. 
National  Banking  Act,   (1863)  392, 

(1913)  540. 
Nationality :    contest  of,  with  state 

sovereignty,      204-205,     340, 

378,  370-380,  447. 
increase  of,   after   1815,    275-284, 

292,  298—300. 

National  road,  282—283,  321. 
Naturalization  Act  (1798),  244. 
Natural    resources    of    the    United 

States,    3,  6-7;    see   Mining, 

Agriculture,  etc. 
Navigation  Acts,  colonial,  63—64,  74, 

78,  131-135,  157- 
Navy:    in  Civil  War,  380-390,  402, 

404-405,  407,  419-420. 
in    Revolutionary    War,    176-177, 

182. 

in  Spanish  War,  496-502. 
in  War  of  1812,  271,  272-273. 
Nebraska  Bill,  355. 
Negroes,    432-433,     436-437,     438, 

441—442,      448;       see      also 

Slavery. 

Negro  suffrage,  439,  564  n. 
Netherlands,  see  Holland. 


xlii 


Index 


Neutrality :   proclamation  of,  239. 

rights  of,  240,  257-265,  276. 
Nevada,  457. 
New  Amsterdam,  66,  67-68. 

view  of,  66. 

New  England:    colonial    conditions 
in,    104,    105,    110-113,  i  IS. 
116,  ng,  122—123. 
during  national  period,  221,  224, 

_  261,  277-278,  345. 
during  revolutionary  period,  150, 

158,  160,  169. 
first  settlement  of,  4\—  59. 
map,  58. 
political  problems  of  (1660-1691), 

76-83. 

New  England  Confederation,  57-59. 
New  France,  87-88,  93,  100 ;  see  also 

Canada. 

New  Hampshire,  57,  79,  160,  308. 
New  Haven,  56. 
New  Jersey,  69,  130,  168-169,  178, 

199,  210. 
New   Mexico,   334,   347,   350,   352, 

534  n  2. 

New  Netherland,  65-68. 
New    Orleans,    89,    100,    253,    274 

(map),  521  n  2. 
capture  of,  404-405. 
New  Sweden,  67. 
New  York :  colony  of,  65-69,  73,  82, 

83,  114,  120,  122,  130,  145. 
since  1783,  191,  193—194,  199,  209, 

224,  318,  319,  466. 
state  of,  in  Revolution,  160,  167- 
168,  169,  171—173,  179;  map 
of,  167. 
New  York  City:    before  1775,  108, 

112,  141,  148. 

corruption  in,  442—443,  570. 
in  Revolution,  161,  167—168,  169. 
since    1783,    210,    331,    566-567, 

570. 
New  York  Sun,  330;    Tribune,  330, 

408,412;   Times,  443. 
Newburgh  address,  193. 
Newioundland,    oo,    484;     see    also 

Fisheries. 

Newport,  R.  I.,  177. 
Newspapers,  229,  329-330. 
Niagara,  94,  273. 

Nicaragua  canai,  see  Isthmian  canal. 
Nicholson,  Governor,  82. 
Nicollet,  Jean,  88. 
Nobel  Peace  Prize,  516  n.,  528. 


Nominating  conventions,  300. 
Non-importation    agreements,     142, 

146. 

Non-intercourse  acts,  263-264. 
North:    and  state  sovereignty,  255, 

278,  303-304. 

border  wars  of,  89-90,  94-100. 
colonial  problems  of,  76-84. 
comparison  of,  with.  South  (1861), 

386-395. 
industrial    development    of,  since 

1865,  457-460,  550. 
industry  in  (colonial),  110-114. 
opposition    of,    to    slavery    exten- 
sion, 285-288,  347,  352,  357, 
350  366-367. 
Revolutionary   War  in,    154-157, 

167-173,  177. 

settlement  of,  44-59,  65-73. 
transportation  problems  of,   461- 

464. 
war    in     (1812-1814),     270-273; 

map,  271. 

North,  Lord,  145,  151,  175,  183. 
North  Carolina,    28,    181,   193,   195, 

196,  204,  234,  439. 
Northern    Securities    Case    (1904), 

529,  553- 

statistics     of      (1790-1860),     ap- 
pendix, Table  VII. 
Northwest  territory,  195-196. 
Nueces  River,  341. 
Nullification,     (1799)     246,     (i8i/«.> 
278,    (1828)    306-307,    (1832) 
315,  (after  1850)  354. 

OFFICEHOLDERS,  129-130,  223,  328. 

Oglethorpe,  James  E.,  91. 

Ohio,  220,  271. 

Ohio  valley,  struggle  for,  94,  95,  98. 

178. 

Oil,  see  Petroleum. 
Olney,  Richard,  489. 
Ontario,  Lake,  94,  272. 
Orders   in    Council,    English    (1806— 

1807),  260. 
Ordinance  of  1787,  195-196,  223. 
Oregon :  state  of,  445. 

territory  of,  343~344,  348. 
Oregon,  the,  499  n. 

view  of,  499. 

Orinoco  River,  28,  400,  492. 
Orleans,  Isle  of,  100,  253. 
Ostend  Manifesto,  354-355. 
Oswald,  Richard,  184. 


Index 


xliii 


Oswego,  Q4. 
Otis,  James,  135. 
portrait  of,  135. 

PACIFIC  OCEAN  :  commerce  of,  514. 
control  of  coasts  of,  35,  291,  343- 

344,  346. 

in  colonial  times,  30,  35. 
recent  political  problem  of,   521, 

522. 

Pacific  railways,  444,  460-461. 
Paducah,  Ky.,  401. 
Paine's  Common  Sense,  158. 
Pakenham,  General,  274. 
Palma,  President  of  Cuba,  517. 
Panama,  Republic  of,  511—512,  527. 
Panama  Canal,  see  Isthmian  canal. 
Pan  American  Congresses,  487. 
Panics,  (1819)  324,  (1837)  310-311, 
324,   (1857)   325,   (1873)   454, 
558,   (1893)   558,   (1907)   530, 
SS8. 
Paper  money:    Civil  War,  392-393, 

455- 

colonial,  114,  131. 
Confederation,  198-199. 
present,  455-456,  481,  483. 
Revolutionary,  165-166. 
Parcel  post,  537. 
Pardon,  see  Amnesty. 
Paris,    treaties    of,    (1763)    90-100, 

(1783)  183-186,  (1898)  505. 
Parker,  Judge  Alton  B.,  528. 
Parkman,  Francis,  quoted,  13-14. 
Parliament :    and  the  colonies,   83- 
84,    131-133,    138,    130-140, 
144-145,  148-149. 
and  the  king,  50-51,  81. 
Parson's  Cause,  130-131. 
Parties,     political :      Anti-Federalist 

(1787-1788),  203. 
<\iiti-Masonic,  300. 
Constitutional  Union,  372—373. 
Democratic    (1828-1854) :     his- 
tory of,   298,  301,  308,  311- 
313,  314,  342,  348,  353,  357- 
principles  of,  297—298. 
Democratic,   since   1854:    general 
history  of,  359,  371-373,  426, 
444,    445-447,    454,    464-467, 
476-480,    481-482,    507,    528, 
538,  544- 

on  slavery,  358,  360,  371. 
position    of,    on    tariff,    464—465, 
474,  544. 


Federalist :  fall  of,  277-278. 
formation  of,  237-238. 
history   of,    242-243,   245,   246- 

247,  254,  261. 
Free  Soil,  348,  353,  358. 
Greenback,  456. 
Know-nothing,  358. 
Labor,  444. 
Liberty,  342. 
"Mugwumps,"  456. 
National    Republican,    297,    298; 

see  also  Whig. 

Old  Republican  (to  1828) :   forma- 
tion of,  237-238. 
history  of,    242-243,   245,    246— 
252,  255,  263,  270,  279,  295- 
297- 

People's  (Populist),  481. 
Prohibition,  466. 
Republican :    formation  of,  358. 
general  history  of,  359,  371-373, 
426,  443,  444,  445-447,  464- 
467,    474,    481-484,    507-509, 
534-539- 
position  of,  on  slavery,  358-359, 

371,  372. 
position  of,  on  tariff,  464-465, 

476-478.- 
Whig :  principles  of,  297. 

history  of,   308,   311-313,   3*4. 

342,  348,  353,  358. 
see  also  Elections,  presidential. 
Parties  and  the  government,  577. 
Patroon  system,  65-66. 
Paulus  Hook,  capture  of,  178. 
Payne-Aldrich  tariff,  535,  542. 
Peace  Congress  (1861),  377;   see  also 

Hague  Peace  Conference. 
Pea  Ridge,  battle  of,  384. 
Pemberton,  General  J.  C.,  417-418. 
Pendleton  Act,  468. 
Peninsular    campaign    (1862),    408- 

409. 

map  of,  408. 
Pensacola,  Fla.,  89,  288. 
Penn,  William,  70-71. 

portrait  of,  70. 
Pennsylvania:   boundaries  of,  72-73 

(map), 
colony  of,   70-73,   105,   114,   116, 

117,  120. 

rebellion  in  (1794),  235. 
state  of,  221,  235,  319,  415-416, 

458. 
"Pennsylvania  Dutch,"  105. 


xliv 


People  of  colonies,  104-106. 

People's  Party,  see  Parties. 

Pepperell,  William,  94. 

Pequod  Indians,  55. 

Perdido  River,  288. 

Perry,  Commodore,  and  Japan,  521. 

Perry's  victory  on  Lake  Erie,  271. 

Perry ville,  battle  of,  411. 

Personal  liberty  laws,  354,  374. 

Pet  banks,  309-310. 

Petersburg,  siege  of,  424-425. 

Petitions,  slavery,  336. 

Petroleum,  456,  556  n.  4;    see  also 

Standard  Oil  Company. 
Philadelphia,  71,  148,  149,  219,  235. 

during   Revolutionary   War,    157, 
169-171,  177. 

exposition  in,  569  n.  i. 
Philip  II  of  Spain,  33,  34,  35. 
Philip,  King  (Indian),  16,  77-78. 
Philippine   Islands:     acquisition   of, 
S03-S04.   50°-5o8»   509- 

discovery  of,  30. 

government  of,  508-509. 
Pierce,  President  Franklin,  353. 
Pilgrims,  48-49. 
Pinchot,  538  and  n.  2. 
Pinckney,  C.  C.,  201,  243,  246,  247. 
Pinckney,  Thomas,  242,  252. 
Pine  tree  shillings,  77. 
Piracy  in  colonial  times,  112. 
Pitt,  William,  see  Chatham. 
Pittsburg,  220,  559. 
Pittsburg  Landing,  403. 
Pizarros,  32.  • 

Plassey,  battle  of  (India),  100. 
Platt    Amendment     (Cuba,     1901), 

519  «. 

Plattsburg,  battle  of,  273. 
Plymouth  colony,  48-49,  78,  82. 
Plymouth  Company,  40,  44. 
Polk,  President  James  K.,  342,  345, 
347,  354- 

portrait  of,  346. 
Polygamy,  563  n.  2. 
Pontiac,  conspiracy  of,  16,  100,  138. 
Pools,  railway,  551  n.  2. 
Pope,  the,  and  America,  26. 
Pope,  General  John,  403,  410. 
Popham  colony,  44. 
Popular  sovereignty,  348,  355-356, 

359,  360,  369. 

Population:  (1750)  104,  (1800)  218, 
325,  326,  (1850)  331-333, 
(1861)  386,  (1910)  566-567. 


Population,  density  of  (maps),  (1756, 

104,   (1800)   218,  (1850)  332, 

567. 

Port  Hudson,  418. 
Port  Royal,  S.C.,  404. 
Portages,  Indian,  10,  n. 
Porter,  Commodore  David  D.,  405. 
Porto  Rico,  505,  506,  507-508. 
Portugal,  20,  26,  27. 
Postal  savings  bank,  537. 
Post  Office:   administration  of,  122, 

229,  330. 

corruption  in,  445,  546. 
extended  service,  466,  537. 
Potomac  River,  200. 
Poverty,  573. 

Prescott,  Colonel  William,  154. 
President :    election  of,  206,  Appen- 
dix, Tables  I,  II. 
powers    of,    207,    300,  395,    449- 

450. 

President,  the,  269. 
Presidential  dictatorship,  395. 
Presidential  elections,  see  Elections, 

presidential. 

Presidential  Election  Act,  470. 
Press,  free,  120. 
Prices,  545  w.  i. 
Primary  reform,  532-533. 
Princetqn,  battle  of,  169. 
Princeton  college,  120. 
Printing  press,  323,  330. 
Prisons,  329. 

Privateering,  272,  389,  419-420. 
Proclamation  line  (1763),   100,   193, 

219. 

Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  413. 
Professions,  114-115. 
Proprietary  government,  59,  70,  75. 
Prosperity,  324-325,  558. 
Providence,   colony  of,    54-55 ;    set 

Rhode  Island. 
Prussia,  96,  225,  289. 
Ptolemy,  views  of,  21. 
Public  debt,  see  Debt,  public. 
Public  lands,  see  Lands,  public. 
Public  Occurrences,  120. 
Public  schools,  see  Education. 
Puget  Sound  boundary,  484  n.  2. 
Pullman  strike  (1894),  560. 
Puritans:     in   England,    43,    46-47, 

50-51. 
in   New   England,    50-59,    76-79, 

104. 
Pythagoreans,  views  of,  21. 


Index 


xlv 


QUAKERS,  69-71,  76,  222,  336. 
Quartering  Act,   (1765)    140,   (1774) 

149. 

Quebec  Act  (1774),  149,  193. 
Quebec  (city),  capture  of  (1759),  99- 
Queen  Anne's  War,  90. 

RAILWAYS:     consolidation   of,    320, 

SSi,  555,  mapopp.  556. 
control  of  interstate,  463-464,  471, 

553,  555- 

control  of  state,  461-463,  471,  553. 
earliest,  319-320,  386,  400. 
importance  of,  322. 
West  and,  444,  460-461. 
Rainfall,  4. 

Raisin  River,  massacre  at,  271. 
Ralegh,  Sir  Walter,  36  (portrait). 
Randall,  Samuel  J.,  476. 
Randolph,  Edward,  79. 
Randolph,  John,  252. 
Rates,    railway,    diagram    of,    462  ; 

see  also  Railways,  control  of. 
Reapers,  first,  323. 
Rebates,  railway,  461,  556  and  n. 
Recall,  534. 

"Reciprocity,"  478,  480,  517,  535. 
Reconcentrado  policy,  495. 
Reconstruction :   and  Congress,  436- 

438. 

military,  438-439. 
presidential,  434-436. 
problems  of,  432-434. 
results  of,  441-442,  447-451. 
Redemptioners,  106. 
Reed,  Thomas  B.,  532. 
Referendum,  534. 
"Regulators"  (1774),  147  n. 
Religious    freedom,    54-55,    60,    71, 

76,    91,    116,    196,    224-225, 

329- 
Religious   intolerance,    colonial,    53- 

54,  76,  81,  91,  116. 
Removals  from  office,  249,  301-302, 

440,  470-471. 
Representation    and    taxation,    141, 

143-144. 

Repressive  acts  (1774),  148-149. 
Republican  party,  see  Parties,  polit- 
ical. 

Requisitions  on  states,  165,  191. 
Resolutions,  Kentucky,  245-246. 
Restoration  (1660),  63-65,  73. 
Resumption     of     specie     payment, 

455-456. 


Revenue,  see  Finance,  Tariff,  Taxa- 
tion. 
Revolution,    American:     causes   of, 

135-152. 
chief  military  events  of,  167-173, 

178-182. 
conditions  affecting,  161-166,  173- 

175-  '     . 

results  of,  223-225. 
treaty  concluding,  183-186. 
Revolution  of  1688,  English,  81. 
Revolutions  of  1689,  American,  80, 

81-84. 
Rhode    Island :     colony    of,    54-55, 

58,  64,  77,  78,  80,  83, 147. 
state  of,  160, 198-199,  203,  204. 
Ribaut,  Jean,  34,  35. 
Rice,  6,  133. 
Richelieu,  Cardinal,  88. 
Richmond,  campaigns  against,  407- 

409,  422-425. 
Rivers  in  Civil  War,  399-401,  (map) 

400. 
Roads,  local,  121,  228, 320, 321. 

national,  321. 
Roberval's  colony,  33. 
Rockingham  ministries,  142,  183. 
Rocky  Mountains,  the,  7,  255,  map 

and  n. 
Roosevelt,  Theodore:    character  of, 

526-527. 
portrait  of,  526. 
president,  507,  526-530. 
presidential  candidate,  538. 
Root,  Elihu,  504,  528. 

portrait  of,  503. 
Rosecrans,  General  William  S.,  385, 

418-419. 

"Rough  Riders,"  505. 
Round  Top,  Gettysburg,  415. 
Royal  colonies,  control  of,  92,  129. 
"  Rule  of  1756,"  240,  258. 
Rum,  in,  139. 

Russia,  289,  343,  391,  509-510. 
Russo-Japanese  War,  528. 
Ryswick,  treaty  of  (1697),  90. 

SALEM,  witchcraft,  117. 
Salisbury,  Lord,  489. 
Samoa,  485. 
Sampson,  Admiral  W.  T.,  499. 

portrait  of,  498. 
San  Domingo,  26,  254,  444. 
San  Francisco,  1915,  exposition  view, 
571- 


xlvi 


Index 


San  Jacinto,  battle  of,  341. 

San  Juan,  battle  of,  501. 

Sandford    vs.    Scott,    360-362;     see 

also  Scott,  Dred. 
Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  43. 
Sanitary  Commission,  389. 
Santa  Anna,   President  of  Mexico, 

340,  341,  346. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  500  (map). 
Santo  Domingo,  400. 
Saratoga,  surrender  at,  173. 
Savannah,  178,  424. 
Savannah,  the,  317. 
Schley,  Admiral  W.  S.,  499. 
Schools,  see  Education. 
Schuyler,  General  P.,  171,  172. 
Scotch  in  America,  76. 
Scotch-Irish  in  America,  105. 
Scott,  Dred,  case  of,  360-362,  363, 

366-367. 
Scott,    General  Winfield,   345,   346, 

353,  374- 

Seal  fishery,  Alaskan,  484. 
Sea  to  sea  charters,  42,  50,  64,  75, 

91,  193- 

Search,  right  of,  240,  250-260. 
Secession,  causes  of,  339-340,  378- 

380. 

early  suggestions  of,  255,  307. 
failure  of,  433-434. 
progress  of,  373~377,  383-384- 
Sections,  Appendix,  Table  VIII. 
Sedition  Act  (1798),  245. 
Seminole  Indians,  303. 
Senate:    organization   of    the,    202, 

206. 
powers  of,  in  appointments,  440, 

471. 

powers  of,  in  treaty,  285,  286. 
Senators,  direct  election  of,  541. 
Separatists,  46,  47,  48-49. 
Seven  Years'  War,  95-100. 
Seward,  William  H. :  political  leader, 

373, 380-382,  391,  431,  488. 
speeches  of,  on  slavery,  351-352, 

370. 

Sewing  machine,  328. 
Shays's  Rebellion,  199. 
Shelburne,  Lord,  183,  184. 
Shenandoah   Valley,    in   Civil   War, 

405-407,  408,  423. 
Sheridan,  General  P.  H.,  423,  425, 

488. 

Sherman  John,  421  «.,  456,  483. 
Sherman,  Roger,  158,  201. 


Sherman,  William  T.,  character  of,- 

421. 
campaigns  of,  404,  421-422,  423- 

425- 
Sherman    Anti-Trust    Act     (1890), 

552-554- 

Sherman  Silver  Act  (1890),  478-479. 
Sherman's  march  to  the  sea,  424. 
Shiloh,  battle  of,  403-404. 
Ship-building,  colonial,  111-112,  113, 

132. 

Ship-money,  51. 
Shipping,     IH-II2,    420,    556-557, 

and  n. 

Short  ballot,  533. 
Silver:  Act  of  1873,  456,  457. 

Bland-Allison    Act     (1878),     457, 

479- 

coins  before  Civil  War,  228. 
first  coinage  act,  227. 
Free  Silver  movement,  480-482. 
law  of  1900,  483. 
mining  of,  457. 
Sherman    Act     (1800),     478-480, 

558. 

Six  Nations,  see  Iroquois. 
Slave  trade,  350,  353. 
Slavery:      abolitionists    and,     335- 

336,  367- 

abolition  of  (1865),  432-433- 
colonial,  107-108. 
discussion    over,     in    convention, 

202-203. 

during  Civil  War,  411-413. 
emancipation,    after    1776,    221- 

222,  335. 
extension  of  (1844-1857)  (maps), 

362. 
importance    of,    to    South,    339- 

34°- 

in  compromise  of  1850,  350-353. 

in  connection  with  Civil  War,  369- 
370,  377-380. 

in  Dred  Scott  case,  360-362,  363, 
366-367. 

in  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  355- 
358. 

in  Missouri  discussion,  284-288. 

introduced,  42,  91. 

question  of  extension  of,  to  ter- 
ritories, 195,  196,  340,  345, 
347-363- 

see  Fugitive  slaves,  Emancipation. 
Sloat,  Commodore,  346. 
Slum  problem,  569. 


Index 


xlvii 


Smith,  Captain  John,  41-42. 

portrait  of,  41. 
Smith,  Joseph,  475. 
Smuggling,  colonial,  134,  146,  148. 
Social    conditions,    (1750)    105-107, 
(1800)    218-223,    (1850)   329- 
334,     (later)     563-575,     563 
w.  i. 

Social  reforms,  221-225,  329,  537- 
Soldiers:  American,  163,  192. 
British,  162. 
Northern,  388-389,  429. 
Southern,  387,  429. 
Sons  of  Liberty,  141. 
So  to,  Hernando  de,  32. 
South:   and  secession,  307,  373-376, 

378-380,  447-448. 
and    slavery,    335-336,    339-34°, 
347,   35i,   354-355,   357,  359, 
361-363,     367-368,     371-373, 
378-379,  448. 
and    state    sovereignty,    245-246, 

303-307,  379-38o,  447. 
and  the  tariff,  305-306. 
conditions  in,  no,  119,  121,  123. 
railway  map  of,  400. 
recent  progress  of,  459. 
reconstruction   in,    431-442,    445- 

447- 
resources  of,  in  war,  386-391,  393- 

394- 
Revolutionary  War  in,  156,  178- 

182 ;  map,  180. 
settlement  of,   34~37,  40-44,   59~ 

61,  73-76,  91- 
social  classes  in,  105-107. 
statistics     of     (1790-1860),     Ap- 
pendix, Table  VII. 
war  in,  381-429. 
war  maps  of,  401,  403,  406,  417, 

418,  428. 

South  America,  27,  28,  29,  487,  489, 
49°,    557 ;     see    also    Monroe 
Doctrine. 
South  Carolina,  colony  of,  76,  107, 

108,  in. 
in  Revolutionary  War,   156,   164, 

178-179,  180-182. 
nullification  in,  305-307. 
general,   193,   195,  382,  439,  445, 

564  n. 

secession  of,  373-374,  395. 
South  Carolina  Exposition,  305. 
South  Dakota,  458. 
South  Sea,  see  Pacific. 


Sovereignty,    disputed   between   na- 
tional and  state,  see  Nation. 
Spain:   colonies  of,  31,  289. 
controversy    with,    over    Florida, 

197,  232,  288,  289. 
discoveries  by,  24-30. 
dispute    with,     over    Mississippi 

River,  196,  252-253. 
European,  18,  25,  33,  343. 
explorations  by,  30-32. 
treaties  with,    (1795)   252,   (1819) 

289,  (1898)  502. 
wars  of,  with  England,  oo,  91,  94, 

loo,  177. 

war  with,  494-504. 
Spanish-American    Republics,     290, 

487. 
Speaker    of    the    House,    Appendix, 

Table  III. 
Specie  circular,  310. 
Specie  payments,  resumption  of,  456. 
Spoils  system,  301,  314,  467. 
Spottsylvania,  battle  of,  424. 
Stage  coaches,  122,  229. 
Stamp  Act  (1765),  130-143- 
Stamp  Act  Congress,  141. 
Star  of  the  West,  the,  382. 
St.  Augustine,  35. 
St.  Clair,  General,  220. 
St.  Lawrence  Basin,  8,   10,  87,  99, 

IOO. 

St.  Leger,  Colonel,  171-172. 

St.  Louis,    384,  571,  570  (view    of 

exposition) . 
Standard  Oil  Company,  461,  551  «. 

i  and  2,  552. 

Standish,  Captain  Miles,  49. 
Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  381,  440. 
Stanwix,  Ft.,  seizure  of,  172. 
Stark,  General  John,  171. 
"Star-Spangled  Banner,"  274. 
State     sovereignty,     190,     204-205, 

245-246,  303-304,  376,  379- 

380,  447. 
States:    admission  of  new,  220-221, 

334,  534  »• 
constitutions  and  governments  of, 

160-161,  328,  534  «.,  551. 
first  organized,  160. 
local  governments  of,  328. 
political    and    social    changes    in, 

221-225,   326-329,   551,   533- 

534,  541- 
position  of,  under  Confederation, 

190-191,  199. 


xlviii 


Index 


States:  reconstruction  of  southern, 

432-439- 
relation  of,  to  nation,   205,  447- 

448. 
statistics  of,  at  present,  Appendix, 

Table  V. 

Steamboats,  317,  318,  321. 
Steel  trust,  551 ;  see  also  Iron. 
Stephens,   Alexander  H.,  375,   376, 

377- 

Steuben,  Baron,  163,  176. 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  434  (portrait). 
Stevenson's  engine,  319. 
Stocks,  punishment  by,  116. 
Stockton,  Commodore,  346. 
Stone  River,  battle  of,  411. 
Stony  Point,  capture  of,  178. 
Stowe's  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,  354. 
"Strict  Construction,"  see  Constitu- 
tion. 

Strikes,  550-562. 
Stump  speaking,  312. 
Stuyvesant,  Governor  Peter,  67,  68. 
Subsidies,  proposed  ship,  556-557. 
Suffrage:     in    colonies,    52,    56,    77, 

123,  144. 
in  England,  143. 

movement  toward  universal,  223, 
327,  328,  331,  439;    map  of, 
327- 
recent   restrictions  on,   438,   439, 

577-578. 
woman,  572. 

Sugar  Act  (1764),  138-139. 
Sullivan,  General  John,  168. 
Sulzer,  Governor,  533  ». 
Sumner,  Charles,  359  «.,  434. 

portrait  of,  359. 
Sumter,  Ft.,  375,  381-382,  396. 
Sumter,  General  Thomas,  179. 
Superstition,  116. 
Supreme   Court:    chief  justices  of, 

Appendix,  Table  IV. 
creation  of,  207,  214. 
during    war    and    reconstruction, 
395,  434,  435,  446,  449,  450. 
early  decisions  of,  214,  280,  281, 

361. 

photograph  of,  536. 
recent  decisions  of,  476,  479,  507, 

553- 

Taft  appointments,  537. 
Surplus,  distribution  of,  310. 
Survey  of  public  lands,  326. 
Swedes  in  America,  67. 


"Swinging  round  the  circle,"  John- 
son's, 439. 

TAFT,  William  H.,  534-537  and  n., 

538. 

portrait  of,  535. 

Talleyrand  (French  minister),  254 
Tallmadge  Amendment,  285. 
Tammany,  300,  442. 
Taney,  Roger  B.,  C.  J.,  309,  361. 
Tariff :  Board,  544,  n.  2. 

changes,  455,  (1882-1888)  474. 
compromise  tariff  (1833),  474. 
Custom  Court  of  Appeal,  544. 
Dingley  tariff  (1897),  478. 
double  tariff,  544  n. 
earliest,    (1789)    212,    (1812)    279, 
(1816)    278-279,    (1824)    304, 
(1828)    304-305,    (1832)    305, 
(1842)  324. 
general,  494. 

Gorman- Wilson  tariff  (1894),  478. 
McKinley  tariff  (1890),  476. 
Morrill  tariff  (1861),  391,  393. 
Payne- Aldrich  tariff,  542. 
proposed  (Confederation),  191. 
tariff  in  politics  (1880-1892),  464, 

465,  475,  476. 
Underwood  tariff,  544. 
Walker  tariff,  (1846)  325,  (1857) 

325. 

war  tariffs  (1862-1864),  393. 
Tariffs,  special,  for  colonies,  512. 
Tarleton,  Colonel,  181. 
Taxation:   early  national  taxes,  212, 

235-236,  265. 

England's  dispute  with  colonies 
over,  135,  130-143,  144-146, 
147-148. 

since  1860,  393,  454-455,  502. 
see    Tariff,    and   under   names    of 

different  kinds  of  taxes. 
Taylor,  President  Zachary,  345,  348, 

349,  350,  352- 
Tea,  tax  on,  147-148. 
Teachers,  colonial,  114. 
Tecumseh,  17,  269,  271. 
Telegraph,  electric,  322-323. 

marine,  323. 
Telephone,  568. 

Tennessee:    196,  220,  284,  435,  438. 
Civil  War  in,  399-404,  411,  418- 

419. 

map  of  (1862),  403. 
Tennessee  River,  399-404. 


Index 


xlix 


Tenure  of  Office  Act   (1867),   440, 

470-471. 
Territorial     changes    before     1783, 

67-68,  90,  100. 

Territorial  growth  since  1783;   map 
between  508  and  509. 

Alaska  (1867),  509. 

boundaries     (1783),     185      (map) 
313-314,  331. 

California,  etc.  (1848),  347;   map 
of,  345- 

Floridas  (1795-1821),  288-289. 

General,  331-332,  363,  575- 

Hawaii,  486. 

Louisiana   (1803),    253-256;   map 
of,  255. 

Oregon  (1846),  343~344- 

Philippines,  Porto  Rico,  etc.  (1898), 
502,  505,  506. 

Samoa  (1899),  485. 

Texas  (1845),  34°-343 ;  map  of,  344. 
Territories:  government  of,  195-196, 
508. 

present    statistics    of,    Appendix, 
Table  VII. 

slavery  in,  see  Slavery. 
Texas :  controversy  over,  256,  289, 
341,  343,  344.  350,  352. 

state  of,  332,  334,  439,  552. 
Texas  vs.  White,  344. 
Thames,  battle  of,  271. 
Thomas,  General  George  H.,  402,  419. 
Three-fifths  compromise,  202. 
Ticonderoga,  Ft.,  155-157,  171. 
Tilden,  Samuel  J.,  443,  445-447. 

portrait  of,  445. 
Tippecanoe,  battle  of,  269. 
"Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,"  313. 
Tobacco:   cultivation  of,  42,  no. 

regulations  about,  64,  74,  in,  132. 

trust,  555. 

use  of,  as  currency,  113,  130. 
Toleration  Act  of  1649  (Md.),  61. 
Tonnage  Act,  212. 
Tordesillas,  treaty  of,  27. 
Tories,  see  Loyalists. 
Toscanelli,  24. 

map  of,  24. 

Towns,  New  England,  56,  122. 
Townshend,  Charles,  137,  144,  145. 
Townshend  Acts  (1767),  144-146. 
Trade,  see  Commerce. 
Trade  routes  with  East  before  1492, 
19-20. 

map  of,  20. 


Trafalgar,  battle  of,  260. 
Transportation,   see  Roads,   Canals, 

Steamboats,  Railways. 
Travel,  121-122,  228-229,  317-322. 
Treasury,  department  of,  213. 
Treasury  notes,  see  Paper  money. 
Treaty :      Aix-la-Chapelle     (France) 

(1748),  94. 
Arbitration    (1897),    (1903-1905), 

509-510. 

Chinese  (1869-1894),  562  «. 
Clayton-Bulwer    (England),    510- 

5"- 

Colombian  (1903),  511. 
Cuban  reciprocity  (1903),  517. 
Erskine  (England)  (1809),  263. 
Florida  (Spain)  (1891-1821),  289; 

see  map,  255. 
Guadalupe-Hidalgo  (Mexico) 

(1848),  347;  map  of,  345. 
Hawaiian     (1876),     (1893),     486; 

map  of,  486. 
Hay-Pauncefote  (England)  (1901), 

5",  5i4- 

Jay's  (England),  240-241. 
Louisiana    (France)    (1803),    254- 

256;   map  of,  255. 
of   alliance   with   France    (1778), 

I74-I75. 
of  Ghent  (England)  (1814),  274- 

275- 

of  Ryswick  (France)  (1697),  90. 
of     San    Ildefonso     (France    and 

Spain),  253. 
of  Washington  (England)   (1870), 

484  and  n. 
of  Westminster  (Holland)  (1675), 

68. 

of  1800  (France),  244. 
Paris     (France)     (1763),     99-100, 

map  opp.  100. 
Paris    (Spain)    (1898),    505;     see 

map  opp.  505. 
Paris  (1783)   (England),  183-186, 

map  opp.  185. 

Pinckney's  (Spain)  (1795),  252. 
Texan    annexation    (1844),    341; 

map  of,  344. 
Utrecht      (France)      (1713),      GO, 

map  opp.  90. 
Webster-Ashburton    (1842),    313- 

314;  map,  314. 
with  Panama   (1903),   511;    map 

of,  513- 
Trent,  affair,  390-391. 


1 


Index 


Trenton,  battle  of,  168. 
Trevett  vs.  Weeden  (1786),  198. 
Trusts :  control  of,  546. 
"money  trust,"  546. 
organization  of,  550,  551  and  ».  j 

and  2. 

see  also  Railways. 
Turgot  (French  minister),  173. 
Turner's  insurrection,  335. 
Tweed  Ring,  442-443 ;    cartoon  of, 

443- 
Tyler,  President  John,  309,  312,  313, 

343- 
"Tyranny  of  Andros,"  80. 

Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,  354. 
Unconstitutional  laws,  362,  450  «., 

477- 

"Underground  railroad,"  354. 
Underwood  Tariff,  544. 
Unemployment,  573. 
Union :   Albany  plan  of,  97-98. 
during  Revolutionary  period,  141, 

147,  140-150,  157- 
under  the  Confederation,  190-191, 

199. 

under  Constitution,  see  Nation. 
United     States,     see     Constitution, 

Congress,   Nation,   President, 

Supreme  Court,  States,  etc. 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  1 20. 
Unwritten  constitution,  231,  449,  577. 
Utah,  563  «.,  572. 
Utrecht,  treaty  of  (1713),  oo. 

VACA,  Cabeza  de,  31. 

Vallandigham,  C.  L.,  426. 

Valley  Forge,  171,  176. 

Van  Buren,   President   Martin,  298, 

3",  313,  342,  348. 
portrait  of,  311. 

Vancouver,  explorations  of,  343. 
Venezuelan    boundary    controversy, 

488-489. 

Venice,  trade  of,  19,  20. 
Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  346. 
Vergennes  (French  minister),  173, 

184. 

Vermont,  221. 
Verrazano,  G.  da,  32. 
Vespucius,  Americus,  29. 
Vetoes,  presidential,  308,  437,  439, 

440. 
Vicksburg,   campaign  against,   416- 

418;  map  of,  417. 


Vincennes,  178. 

Virginia:    Civil  War  in,  384,  405- 

411,  422-423,  424-425. 
colonial   conditions   in,    107,    no, 

113,  119. 

colony  of,  36,  40-44,  73-75,  95,  139- 
during    Revolution    and    Confed- 
eration,   160,    164,    181,   182, 
189,  193,  194. 
later  state  of,  200,  204,  209,  246, 

435,  439,  442. 
map  of  (1861-1865),  406. 
Virginia  plan  of  union,  201 . 
Virginius,  495. 
Virtual  representation,  143. 
Voltaire,  quoted,  71. 
Voters,  see  Suffrage. 

WALDSEEMULLER'S  geography,  29. 
Walker,  Tariff  (1846),  325. 
Walpole,  Horace,  134,  139. 
Wages,  545  n.,  573. 
War:   Civil,  381-429. 

Indian,  see  under  Indians. 

Revolutionary,  154-182. 

second  with  England,  269-275. 

with  French,  89-90,  94-100. 

with  Mexico,  344-347. 

with  Spain,  494-504. 

see  also  under  separate  names. 
War  department,  defects  of,  502-504. 
"War  Hawks,"  Clay's,  270. 
Washington:  Ft.,  168. 

map  of  (1814),  272. 

state  of,  572. 

treaty  of  (1871),  484. 
Washington,    city   of:     creation  of, 
234-235. 

capture  of,  273-274. 

defense  of,  in  Civil  War,  384,  405- 

407, 408,  410, 414. 

Washington,    George :     portrait    of, 
211. 

character  of,  163,  210. 

in  convention  of  1787,  201. 

military  leader,  95,   156,  167-171, 
176,  179,  182. 

president,  210,  213,  214,  233-243. 
Waterloo,  battle  of,  276,  278. 
Wayne,  General  Anthony,   17,  178, 

220. 

Wealth,  distribution  of,  573. 
Webster,  Daniel,  279,  303,  313,  331, 

351- 
portrait  of,  351. 


Index 


Webster:   views  of,  on  union,  303- 

3°4,  35I-3S2. 
Webster-Ashburton    treaty    (1842), 

313-314. 

West,  the :  agriculture  in,  458-460. 
Chinese  in,  562  «. 
Civil  War  in,  390-405,  416-419. 
Clark's  conquest  of,  178. 
democracy  in,  326-328. 
disputes  over  navigation  of  Mis- 
sissippi in,  196-197,  252-253. 
early  settlement  of,  196,  219-220, 

281-282. 

free  silver  movement  in,  480-482. 
government  of  territory  in,   195- 

196,  220. 

importance  of,  256,  283-284,  482. 
internal  improvement  in,  282-283, 

328. 

land  cessions  in,  193-195. 
legislation  in,  328-329. 
mining  in,  349,  457-458. 
Mormons  in,  563  «. 
problems  in  (1789),  232. 
public  lands  in,  see  Lands,  public, 
railway  problems  of,  460-463. 
settlements  excluded  from,  100. 
slavery  controversies  in,  284-288, 

341-343,  347-361. 
states  formed  in,  221,  334. 
strikes  in,  560. 
territorial     acquisitions     in,     see 

Territorial  growth, 
transportation  in,  317-322. 
war  in  (1812-1814),  270-271. 
West  Indies:    English,   trade  with, 

in,  133,  139,  198,  241. 
French,  100,  240,  258. 
Spanish,  100,  197 ;    see  also  Cuba 

and  Spain. 

West  Point,  170-180. 
West  Virginia,  384,  433. 
Weyler,  General,  495,  496. 


Whigs,  English,  137,  150. 
Whigs,  see  Parties. 
Whisky  insurrection,  235. 
Whisky  Ring,  445. 
White,  Governor,  37. 
White  Plains,  battle  of,  168. 
Whitman,  Rev.  Marcus,  344. 
Whitney's  cotton  gin,  222. 
Wilderness,  battles  in,  422. 
William  III  of  England,  81. 
William  and  Mary  College,  119. 
Williams,  Roger,  53-55.    • 

portrait  of,  54. 

Wilmington,  N.C.,  389,  419-420. 
Wilmot  Proviso,  347-348. 
Winthrop,  Governor  John,  51. 
Wilson,  James,  202  (portrait). 
Wilson,  Woodrow,  quoted,  394. 

portrait,  2. 

elected  to  presidency,  538. 

character  and  policies,  541  and  n. 

party  and  business  policies,  542. 
Wilson  (Gorman)  tariff  (1894),  477. 
Wilson,  W.  H.,  quoted,  400  n. 
Wisconsin,  334. 
Witchcraft,  116,  117. 
Wolfe,  General  James,  99. 
Woman,  legal  position  of,  329,  571. 
Woman  suffrage,  571. 
Writs  of  assistance,  134-135,  145. 
Wyoming,  572. 
Wyoming  Valley,  73,  178. 

"X.Y.Z."  letters,  244. 

YALE  College,  120. 
"Yazoo  claims,"  195. 
Yeardley,  Governor,  43. 
York,  Duke  of,  sec  James  II. 
Yorktown,  capture  of,  182,  408. 
Yuan  Shi  Kai,  520. 

ZENGER  case  (free  press),  120. 


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of  citizenship."  —  Journal  of  Education* 

"The  book,  while  intended  as  a  text-book,  is  thoroughly  interesting,  as 
well  as  instructive,  and  will  do  as  well  for  general  reading  as  for  class  work. 
It  is  especially  valuable  in  the  number  of  its  references." —  St.  Paul  Dispatch. 

"  I  have  examined  the  book  and  am  frank  to  say  that  it  is  the  most  com- 
plete book  on  its  subject  that  I  have  yet  examined  for  class  work.  The  maps, 
illustrations,  and  appended  bibliography  are  very  commendable  features. 
As  this  is  the  text  adopted  by  the  West  High  School,  it  will  be  the  text  in 
use  here."  —  E.  P.  REYNOLDS,  Principal  East  High  School,  Jackson,  Mich. 

*  I  have  examined  the  book  with  great  interest,  and  think  that  for  scope, 
clearness,  and  general  interest   't  can  hardly  be  surpassed.     The  young  man 
or  woman  who  studies  this  book  cannot  fail  to  be  a  better  American  citizen 
after  having  completed  the  same."  —  CHARLES  S.  CHAPMAN,  Vice-Chairman 
Boara  of  Education^  Waterbury,  Conn. 

"In  my  opinion,  it  is  the  most  comprehensive  and  concise  work  wit) 
which  I  am  acquainted."  —  Miss  L.  EPPS,  High  School,  Athol,  Mass. 


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66  FIFTH  AVENUE.  NEW  YORK 


American  Government  and  Politics 
BY  CHARLES  A.  BEARD 

Associate  Professor  of  Politics  in  Columbia  Unirersity 
New  and  Revised  Edition,  Cloth,  crown  8vo,  index,  $2.10 

A  work  designed  primarily  for  college  students,  but  of  considerable  interest 
to  the  general  reader.  Full  attention  has  been  paid  to  topics  that  have  been 
forced  into  public  attention  by  the  political  conditions  of  the  present  time. 
A  special  feature  is  the  page  references  made  to  the  author's  "  Readings  in 
American  Government  and  Politics." 

In  this  revised  edition  the  author  has  recorded  the  leading  changes  of  the 
last  four  years,  with  special  emphasis  on  local  tendencies  and  general  prin- 
ciples. 

"  The  great  merit  of  the  work  is  its  absence  of  dogmatism.  It  gives  ex- 
actly what  it  pretends  to  give,  a  clear,  scholarly  review,  first  of  the  history  of 
our  political  system  and  secondly  of  its  practical  operation.  .  .  .  The  book 
can  be  highly  recommended."  —  The  Nation. 

"  The  citizen  who  gives  it  a  careful  reading  will  arise  from  it  a  better  citi- 
zen. ...  It  is,  in  brief,  a  truly  notable  book,  and  one  that  was  long  needed." 
—  Baltimore  Sun. 

Readings  in  American  Government  and  Politics 

New  and  Revised  Edition,  Cloth,  crown  8vo,  $1.90 

A  collection  of  interesting  material  illustrative  of  the  different  periods  in 
the  history  of  the  United  States,  prepared  for  those  students  who  desire  to 
study  source  writings. 

The  author  has  brought  the  work  abreast  of  current  questions  by  adding 
extracts  from  the  party  platform  of  1912  and  selections  illustrating  presidential 
preference  primaries,  changes  in  the  procedure  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, the  recall,  and  the  recall  of  judicial  decisions.  The  Constitution,  with 
the  latest  amendments,  has  been  included. 

"The  volume  will  be  useful  as  a  textbook  and  convenient  for  reference  by 
those  who  wish  to  have  an  intelligent  conception  of  our  political  life  an'd 
history."  —  Education. 

"The  book  affords  a  very  valuable  adjunct  to  the  work  of  instruction  in 
American  history  and  political  science."  —  The  Dial. 

"  The  work  is  well  planned  and  well  executed."  —  The  Nation. 


THE   MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Publishers  64-66  Fifth  Avenue  New  York 


A  NEW  HIGH  SCHOOL  TEXT  IN  ECONOMICS 

Elements  of  Economics  for  High  Schools 

BY  HENRY  REED  BURCH,  PH.D. 

Director  of  the  School  of  Commerce  in  the  West  Philadelphia  High  School  for  Boys 

AND 

SCOTT  NEARING,  PH.D. 

Instructor  in  Economics  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia 
Cloth,  12mo,  xvi  +  363  pages,  $1.00 

This  book  is  written  for  the  high  school  course  in  Economics  from  the 
high  school  standpoint.  It  is  live,  concrete,  and  suggestive,  and  it  will  ap- 
peal to  the  high  school  student  as  no  book  prepared  from  a  different  point  of 
view  can  do. 

The  Burch  and  Nearing  text  is,  moreover,  thoroughly  American  and  thor- 
oughly up-to-date.  Here  we  find  a  live  treatment  of  such  vital  questions  as 
the  conservation  of  natural  resources,  the  problems  of  immigration,  the  trust 
and  the  railroad,  the  effects  of  monopoly  on  price,  and  finally,  the  various  ex- 
periments and  programs  of  economic  reform  embracing  such  movements  as 
profit-sharing,  government  regulation,  and  the  socialization  of  land  and 
capital. 

While  economic  principles  are  given  proper  emphasis  and  careful  treat- 
ment, the  beginner  is  not  lost  in  a  maze  of  theory.  The  book  is  filled  with 
living  realities. 

Professor  J.  Lynn  Barnard  of  the  School  of  Pedagogy,  Philadelphia,  says : 
"  I  consider  this  book  remarkable  for  its  clearness,  simplicity,  and  inclusive- 
ness."  This  clearness  of  thought  and  simplicity  of  expression  are  apparent 
even  in  the  discussion  of  such  abstract  phases  of  the  subject  as  value,  price, 
and  the  theories  of  distribution.  Throughout  the  whole  book  a  sound  and 
thorough  comprehension  of  economic  principles  has  been  combined  with  such 
simplicity  of  treatment  as  to  fit  the  work  especially  for  high  school  conditions. 

From  a  pedagogical  standpoint,  a  distinctive  and  admirable  feature  of  this 
text  book  is  the  outline  preceding  each  chapter  and  the  marginal  notes 
throughout  the  chapter  corresponding  to  the  topics  in  the  outline.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  conceive  of  a  method  of  presentation  more  conducive  to  logical  study» 
clearness  of  thought,  and  ease  of  comprehension. 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

Publishers  64-66  Fifth  Avenue  New  York 


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